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Articles

The Growth of the Brazilian Textile Industry and the Transfer of Technology

Pages 215-231 | Published online: 19 Jul 2013

References

  • I would like to thank Francis Goodall, Nick Tiratsoo, Terry Gourvish and Colin Lewis for their useful suggestions. This project was financed by a grant from Conselho Nacional de Pesquisas (CNPq).
  • More details about Brazilian economic development are contained in C. Furtado, The Economic Growth of Brazil: a Survey from Colonial to Modem Times (Berkeley, 1963 ) and W. Suzigan, Industria Brasileira: Origem e Desenvolvimento (Säo Paulo: Brasiliense, 1986). For a survey of the literature, see C. M. Lewis, ‘Brazilian Business History, 1850–1945: recent trends in the literature’ (London: working paper LSE, 1993).
  • For a general view of the Brazilian textile mills, see, S. J. Stein, The Brazilian Cotton Manufacture: Textile Enterprise in an Underdeveloped Area, 1850–1950 (Cambridge: Mass., 1957).
  • There are several studies of Sao Paulo industrial and urban development: W. Dean, The Industrialization of Säo Paulo, 1880–1945 (Austin: University of Texas, 1969); W. Suzigan, op. cit.; W. Cano, Raizes da Concentraçâo Industrial em Säo Paulo (Säo Paulo: DIFEL, 1977).
  • There is a very important literature about gold development and settlement. See C. R. Boxer, The Golden Age of Brazil, 1694–1750: Growing Pains of a Colonial Society (Berkeley: California University Press, 1962); A. B. Castro, 7 Ensaios sobre a Economia Brasileira (Rio: Forense, 1971); P. Singer, Desenvolvimento Econômico e Evolugäo Urbana (Säo Paulo: Nacional, 1968).
  • For further information about the development of coffee production, see S. Silva, Expansäo Cafeeira e Origens da Industria no Brasil (Säo Paulo: Alfa Ômega, 1976); J. D. Wirth, Minas Gerais in the Brazilian Federation, 1889–1937 (Stanford: California University Press, 1977); O. Valverde, ‘Estudo Regional da Zona da Mata de Minas Gerais’, Revista Brasileira de Geografia (Rio de Janeiro: 20(1) 3–82, 1958).7 D. Giroletti, A Companhia e a Rodovia Uniäo e Industria e o Desenvolvimento de Juiz de Fora, 1850 a 1900 (Belo Horizonte: working paper, DCP/UFMG, 1980).
  • This process is analysed in D. Giroletti, Industrializaçâo de Juiz de Fora, 1850–1930 (Juiz de Fora: EDUFJF, 1988).
  • For more details about this strategy, see D. Giroletti, Fâbrica Convento Disciplina (Belo Horizonte: Imprensa Oficial, 1991).
  • For more information, see A. M. Vaz, A Industria Têxtil em Minas Gerais, 0 Papel da Familia Mascarenhas: 1872 a 1892 (Belo Horizonte: CCC Edition, 1976); G. M. Mascarenhas, Centenârio da Fâbrica do Cedro, Histôrico, 1872–1972 (Belo Horizonte: CCC Edition, 1972); D. Giroletti, Modemizagäo Capitalista em Minas — a Formagäo do Operariado Industrial e de uma Nova Cosmovisäo (Rio de Janeiro: Museu Nacional/UFRJ, PhD Thesis, 1987).
  • For more details about the Mascarenhas Family, see P. Tamm, A Familia Mascarenhas e a Indüstria Têxtil de Juiz de Fora em Minas Gerais (Belo Horizonte: Papelaria e Tipografia ‘Brasil’ Velloso & Cia, 1940).
  • Letter from Antonio Candido da Silva Mascarenhas to Melo Viana (10/8/1870 ), Letter Book, p. 243, Décio Mascarenhas Industrial Museum Archives.
  • For more information about Bernardo Mascarenhas’ biography, see N. L. Mascarenhas, Bernardo Mascarenhas: 0 Surto Industrial de Minas Gerais (Rio de Janeiro: Aurora, 1954).
  • G. M. Mascarenhas, op. cit. (1972 ), p. 56. One ‘conto’ = ^$463.
  • This general evaluation was done by Wells visiting the Cedro factory at that time. For more details, see J. Wells, Three Thousand Miles through Brazil from Rio de Janeiro to Maranhäo (London: Sampson Low, Marston, Searle & Rivington, 1886).
  • A Thiré, ‘L’État de Minas Gerais et sa Situation Economique Actuelle’, Revista Industrial de Minas Gerais (Ouro Preto, Anno 1, 10, Jan. 1894 ) 241/3. Some textile mills located in other states paid higher dividends than the Mineiro factories, F. R. Versiani, Industrial investment in an ‘Export’ Economy: The Brazilian Experience before 1914 (London: ILAS/University of London, WP, 1980), p. 15.
