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Articles

Jerusalem as the Travelling City of God: Henry of Albano and the Preaching of the Third CrusadeFootnote

Alexander MarxUniversität [email protected]
Pages 83-120 | Published online: 17 Feb 2023

  • On the events see Christopher J. Tyerman, God’s War: A New History of the Crusades (London, 2007), 366–74; John France, Hattin (Oxford, 2015), 64–104. On the cross as a battle-standard see Alan Murray, “‘Mighty against the Enemies of Christ’: The Relic of the True Cross in the Armies of the Kingdom of Jerusalem,” in Crusade Sources, 217–38. On the cross relic(s) see also Nikolas Jaspert, “The True Cross of Jerusalem in the Latin West: Mediterranean Connections and Institutional Agency,” in Visual Constructs of Jerusalem, ed. Bianca Kühnel and Galit Noga-Banai (Turnhout, 2014), 207–22.
  • The news arrived at some point early in 1188, but the exact date is unknown. See Helen Birkett, “News in the Middle Ages: News, Communications, and the Launch of the Third Crusade in 1187– 1188,” Viator 49/3 (2018): 23–61.
  • See, e.g., Alberic of Trois-Fontaines, Chronica, ed. Georg Heinrich Pertz, MGH SS 23:748; Roger of Howden, Chronica, ed. William Stubbs (London, 1869), 2:322; cf. Sylvia Schein, Gateway to the Heavenly City. Crusader Jerusalem and the Catholic West, 1099–1187 (Aldershot, 2005), 162.
  • Cited in Historia de Expeditione Friderici Imperatoris, in Quellen zur Geschichte des Kreuzzuges Kaiser Friedrichs I, ed. Anton Chroust, MGH SS rer. Germ. N.S. 5 (Berlin, 1928), 6–10. On the different versions see Thomas W. Smith, “Audita Tremendi and the Call for the Third Crusade Reconsidered, 1187–1188,” Viator 49/3 (2018): 63–101 (78 for the version cited).
  • On Peter see Alexander Marx, “The Passio Raginaldi of Peter of Blois: Martyrdom and Eschatology in the Preaching of the Third Crusade,” Viator 50/3 (2019): 197–232; John Cotts, “The Exegesis of Violence in the Crusade Writings of Ralph Niger and Peter of Blois,” in The Uses of the Bible in Crusader Sources, ed. Elizabeth Lapina and Nicholas Morton (Leiden, 2017), 273–94; John Cotts, The Clerical Dilemma: Peter of Blois and Literate Culture in the Twelfth Century (Washington, DC, 2009), passim, esp. 218–30.
  • Henry of Albano, De peregrinante civitate Dei, [hereafter DPCD] PL 204:251–402 (350–61 for the crusading treatise); preserved in the manuscript Troyes, Bibliothèque Municipale, MS 509, fols. 93v–177v (150r–156r for the crusading treatise). For discussions of the work see Christopher J. Tyerman, How to Plan a Crusade: Reason and Religious War in the High Middle Ages (London, 2015), 114–18; Penny J. Cole, The Preaching of the Crusades to the Holy Land, 1095 – 1270 (Cambridge MA, 1991), 65–71; Jean Flori, Prêcher la croisade. XIe – XIIIe siècle. Communication et propagande (Paris, 2012), 157–62; Jay Rubenstein, Nebuchadnezzar’s Dream: The Crusades, Apocalyptic Prophecy, and the End of History (Oxford, 2019), 176–78; Yves Congar, “Eglise et Cité de Dieu chez quelques auteurs cisterciens à l’époque des Croisades: en particulier dans le De Peregrinante Civitate Dei d’Henri d’Albano,” in Mélanges offerts à Etienne Gilson de l’Académie française, ed. Callistus Edie (Toronto, 1959), 173–202.
  • For a more extensive analysis, comparing Henry with other preachers of the Third Crusade, see Alexander Marx, “Die Predigt des Dritten Kreuzzuges (1187–92). Religiöse Gewalt im Schatten der Exegese” (PhD thesis, University of Vienna, 2019), passim, esp. 49–55, 283–333, 376–79.
  • For more data on these cohesions, beyond the textual analyses, see Appendices II and III below.
  • See recent work like Philippe Buc, Holy War, Martyrdom, and Terror: Christianity, Violence, and the West (Philadelphia, 2015), 64–111; Cecilia Gaposchkin, Invisible Weapons. Liturgy and the Making of Crusade Ideology (Ithaca, 2017); Christian Hofreiter, Making Sense of Old Testament Genocide: Christian Interpretations of Herem Passages (Oxford, 2018); Jessalynn L. Bird, “Preaching the Crusades and the Liturgical Year: The Palm Sunday Sermons,” Essays in Medieval Studies 30 (2014): 11–36; Jessalynn L. Bird, “Rogations, Litanies, and Crusade Preaching: The Liturgical Front in the Late Twelfth and Early Thirteenth Centuries,” in Papacy, Crusade, and Christian–Muslim Relations, ed. Jessalynn L. Bird (Amsterdam, 2018), 155–93.
  • Schein, Gateway, 159–87. Schein focuses on Jerusalem’s loss. On the reaction to Hattin and the loss of the cross see Penny J. Cole, “Christian Perceptions of the Battle of Hattin (583/1187),” Al-Masāq 6 (1993): 9–39.
  • Henry sometimes appears with one of these attributions. He is also labelled Henry of Marcy, signifying his origin. Cf. Yves Congar, “Henri de Marcy, abbé de Clairvaux, cardinal-éveque d’Albano et légat pontifical,” Analecta monastica 5 (1958): 1–90.
  • Henry of Albano, Ep.1, PL 204:215–16. On this crusade see Jonathan Phillips, Defenders of the Holy Land: Relations between the Latin East and the West, 1119–1187 (Oxford, 1996), 240–42.
  • On Henry’s involvement in the anti-heretical expeditions see Beverly Mayne Kienzle, Cistercians, Heresy and Crusade in Occitania, 1145–1229: Preaching in the Lord’s Vineyard (Woodbridge, 2001), 109–34; Congar, “Henri de Marcy,” 12–41. On contemporary activities in Paris see Jessalynn L. Bird, “Paris Masters and the Justification of the Albigensian Crusade,” Crusades 6 (2007): 117–55.
