BLACKS JUST DON'T CARE: UNMASKING POPULAR STEREOTYPES ABOUT CONCERN FOR THE ENVIRONMENT AMONG AFRICAN-AMERICANS

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• This item was shortened to “the environment” for some subsamples in the GSS in the mid-1980s but a subsequent study [see, Rasinski, K.A. The Effect of Question Wording on Public Support for Government Spending. Public Opinion Quarterly 1989 53 388–94], found no significant differences between the two versions
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• There are, of course, limits in the degree to which one can make generalizations about a complex construct such as environmental concern, but several factors increase its reliability and suitability for testing out the economic contingency hypothesis. Jones and Carter (Jones, R.E.; Carter, L.F. Concern for the Environment among Black Americans: An Assessment of Common Assumptions. The Social Science Quarterly 1994 75 (3), 568) point out that “established items” such as the environmental funding item, “pass practical tests of robustness and face validity as well as more rigorous tests of scalability, reliability, and validity” (Davis, J.A.; Smith, T.W. General Social Surveys, 1972–1993: Cumulative Codebook The National Opinion Research Center, University of Connecticut: Storrs, Connecticut, 1993). Responses to the environmental funding item also conform closely with other national trend data on environmental concern and have been found to be related to the key socio-demographic correlates of environmental concern such as age, education and political ideology (see Jones, R.E.; Dunlap, R.E. The Social Bases of Environmental Concern: Have They Changed Over Time? Rural Sociology 1992 57 (1), 28–47.). Since the GSS data covers a 21 year time period (1973–1993) it can also provide reliable historical estimates on support for environmental protection and how support may fluctuate for blacks and whites during years and periods of economic decline. Finally, no other comparable longitudinal data are known to exist that could provide a reliable test of the economic contingency hypothesis
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• There are subtle but important distinctions between what is known as the “concern gap” hypothesis and the “economic contingency” hypothesis that are not always easily grasped. For example, Table 1 presents results of the analyses of the yearly mean group scores and shows that there group differences in support for each of the 18 years of data. In this case, a one-tailed, student's T-tests would be used to evaluate the “concern gap” hypothesis. It assumes that blacks are significantly less concerned about the environment than whites (Jones,R.E.; Carter, L.F. Concern for the Environment among Black Americans: An Assessment of Common Assumptions. The Social Science Quarterly 1994 75 3 560–579. The analysis of the data reveals that black support for funding environmental protection was significantly greater than it was for whites in seven out of the 18 years of data. This runs contrary to concern gap hypothesis which assumes that blacks are generally less concerned about the environment than whites, but it does support recent empirical research (Jones, R.E. Black Concern for the Environment: Myth Versus Reality. Society and Natural Resources 1998 11 (3) 209 228. The fact that the data show that blacks are generally more supportive of environmental protection than whites (the only exception being 1990) is not enough information, however, to evaluate the validity of the economic contingency hypothesis since it stipulates that black support should significantly decline from its historic baseline level of support during periods of economic decline and that these declines should be significantly deeper than for whites. Knowledge claims associated with the economic contingency hypothesis thus reflect theoretical statements about differences of support between both groups during periods of economic decline relative to their historic level of support. Knowledge claims associated with the concern gap hypothesis reflect theoretical statements about absolute differences of environmental support between the two groups that are unanchored to economic and historical contexts. In short, findings that reveal that blacks, or whites, are more (or less) supportive of environmental protection are insufficient evidence to test the economic contingency hypothesis and the relative and dynamic nature of the knowledge claims associated with it
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• These results also cast doubt on the more general assumption that public concern for the environment will decline in periods of economic decline. Other factors such as an almost geometric rise in media attention to environmental issues during 1988–1991 may help to explain rising public concern for the environment in the face of the 1990–1991 economic decline. Much of this has been attributed to public outrage over the Exxon Valdez disaster, to the spotted owl controversy, to concerns over toxic pollution in local communities, to concerns about global climatic change, and to a host of events surrounding the 20th anniversary in 1990 of the first Earth Day. [see, Shanahan, J.; McCommas, K. Environmental Concern and Media Coverage: 1988–1994. A paper presented to the Conference on Communication and Our Environment, Chattanooga, Tennessee, (March 30-April 1), 1995]
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