  • See D. Giroletti op. cit., 1987 and S. J. Stein op. cit., 1957.
  • G. M. Mascarenhas, op. cit., 1972, p. 54.
  • D. Giroletti, op. cit., 1991.
  • A. M. Vaz, op. cit., 1976.
  • Many authors understated the difficulties in using textile mills non-experienced Brazilian workers, writing ‘local labour adapted easily to industrial employment...’ For example S. J. Stein, op. cit., p. 50 and F. R. Versiani op. cit., p. 10. The entrepreneurial strategy to transform slaves into industrial workers is discussed in D. Giroletti, op. cit., 1991.
  • N. L. Mascarenhas, op. cit., 1954.
  • D. Giroletti, op. cit., 1988.
  • D. Giroletti, op. cit., 1988.
  • For more details about English skilled workers see D. Giroletti, op. cit., 1991, pp. 82–97.
  • Bernardo started to learn English during the construction of the Cedro factory when he obtained the special services of a Briton to translate from English to Portuguese and vice-versa for six months. Bernardo had a strong motivation to learn it as a condition of doing business. He improved his English skills not only by talking with the foreign workers and reading technical books but also during his travels to England and the United States in 1874, and to England in 1878. In the same way, Francisco Mascarenhas, Cachoeira manager, started to learn English in 1874 when that mill was being built. And he continued to speak with the English workers and to read British books, newspapers and journals. The CCC textile managers of the second and third generation did not learn English as the first ones had done, probably because this language was no longer necessary. There were many Brazilian skilled workers working in the textile mills and some foreign skilled workers were living in Brazil and had learned Portuguese. For more details, see: Giroletti, op. cit. 1991 and N. L. Mascarenhas, op. cit. (1954).
  • For example, Aristides José Mascarenhas, a manager of the Cedro Factory and a CCC superintendent, wrote several letters in 1896 to a relative looking for a good Portuguese textile book. He did not succeed in finding a good one. CEM-CCC letter Book, 1896–97.
  • D. Giroletti, op. cit. (1991).
  • CEM-CCC Letter Box (1894).
  • For more details about the British influence, see: A. K. Manchester, British Preeminence in Brazil Its Rise and Decline (New York: Octagon Books, 1964).
  • See A. Faria, Irenéo Evangelista de SouzaiBaräo e Visconde de Mauâ, 1813–1889 (Rio: Companhia Editora Nacional, 1926); and A. Marchant, Viscount Maud and the Empire of Brazil, a Biography of Irineu Evangelista de Souza, 1813–1889 (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1965).
  • See S. J. Stein, op. cit. (1957 ) and F. R. Versiani op. cit. (1980).
  • ‘I have just heard that you decided not to engage an engineer for the Company. It will be useful to get one, especially if he is paid out of what I receive at present. The Company is planning to increase its factories. It is not good for the Company to rely on only one person. My contract will be coming to an end in two years. Don’t you think that it would be better for the Company if we began to train another specialist to take my position? Or do you think that I have to carry on for the rest of my life as an employee? It is not possible to create an industrial engineer overnight’. CEM-CCC Letter Book 1883 –1887, p. 41.
  • For a wider discussion about the transfer of technology to Minas Gerais in the nineteenth century, see S. Birchal, Entrepreneurship and the Formation of a Business Environment in XlXth Century: the case of Minas Gerais (London: Economic History Department LSE, PhD Thesis, 1994 ); for a more contemporary debate, see W. Suzigan ed., Industria: Politica, Instituiçoes e Desenvolvimento (Rio de Janeiro: IPEA/INPES, 1978), cap. hi and vm.

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