  • In total, 38 times with Lucius III, 40 times with Urban III, and twice with Gregory VIII. See Lucius III, Epistolae, PL 201:1160–1374; Urban III, Epistolae, PL 202:1332–1523; Gregory VIII, Epistolae, PL 202:1545, 1548. See also Congar, “Henri de Marcy,” 41.
  • See Alberic of Trois-Fontaines, Chronica, ed. Pertz, MGH SS 23:860–61; Epistolae Cantuarienses, ed. William Stubbs, 2 vols. (London, 1865), 2:108; cf. Congar, “Henri de Marcy,” 43; Cole, Preaching, 66.
  • See, e.g., Gestorum Treverorum Continuatio, MGH SS 24:388; Chronica Andrensis, MGH SS 24:719; Continuatio Zwetlensis Altera, MGH SS 9:543; Annales Colonienses Maximi, MGH SS 17:793; Caesarius of Heisterbach, Dialogus Miraculorum 4.79, ed. Nikolaus Nösges (Turnhout, 2009), 872–74. On the preaching tour see Ina Friedländer, Die päpstlichen Legaten in Deutschland und Italien am Ende des XII. Jahrhunderts (1181–1198) (Berlin, 1928), 39–45.
  • See Henry of Albano, Ep.32, PL 204:250; Historia de Expeditione, ed. Chroust, 14–15; Historia Peregrinorum, in Quellen zur Geschichte des Kreuzzuges Kaiser Friedrichs I., ed. Chroust, 122–26. See also Josef Fleckenstein, “Friedrich Barbarossa und das Rittertum. Zur Bedeutung der großen Mainzer Hoftage von 1184 und 1188,” in Festschrift für Hermann Heimpel zum 70. Geburtstag (Göttingen, 1972), 2:1023–41. Henry brags that numerous people have taken the cross from him. Henry of Albano, DPCD 13, PL 204:357.
  • On his life see Congar, “Eglise,” 181–82; Congar, “Henri de Marcy”; Cassandra Elizabeth Chideock, “Henry of Marcy, Heresy and the Crusade, 1177–1189” (PhD thesis, University of Cambridge, 2001), 30–50.
  • Congar, “Eglise,” 173–202; cf. Congar, “Henri de Marcy,” 77–90. See also Chideock, “Henry of Marcy,” passim, who deals with Henry’s ideas about legitimate force and just cause.
  • See, e.g., Buc, Holy War, 260–61; Anne Bysted, The Crusade Indulgence: Spiritual Rewards and the Theology of the Crusades, c. 1095–1216 (Leiden, 2015), 258–60; Jaspert, “The True Cross,” 211; Valmar Cramer, “Kreuzpredigt und Kreuzzugsgedanken von Bernhard von Clairvaux bis Humbert von Romans,” Das Heilige Land 1 (1939): 79–88.
  • Congar, “Eglise,” 200; in agreement Chideock, “Henry of Marcy,” 19.
  • Bibliotheca Patrum Cisterciensium, ed. Bertrand Tissier, 8 vols. (Bonnefont, 1660), 3:1–69.
  • Troyes BM 509, fols. 93v–177v; cf. Congar, “Henri de Marcy,” 43. For the history of its conservation, see André Vernet, La bibliothèque de l’Abbaye de Clairvaux du XIIe au XVIIIe siècle, 2 vols. (Paris, 1979), 1:461–62, 665, 708, 857. It also contains the Dialogus by Petrus Alfonsi (fols. 1r–57v) and the Liber de cardinalibus Christi operibus by Ernald of Bonneval (fols. 58r–93v).
  • If there are no remarks, the two versions coincide. As to quotations, I cite the Patrologia Latina, refer to both versions in the footnote, and note deviations in square brackets, using the following symbols: (a) “><” the manuscript changes the word before the symbol with the word following; (b) “+” the manuscript adds the following word or phrase.
  • Henry of Albano, DPCD (Prologue), PL 204:251; Troyes BM 509, fol. 93v. The text reads in both versions: “Charissimis ac spiritualibus filiis suis in Claravalle Domino servientibus.” The contemporary Chronicon Clarevallense names the same audience for the work: “Albanensis episcopus, domnus cardinalis Henricus, quemdam tractatum ad suos Clarevallenses edidit”: Chronicon Clarevallense, PL 185:1251–52.
  • It has been suggested that it was a kind of commentary on Ps. 86. Cf. Congar, “Eglise,” 182–83; Congar, “Henri de Marcy,” 56; Chideock, “Henry of Marcy,” 13. Ps. 86 is indeed important to develop Henry’s vision of Jerusalem; however, the work’s structure does not resemble a biblical commentary, usually organized according to the structure of the biblical text. See Appendix II below. On Ps. 86 see the section “Knocking at the Gates of Heaven.”
  • Cf. Congar, “Eglise,” 182–83; Congar, “Henri de Marcy,” 57; Chideock, “Henry of Marcy,” 13–15, 19. The rest of the work is dated between 1182 and 1189, but, as Congar noted, we lack explicit evidence on this.
  • See Tyerman, God’s War, 392–94; Reinhold Röhricht, “Die Rüstungen des Abendlandes zum dritten großen Kreuzzuge,” Historische Zeitschrift 34 (1875): 1–73, esp. 20–25.
  • On the work’s structure and contents see Appendix II and specifically for the crusading treatise the summary in Appendix I below.
  • Congar, “Eglise,” 183; Congar, “Henri de Marcy,” 56–57, who characterized it as a fragment of a De ecclesiasticis officiis treatise. On the relevance of such treatises for crusade preaching see Bird, “Preaching the Crusades,” 27; Bird, “Rogations,” 156.
  • Cf. Congar, “Henri de Marcy,” 56. The only titles present, apart from the work’s title itself, are two subtitles in treatise I, which are also in the Patrologia Latina, plus another subtitle within the same treatise (De cemento quod manu pontificis in consecratione altaris), which is not in the edition. Troyes BM 509, fols. 96v; 97r; 97v.
  • For a tabular presentation of these cohesions see Appendix III below.
  • See the sections “Reacting to the Loss of Jerusalem” and “Travelling to the Heavenly Jerusalem.”
  • See the section “Knocking at the Gates of Heaven.”
  • See the sections “Knocking at the Gates of Heaven” and “Travelling to the Heavenly Jerusalem.”
  • For a discussion of virga in both Henry’s work and sermons of the Third Crusade see Marx, “Die Predigt,” 207–9, 332, 376–82. The equation of virga and the True Cross is omnipresent after 1187. On such typologies see also Christopher Matthew Phillips, “The Typology of the Cross and Crusade Preaching,” in Crusading in Art, Thought, and Will, ed. Matthew Parker and Ben Halliburton (Leiden, 2018), 166–85. On the Holy Land as the Christians’ heritage see Marx, “Die Predigt,” 353–62; Valentin Portnykh, “‘L’argument vassalique’ au service de la prédication des croisades en Terre Sainte (fin XIIe– XIIIe siècles),” Medieval Sermon Studies 61 (2017): 59–72; Miikka Tamminen, Crusade Preaching and the Ideal Crusader (Turnhout, 2018), 98–108; Cole, Preaching, 105, 134, 197; Flori, Prêcher, 205, 233, 267, 331.
  • Henry of Albano, DPCD 4, PL 204:285; discussed by Congar, “Eglise,” 187.
  • To think of crusade sermons as mere propagandistic mobilization speeches is a misguiding modern notion. In agreement with this see Cole, Preaching, 175; Bird, “Rogations,” 155–93; Jessalynn L. Bird, “Heresy, Crusade and Reform in the Circle of Peter the Chanter, c. 1187–c. 1240” (PhD thesis, University of Oxford, 2001), 120–83; Beverly Mayne Kienzle, “Preaching the Cross: Liturgy and Crusade Propaganda,” in Preaching and Political Society. From Late Antiquity to the End of the Middle Ages, ed. Franco Morenzoni (Turnhout, 2013), 37. On the fundamental role of the liturgy see Gaposchkin, Invisible Weapons. I am grateful to Jessalynn Bird for sharing her unpublished PhD thesis with me.
  • For a list of relevant letters, see Birkett, “News in the Middle Ages,” 32–33.
  • For an analysis as to the Third Crusade in general, see Marx, “Die Predigt,” 246–386; see also Marx, “The Passio Raginaldi,” 197–232. For innovative approaches, see Nikolas Jaspert, “Das Heilige Grab, das Wahre Kreuz, Jerusalem und das Heilige Land. Wirkung, Wandel und Vermittler hochmittelalterlicher Attraktoren,” in Konflikt und Bewältigung. Die Zerstörung der Grabeskirche zu Jerusalem im Jahre 1009, ed. Thomas Pratsch (Berlin, 2011), 67–96. On Jerusalem between 1099 and 1187 see Schein, Gateway.
  • Birkett’s excellent article emphasizes both the fragmentary nature of the news and the time it needed to travel from East to West: Birkett, “News in the Middle Ages,” 23–61.
  • Sophia Menache, “Emotions in the Service of Politics: Another Perspective on the Experience of Crusading (1095–1187),” in Jerusalem the Golden: The Origins and Impact of the First Crusade, ed. Susan Edgington (Turnhout, 2014), 235–54; John Victor Tolan, Saracens: Islam in the Medieval European Imagination (New York, 2002), xviii.
  • Mette Birkedal Bruun, Parables: Bernard of Clairvaux’s Mapping of Spiritual Topography (Leiden, 2007), 30. See also Bruun, “Bernard of Clairvaux and the Landscape of Salvation,” in A Companion to Bernard of Clairvaux, ed. Brian Patrick McGuire (Leiden, 2011), 249–78.
  • For such a methodological approach, combining narratological theory with idiosyncratic Salvation History, see Alexander Marx, Gerd Micheluzzi, and Kristina Kogler, “Narrare: Reflexionen über die Anwendung von Erzähltheorie auf das Mittelalter,” in Narrare – producere – ordinare. Neue Zugänge zum Mittelalter (Vienna, forthcoming), 9–23. For such an approach in Late Antique Christian communities see Thomas Sizgorich, Violence and Belief in Late Antiquity: Militant Devotion in Christianity and Islam (Philadelphia, 2009), 49, 69. On narrativity in crusade chronicles see Marcus G. Bull, Eyewitness and Crusade Narrative. Perception and Narration in Accounts of the Second, Third and Fourth Crusades (Woodbridge, 2018).
  • Cassian, Collationes 14.8, PL 49:964; cf. Henri de Lubac, Exégèse médiévale: Les quatre sens de l’écriture, 2 vols. (Paris, 1959), 1:643–48; Congar, “Eglise,” 180; Jean Flori, “Jérusalem terrestre, céleste et spirituelle. Trois facteurs de sacralisation de la première croisade,” in Jerusalem the Golden, ed. Edgington, 25–50.
  • Cf. Schein, Gateway, 96, 109–15, 190; Jaspert, “Das Heilige Grab,” 83; Philippe Buc, L’empreinte du Moyen Age: la guerre sainte (Avignon, 2012), 33. John Beleth (later twelfth century) provides a kind of update of Cassian: he identifies the terrestrial Jerusalem as the city where the soldiers and pilgrims go (de ea civitate ad quam pergunt hospites et peregrini). John Beleth, De ecclesiasticis officiis, ed. Herbert Douteil, CCCM 41A (Turnhout, 1976), 212–13; cf. Gaposchkin, Invisible Weapons, 32–33.
  • Cf. Cole, Preaching, 113–14; David d’Avray, The Preaching of the Friars: Sermons Diffused from Paris Before 1300 (Oxford, 1985), 7, 104–31.
  • Seminal approaches have been developed by Jessalynn Bird: she discusses the potential of Palm Sunday and Good Friday sermons for crusade preaching. See Bird, “Preaching the Crusades,” 11–36; Jessalynn L. Bird, “‘Far be it from Me to Glory Save in the Cross of Our Lord Jesus Christ (Gal. 6:14)’: Crusade Preaching and Sermons for Good Friday and Holy Week,” in Crusading in Art, ed. Parker, 129–65.
  • According to Cramer and Birkett, Henry sent this letter to the council at Strasburg (December 1187) prior to his own arrival in the Empire. Cramer, “Kreuzpredigt,” 73; Birkett, “News in the Middle Ages,” 44–45. See also Walther Holtzmann, “Quellen und Forschungen zur Geschichte Friedrich Barbarossas,” Neues Archiv der Gesellschaft für ältere deutsche Geschichtskunde 48 (1930): 409–13.
  • London, British Library, MS Add 24145, fols. 76v–77r. Among them is Henry’s crusading call to the German nobility, published in the Patrologia Latina as Ep.32 (fol. 78r), also cited in Historia de Expeditione, ed. Chroust, 11–13. It was written prior to the great Curia Christi in Mainz, in order to assemble potential crusaders. See Henry of Albano, Ep.32, PL 204:250.
  • “Flebiliter heu casus ille tristis et inopinatus eventus, quo sanctuarium domini datum est in manus gentium, et terra illa sancta in qua steterunt pedes domini nefandorum spurcitiis patet et direptionibus paganorum, non solum patris et domini nostri mentem, verum etiam fratrum nostrorum corda movet eatenus et excitat ad dolorem.” BL Add 24145, fol. 77r.
  • On this passage and its use of Job 9.24 see Alexander Marx, “Constructing and Denying the Enemy: Cistercian Approaches to Preaching the Third Crusade (1187–92),” Cîteaux 70 (2019): 47–69, at 58. Henry uses a similar formulation in the Ep.32: “Quis terram illam sanctam, quam redemptioni nostre ipsi dedicarunt pedes domini, spurcitiis paganorum non doleat exponi?” Historia de Expeditione, ed. Chroust, 11. On Ps. 131.7 see Nikolas Jaspert, “‘Wo seine Füße standen’ (Ubi steterunt pedes eius). Jerusalemsehnsucht und andere Motivationen mittelalterlicher Kreuzfahrer,” in Die Kreuzzüge: kein Krieg ist heilig, ed. Hans-Jürgen Kotzur (Mainz, 2004), 172–85.
  • Cf. Flori, “Jérusalem terrestre,” 26.
  • Henry of Albano, DPCD 6, PL 204:298–304, esp. 298–99.
  • Henri de Lubac, Corpus mysticum. L’eucharistie et l’église au moyen âge (Paris, 1949); Ernst Kantorowicz, The King’s Two Bodies: A Study in Medieval Political Theology (Princeton, 2016), 194– 206. For Henry’s discussions of the Eucharist see Henry of Albano, DPCD 6, PL 204:302–3.
  • Bibliorum Sacrorum cum Glossa Ordinaria, 6 vols. (Venice, 1603), 3:1469–70; cf. Glossa ordinaria (Ps. 131), in Glossae Scripturae Sacrae electronicae, ed. Martin Morard (IRHT-CNRS, 2016–18), consultation 12/07/2021 (URL: http://gloss-e.irht.cnrs.fr/php/editions_chapitre.php?livre=../sources/editions/GLOSS-liber26_8.xml&chapitre=26_8_131). On the Gloss see Kevin L. Hughes, Constructing Antichrist: Paul, Biblical Commentary, and the Development of Doctrine in the Early Middle Ages (Washington DC, 2005), 207–10; Margaret Templeton Gibson, “The Place of the ‘Glossa ordinaria’ in Medieval Exegesis,” in “Artes” and Bible in the Medieval West (Aldershot, 1993), 5–27. See also Hofreiter, Making Sense, 97–105.
  • Cf., e.g., Peter of Blois, Sermo 11, PL 207:595–96; Sermo 39, PL 207:678.
  • “Primo igitur terrenae Jerusalem ruinam deploret, licet eam spiritualis Jerusalem ruina praecesserit; nec terrenae ulla nocuisset adversitas, nisi prius dominata fuisset iniquitas Jerusalem spirituali. […] Temporalem igitur visibilis Jerusalem casum in persona Ecclesiae deploremus qui membra Ecclesiae digni habiti sumus; et patienti uni Ecclesiae membro compati [Troyes 509: >< compatienti] et condolere, imo ipsam vim doloris non minus quam ipsum quod patitur membrum, sentire, si vera sumus membra, debemus.” Henry of Albano, DPCD 13, PL 204:351–52; Troyes BM 509, fol. 150v.
  • On the explanation of peccatis nostris exigentibus see Schein, Gateway, 170–74; Gaposchkin, Invisible Weapons, 194, 208–19. On divine signa see Henry of Albano, DPCD 1, PL 204:261; Congar, “Eglise,” 200. On divine agency in the crusades see now Beth C. Spacey, The Miraculous and the Writing of Crusade Narrative (Woodbridge, 2020).
  • Cf. Henry of Albano, DPCD 13, PL 204:360. See also Historia Peregrinorum, ed. Chroust, 123, quoting a crusade sermon by bishop Henry of Strasburg.
  • Henry of Albano, DPCD 1, PL 204:259. The passage reads: “Quod manifeste cernimus in Threnis Jeremiae, quos quadruplici distinguens alphabeto, unum ad ruinam terrenae Jerusalem, reliqua ad triplicem Ecclesiae casum direxisse videtur.” After this follow references to Jerusalem’s earlier conquests (Persian, Greek, Roman).
  • “Sed voluit divini consilii inscrutabilis altitudo, quaedam visibilia sancta Christianis conferre, quae visibilium sectatores, qui ad invisibilia Sancta sanctorum non conscenderunt, visibiliter intuentes, scalam sibi ad invisibilia facerent. […] Sancta haec intelligit, quisquis se intelligit crucem Domini et sepulcrum. Haec non solum ultima hac aetate sunt Christianis exhibita, sed praecedentibus aetatibus multifarie multisque modis a patriarchis [Troyes 509: + et prophetis] praevisa sunt et prophetata. E quibus unus Isaias sic ait: Erit sepulcrum ejus gloriosum. Et alibi: Locum, ait, pedum meorum glorificabo.” Henry of Albano, DPCD 13, PL 204:353; Troyes BM 509, fol. 151r–v.
  • The impetus points clearly towards the holy places. Yet, Henry designates in more general terms “visible things” which may include the cross and other relics.
  • On such notions in Bernard of Clairvaux’s writings see Schein, Gateway, 129–30; Kristin Skottki, “‘Until the Full Number of Gentiles Has Come In’: Exegesis and Prophecy in St. Bernard’s Crusade-Related Writings,” in Uses of the Bible, ed. Lapina and Morton, 248–51. The image of a ladder comes from Gen. 28.12, where Jacob sees in a dream the angels descending from and ascending to heaven.
  • Henry of Albano, DPCD 1, PL 204:261–62; Troyes BM 509, fol. 98r–v. The passage reads: “Quia quandiu sumus in corpore, peregrinamur a Domino, et quandiu militia est hominis super terram, visibilium signorum scala ad invisibilia necesse habemus uti, secundum quod Apostolus ait: Invisibilia Dei per ea quae facta sunt intellecta conspiciuntur a creatura mundi.” For discussions of this passage, see Marx, “Die Predigt,” 204–5, 327–28; Giles Constable, “The Cross of the Crusaders,” in Crusaders and Crusading in the Twelfth Century (Farnham, 2008), 62–64. See also Henry of Albano, DPCD 6, PL 204:302–3; 7, PL 204:305.
  • Henry of Albano, DPCD 2, PL 204:267. It reads: “Inde est, quod imperfectos et adhuc visibilia sectantes videmus exteriora fortius operari, ac duriora sustinere perfectis, quoniam qui minoratur actu, percipiet sapientiam; nec debent filii sponsi lugere, quandiu cum ipsis est sponsus. Lugeant et circumeant civitatem, qui quaerunt, et non inveniunt eum.”
  • See Gaposchkin, Invisible Weapons, 118–21; Kristin Skottki, “Vom ‘Schrecken Gottes’ zur Bluttaufe. Gewalt und Visionen auf dem Ersten Kreuzzug nach dem Zeugnis des Raimund d’Aguilers,” in Gewalterfahrung und Prophetie, ed. Peter Buschel and Christoph Marx (Vienna, 2013), 474, 481–84.
  • For this interconnectivity in Henry’s work, see also Cramer, “Kreuzpredigt,” 81; Flori, Prêcher, 159. On the Sepulchre see also Henry of Albano, DPCD 6, PL 204:300–301; 12, PL 204:344.
  • Is. 11.10; 60.13. The first is a typical verse in eschatological prophecies. Cf. Schein, Gateway, 147. On Is. 11.10 see also Cole, Preaching, 50; Gaposchkin, Invisible Weapons, 149, 153.
  • Glossa Ordinaria, 4:145–46 says: “Nonne tibi venerabilius videtur sepulchrum domini? Quod quotiescunque ingredimur, toties iacere in syndone cernimus Salvatorem.” This gloss is absent in the electronic edition. Glossa ordinaria (Is. 11), in Glossae, ed. Morard, consultation 12/07/2021 (URL: http://gloss-e.irht.cnrs.fr/php/editions_chapitre.php?livre=../sources/editions/GLOSS-liber33.xml&chapitre=33_11).
  • Such transmissions of monastic concepts had already happened when Benedictine chroniclers were busy with shaping the memory of the First Crusade. See Gaposchkin, Invisible Weapons, 34–35; William Purkis, Crusading Spirituality in the Holy Land and Iberia, c. 1095–c. 1187 (Woodbridge, 2008), 12–58.
  • See Congar, “Eglise,” 198; Schein, Gateway, 123, 130, 190–92.
  • Henry of Albano, DPCD 13, PL 204:351–52, 358, 360.
  • See Buc, Holy War, 64–111; Hofreiter, Making Sense, 168–70, 189–94, 247–51; Cotts, “The Exegesis,” 279.
  • See Jean Daniélou, Sacramentum futuri: études sur les origines de la typologie biblique (Paris, 1950), 233–45. Cf. e.g. Henry of Albano, DPCD 6, PL 204:300.
  • On the conception of the monastery see, e.g., Congar, “Eglise,” 175–78; Schein, Gateway, 128–30, 190. On the terrestrial Jerusalem see, e.g., Gaposchkin, Invisible Weapons, 35.
  • Bruun, “Bernard of Clairvaux and the Landscape of Salvation,” 249–78.
  • “Has principales portas quatuor existimo praecipua Dei sacramenta, per quae diversa hominum genera velut quidam ipsius civitatis cives, secundum varia officia diversos habent exitus et ingressus. Quidam enim intrant civitatem ab oriente ad commorandum, quidam ab occidente exeunt ad transmigrandum. Et quia duplicem aciem producit mundus contra milites Christi, blandiens ut decipiat, terrens ut frangat: exire non cessent [Troyes 509: >< cessant] strenuissimi et ad bella doctissimi nostrae civitatis milites contra adversarios suos dimicaturi. […] Porta igitur ab oriente sacramentum est baptismatis, per quod in civitatem intratur, et ipsius civis, quisquis recte intrat, ascribitur. Bene autem porta haec dicitur orientalis, vel quia primo per hanc visitavit mundum Oriens ex alto, cum baptizato in Jordane Domino, cui nomen est Oriens aperti sunt coeli […].” Henry of Albano, DPCD 5, PL 204:296; Troyes BM 509, fol. 117v.
  • See also Henry of Albano, DPCD 2, PL 204:266. He further elaborates on the sacrament of baptism in DPCD 6, PL 204:300–302. Contemporary accounts see the Jordan River as both the spiritual entry into the church (via baptism) and the literal gateway to the city in Palestine. See, e.g., Bernard of Clairvaux, De laude novae militiae, in Sämtliche Werke, ed. Gerhard Winkler, 10 vols. (Innsbruck, 1990–99), 1:298; Peter of Blois, Sermo 19, PL 207:616; Sermo 32, PL 207:655; Lucius III, Ep.182, PL 201:1312.
  • On the relationship of spiritual and physical warfare see also Henry of Albano, DPCD 9, PL 204:323–25. On the intertwinement of spiritual and physical enemies see Buc, Holy War, 91–105; Tolan, Saracens, 43–50; Gaposchkin, Invisible Weapons, 61–64, 142.
  • “Sion enim speculatio dicitur, quia jam non figurarum umbris [Troyes 509: + obscuratur], sed per sacramentorum veritatem velut per quasdam portas, adhuc tamen clausas, futurae suae beatitudinis gloriam speculatur.” Henry of Albano, DPCD 5, PL 204:297–98; Troyes BM 509, fol. 118v.
  • See also Henry of Albano, DPCD 5, PL 204:295, where he calls his audience to knock at heaven’s doors, to procure that they open. On Zion, related to contemplation and the visio Dei, see also DPCD 6, PL 204:298–99.
  • See Henry of Albano, DPCD (Prologue), PL 204:254.
  • Bird, “Preaching the Crusades,” 19; Constable, “The Cross of the Crusaders,” 61.
  • “Cum gloriosa quae gloriose de civitate Domini a David praevisa et a multis regibus et prophetis praedicta et praefigurata noscuntur, tanto jam clarius, quanto vicinius speculamur; et duodecimae portae limina attingentes per eam [Troyes 509: + iam iamque] intrare contendimus […] incomparabiliter majus est quod videtur quam rumor qui auditur, nec jam cum Propheta dicere sufficit: Sicut audivimus, sic vidimus; sed longe ampliora quam audivimus de civitate Domini jam videmus. […] Portae gloriae non tam clausae, quam obstructae reperiuntur. Ipsa denique porta lucis, cujus gloriam paulo ante tam delectabiliter speculabamur; illa, inquam, orientalis porta, per quam civitatem suam illustrare consueverat oriens ex alto, radios suae lucis abscondit.” Henry of Albano, DPCD 13, PL 204:350–51; Troyes BM 509, fol. 150r-v.
  • For the passage on Jerusalem’s conquest see Henry of Albano, DPCD 13, PL 204:351–52. See the discussion in the section “Reacting to the Loss of Jerusalem.” On the connection of Christ’s incarnation and light, conceiving of him as sol, see DPCD 12, PL 204:344, 349, immediately preceding the crusading treatise.
  • The passage, including Ps. 47.9, is mirrored at the beginning of treatise IV. It reads: “Multi reges et prophetae voluerunt videre quae nos videmus, et non viderunt, et audire quae nos audimus et non audierunt. Quidam autem concupierunt videre, sicut dicit Dominus de Abraham: Viderunt et gavisi sunt. Ex his David fuisse credendus est, qui de seipso protestatur in Psalmo dicens: Sicut audivimus, sic vidimus in civitate Dei nostri, Deus fundavit eam in aeternum.” Henry of Albano, DPCD 4, PL 204:283. Ps. 47.9, referring to heaven’s gates, reappears in DPCD 5, PL 204:296; 6, PL 204:304; see also 14, PL 204:365.
  • He does not refer explicitly to 1099, but this is the most plausible possibility, since many contemporaries regarded it as an apocalyptic fulfilment of prophecy. See, e.g., Buc, Holy War, 74–77, 258–61, 278–84.
  • AA, 438; Die Kreuzzugsbriefe aus den Jahren 1088–1100, ed. Heinrich Hagenmeyer (Innsbruck, 1901), no.16, 164; cf. Gaposchkin, Invisible Weapons, 35; Tamminen, Crusade Preaching, 75.
  • Gaposchkin, Invisible Weapons, 154, 267, 281. See also Amnon Linder, “‘Like Purest Gold Resplendent’: The Fiftieth Anniversary of the Liberation of Jerusalem,” Crusades 8 (2009): 31–51.
  • This incorporates several senses of Scripture: (a) he identifies explicitly the earthly city; (b) the twelve gates are a motif from Rev. 21 and thus anagogical; (c) limina, in Medieval Latin, may refer to the church as liturgical and transcendental space. See the entries for limen in Dictionary of Medieval Latin from British Sources, ed. Richard K. Ashdowne and David R. Howlett (Oxford, 2018); Mediae latinitatis lexicon minus, ed. Jan Frederik Niermeyer and Co van de Kieft (Leiden, 2002).
  • Henry characterized the Muslim conquest as temporary (temporalem casum); God would return it, once the Christians have followed his and Henry’s call. Henry of Albano, DPCD 13, PL 204:351–52. See the section “Reacting to the Loss of Jerusalem.”
  • Cf. Congar, “Eglise,” 182–83; Congar, “Henri de Marcy,” 56; Chideock, “Henry of Marcy,” 13.
  • “Jam ergo cum propheta in civitatem intrantes, quid intus audierit quid viderit [Troyes 509: >< videret], ab ipso pariter et cum ipso audiamus. [ch.6/ch.7] Gloriosa dicta sunt de te, civitas Dei. Ex his quae dicta sunt, civitatis Domini virtutum firmitatem, decorem et commoditatem Propheta describente, imo per Prophetam Spiritu sancto revelante, manifeste jam comprehendisse videmur.” Henry of Albano, DPCD 6–7, PL 204:304–5; Troyes BM 509, fols. 122v–123r.
  • Henry of Albano, DPCD 7, PL 204:311.
  • Henry of Albano, DPCD 7, PL 204:311.
  • “Portae gloriae erunt [Troyes 509: >< erant] illae, in quibus non solum a filiis, non solum a viro, sed et ab hostibus tam mirifice, tam gloriose civitas nostra laudabitur.” Henry of Albano, DPCD 7, PL 204:310; Troyes BM 509, fol. 126v.
  • Jay Rubenstein, “Lambert of Saint-Omer and the Apocalyptic First Crusade,” in Remembering the Crusades: Myth, Image, and Identity, ed. Nicholas L. Paul and Suzanne M. Yeager (Baltimore, 2012), 73–75, 85–88; Jay Rubenstein, “Crusade and Apocalypse: History and the Last Days,” Quaestiones medii aevi novae 21 (2016): 177–85; see also Gaposchkin, Invisible Weapons, 148–56.
  • See also Marx, “Die Predigt,” 545–58.
  • Bysted, Indulgence, passim, esp. 222–30, 289.
  • Schein, Gateway, 145–57; Rubenstein, “Crusade and Apocalypse,” 172–75. This localization is omnipresent in the Bible (e.g., John’s Revelation or the Old Testament prophets).
  • Congar, “Eglise,” 188; Hans-Werner Goetz, “Die Rezeption der augustinischen civitas-Lehre in der Geschichtstheologie des 12. Jahrhunderts,” in Vorstellungsgeschichte. Gesammelte Schriften zu Wahrnehmungen, Deutungen und Vorstellungen im Mittelalter, ed. Anna Aurast et al. (Bochum, 2007), 109–11.
  • Buc, Holy War, 74–77, 258–61, 278–84; Buc, “Crusade and Eschatology: Holy War fostered and inhibited,” Mitteilungen des Instituts für Österreichische Geschichtsforschung 125 (2017): 304–39; Schein, Gateway, 118–19, 149–50; Rubenstein, “Lambert of Saint-Omer,” 69–98; Rubenstein, “Crusade and Apocalypse,” 159–88; Jean Flori, L’islam et la fin des temps. L’interprétation prophétique des invasions musulmanes dans la chrétienté médiévale (Paris, 2007), 282–347.
  • Yet, the chronicles contain some eschatological features which have mostly been overlooked. See, e.g., Roger of Howden, Chronica, 3:75–86; already acknowledged in Flori, L’islam, 306–12; Schein, Gateway, 155–57, 169–70. See also Rubenstein, Nebuchadnezzar’s Dream.
  • Such disappointments, rooted in a crusade’s failure and causing changes in outlook, have been discussed in the cases of Bernard of Clairvaux, Gerhoch of Reichersberg, and Otto of Freising. See Buc, “Crusade and Eschatology,” 332–33; Rubenstein, Nebuchadnezzar’s Dream, 129–30, 135–39, 146–49; Hans-Dietrich Kahl, “Crusade Eschatology as Seen by St. Bernard in the Years 1146 to 1148,” in The Second Crusade and the Cistercians, ed. Michael Gervers (New York, 1992), 39–40.
  • On eschatological expectations in the Third Crusade’s preaching see Marx, “Die Predigt,” 519–76; Marx, “The Passio Raginaldi,” 216–24. On eschatological elements in crusade sermons see Cole, Preaching, 195–200; Tamminen, Crusade Preaching, 74–89; Lydia M. Walker, “Living in the Penultimate Age: Apocalyptic Thought in James of Vitry’s ad status Sermons,” in Uses of the Bible, ed. Lapina and Morton, 298–315.
  • For this strategy around the year 1000 see Richard Allen Landes, “The Fear of an Apocalyptic Year 1000: Augustinian Historiography, Medieval and Modern,” Speculum 75 (2000): 97–145, at 105; Richard Allen Landes, Heaven on Earth: The Varieties of the Millennial Experience (Oxford, 2011), 64–67.
  • “Et Dominus elegit te hodie, ut sis ei populus peculiaris, sicut locutus est tibi, et custodias omnia praecepta illius; et faciat te excelsiorem cunctis gentibus quas creavit. Item: Omnis locus quem calcaverit pes vester, vester erit. A deserto, et a Libano, et a flumine magno Euphrate usque ad mare occidentale erunt termini vestri.” Henry of Albano, DPCD 1, PL 204:256.
  • Bird, “Rogations,” 170; Hofreiter, Making Sense, 169–70; Nicholas Morton, Encountering Islam on the First Crusade (Cambridge, 2016), 226–33.
  • Cf. BL Add 24145, fol. 77r; Jaspert, “‘Wo seine Füße standen’,” 172–85. See also Henry of Albano, DPCD 11, PL 204:335.
  • “Et Dominus elegit te hodie, ut sis ei populus peculiaris, et faciat te excelsiorem cunctis gentibus, et possidebitis eas que maiores et fortiores vobis sunt, a deserto et libano et a flumine magno Euphrate usque ad mare occidentale erunt termini vestri.” Troyes BM 509, fol. 95v.
  • This is mirrored in the crusading treatise, with reference to the First Crusade. Henry of Albano, DPCD 13, PL 204:359.
  • The notion of such a final victory over paganism is given throughout biblical prophecies. See Flori, L’islam, 288; Skottki, “Vom ‘Schrecken Gottes’ zur Bluttaufe,” 475–79; Hans-Dietrich Kahl, “‘… Auszujäten von der Erde die Feinde des Christennamens …’ Der Plan zum ‘Wendenkreuzzug’ von 1147 als Umsetzung sibyllinischer Eschatologie,” Jahrbuch für die Geschichte Mittel- und Ostdeutschlands 39 (1990): 133–60.
  • Landes, “The Fear,” 105; Landes, Heaven on Earth, 64–67. See also Rubenstein, Nebuchadnezzar’s Dream, 121–22.
  • Troyes BM 509, fol. 150r–v.
  • Buc, “Crusade and Eschatology,” 310, 334.
  • Troyes BM 509, fol. 126v.
  • Matthew Gabriele, “From Prophecy to Apocalypse: The Verb Tenses of Jerusalem in Robert the Monk’s Historia of the First Crusade,” Journal of Medieval History 42 (2016): 304–16, at 308.
  • See also Appendices I and III below for the omnipresence of this motif.
  • Henry of Albano, DPCD 7, PL 204:305–8. Constantine is explicitly mentioned on other occasions. See DPCD 10, PL 204:327; 13, PL 204:359.
  • Henry of Albano, DPCD 7, PL 204:309.
  • On notions of the enemy in the Third Crusade’s preaching see Marx, “Constructing and Denying the Enemy,” 47–68. See also Henry of Albano, DPCD 9, PL 204:323–325. On medieval interpretations of Old Testament passages, related to pagans and violence, see Hofreiter, Making Sense, 57–197, esp. 167–94.
  • Henry of Albano, DPCD 13, PL 204:350–51. See the section “Knocking at the Gates of Heaven.”
  • Henry of Albano, DPCD 13, PL 204:353.
  • Henry of Albano, DPCD 1, PL 204:256; 4, PL 204:283; 5, PL 204:297–98; 13, PL 204:350–51. See the discussion in the section “Knocking at the Gates of Heaven”; see also Appendices II and III below.
  • Henry of Albano, DPCD 13, PL 204:353. See the discussion in the section “Reacting to the Loss of Jerusalem.”
  • Several contemporaries tell us about pilgrims who were buried before the gates of Jerusalem or created piles of stones to mark their place for the Last Judgment. See, e.g., Otto of Freising, Chronica 8.18, ed. Adolf Hofmeister (Darmstadt, 2011), 622; John of Würzburg, Descriptio terrae sanctae, in R. B. C. Huygens, ed., Peregrinationes tres, CCCM 139 (Turnhout, 1994), 109–10.
  • “[…] et non solum de Christianis, sed et de Christo triumphasse Machometus a suis inique praedicetur. Non enim haec acta sunt, quia Machometus potuit, sed quia Christus voluit, volens dare Christianis occasionem zelandi Domini sui gloriam, vindicandi Patris injuriam et haereditatem propriam vendicandi. Ecce enim tempus acceptabile, quo probati manifesti fiant [Troyes 509: >< fiunt]; quo probet Dominus, qui sint ejus; qui sint ei fideles, qui perfidi; qui filii alieni, qui proprii. Fideles siquidem milites suum regem sequentur, pro suo se rege hostibus incunctanter objicient, malentes pro eo fortiter occumbere, quam segniter fugiendo vitam sibi conferre, ignominiam suo regi inferre.” Henry of Albano, DPCD 13, PL 204:355; Troyes BM 509, fol. 152v.
  • Buc, Holy War, 260–61. See also Bernard of Clairvaux, Ep. 363, ed. Winkler, 3:652–654; discussed by Bysted, The Crusade Indulgence, 242.
  • See Marx, “Constructing and Denying the Enemy,” 65–68.
  • Cf. Bernard of Clairvaux, Ep.363, ed. Winkler, 3:650. Bernard begins this crusade letter with the same expression. See Bysted, The Crusade Indulgence, 236–43, who discusses the concept of tempus acceptabile with regard to penance and the remission of sin. See also Skottki, “‘Until the Full Number of Gentiles Has Come In’,” 252, who, examining Bernard, already recognized the phrase’s eschatological dimension.
  • Cf. Buc, Holy War, 281; Morton, Encountering Islam, 15–16. See also Henry of Albano, DPCD 7, PL 204:308, where he identifies the Christians as filii and cohaeredes, while the pagan Romans, characterized as alieni, serve his argument as a good example for pagan superstition and vainglory.
  • Cf. BL Add 24145, fol. 77v. This is Henry’s letter to Barbarossa, in which he attributes traits of the Last World Emperor to his addressee. Cf. Rubenstein, Nebuchadnezzar’s Dream, 43–48, 179, 193–201; Flori, L’islam, 302–306; Hannes Möhring, Der Weltkaiser der Endzeit. Entstehung, Wandel und Wirkung einer tausendjährigen Weissagung (Stuttgart, 2000), passim, esp. 174.
  • 2 Cor. 6.2 (tempus acceptabile); Lk. 4.18–19 (annum Domini acceptum); Jes. 61.2 (annum placabilis); Lev. 25.10 (annum quinquagesimum); discussed by Bysted, The Crusade Indulgence, 237–38.
  • “[…] statim in obitu fidelis salus datur.” Glossa Ordinaria, 6:399–400; cf. Glossa ordinaria (2 Cor. 6), in Glossae, ed. Morard, consultation 12/07/2021 (URL: http://gloss-e.irht.cnrs.fr/php/editions_chapitre.php?livre=../sources/editions/GLOSS-liber62.xml&chapitre=62_6). 2 Cor. 6.2 is also among the verses which Humbert of Romans lists for crusade preaching: Humbert of Romans, De predicatione crucis, ed. Valentin Portnykh, CCCM 279 (Turnhout, 2018), 117.
  • See esp. Rev. 6.10–11; 17.6. On the causality of crusade, martyrdom, and eschatology see Buc, Holy War, 105–11, 167–73. On martyrdom in the crusades see also Tamminen, Crusade Preaching, 108–201, 283; Jean Flori, “Mort et martyre des guerriers vers 1100. L’exemple de la première croisade,” Cahiers de civilisation médiévale 34/134 (1991): 121–39.
  • Buc, Holy War, 75.
  • In the lines that follow, Henry evokes this notion two more times. Henry of Albano, DPCD 13, PL 204:356–57; see also Ep.32, PL 204:249.
  • Henry of Albano, DPCD 13, PL 204:357.
  • On ideas of providential human agency see Buc, Holy War, 253–61; Gerd Althoff, “Selig sind, die Verfolgung ausüben”: Päpste und Gewalt im Hochmittelalter (Darmstadt, 2013), 135–36, 139–40, 146.
  • See Buc, Holy War, 75–76, 278–84. Buc formulated this concept for the First Crusade’s aftermath, when people realized that the Apocalypse itself was not yet coming. However, since the prophecy was partially fulfilled – so goes the logic – it could not be far anymore.
  • Cramer characterizes this letter as a written crusade sermon (“geschriebene Kreuzpredigt”), comparable to Bernard’s letters. Cramer, “Kreuzpredigt,” 74; cf. Flori, Prêcher, 162. The first letter after Gregory VIII’s election (Oct. 1187) was already a call to the German clergy to preach the crusade (Gregory VIII, Ep.1, PL 202:1537–38).
  • “[…] per obsequium vestrum et aliorum quos ad hoc eligere dignatus fuerit, nobis salubriter et sibi gloriose de barbare nationis hostilitate triumphet. Ecce nunc tempus acceptabile, ecce nunc dies salutis, in quibus utinam milites Christi abicientes opera tenebrarum et ad vindicandam crucis iniuriam, indui non differant arma lucis, loricam fidei et salutis galeam assumentes.” Henry of Albano, Ep. 32, ed. Chroust, 12; cf. BL Add 24145, fol. 78r.
  • Henry of Albano, DPCD 1, PL 204:256; Troyes BM 509, fol. 95v. See the discussion above.
  • Cf. Henry of Albano, DPCD 5, PL 204:296; 13, PL 204:360. On this concept see Carl Erdmann, Die Entstehung des Kreuzzugsgedankens (Stuttgart, 1935); Adolf Harnack, Militia Christi. Die christliche Religion und der Soldatenstand in den ersten drei Jahrhunderten (Tübingen, 1905).
  • This is strengthened by the fact that the letter is quoted in a crusade chronicle, indicating its application and distribution. Its distribution is also evidenced by its survival in another manuscript, in a completely different context. See BL Add 24145, fol. 78r.
  • Cf. Henry of Albano, DPCD 2, PL 204:264; 4, PL 204:283, 290.
  • Henry of Albano, Ep.32, ed. Chroust, 11. He uses the same verse in the crusading treatise, including strong eschatological references, here centred around Christ’s Second Coming and the completion of his Passion. See Henry of Albano, DPCD 13, PL 204:354.

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