Contextualizing rural students’ aspirations for higher education in China: a systematic literature review

Abstract

Understanding educational aspiration is pivotal for studying access to and success in higher education, given its influence on academic, occupational, and societal trajectories. Yet, aspiration is a challenging topic to research, in part because of its complex definitions, measurements, and contexts. This review focuses on the educational aspirations of Chinese rural students, a crucial but underrepresented group in the country’s higher education system. It begins by conceptualizing educational aspiration and laying the groundwork for an integrated sociological-economic approach to its examination. Using this approach, the paper analyzes four interrelated contexts shaping rural students’ aspirations: social, economic, and policy; higher education; school and community; and habitus. The study further explores the nuanced processes through which individuals form and transform their aspirations by cost-benefit calculations. Building upon the analysis, this review identifies implications for theory and research when studying educational aspirations. This paper concludes with actionable recommendations for policy and practice in China.

Keywords:

• Educational aspiration
• higher education
• rural students
• China

REVIEW EDITOR:

• Stephen Darwin, Universidad Alberto Hurtado, Chile

SUBJECTS:

• Chinese Studies
• Higher Education
• International & Comparative Education
• Education Policy & Politics
• Education – Social Sciences

Introduction

The ancient Chinese proverb, ‘Everything is inferior to studying,’ reflects the immense value placed on education in traditional Chinese culture. Deeply rooted in Confucianism and its emphasis on education and respect for scholars, Chinese families tend to place high value on education, and it is common for children to have ambitious educational goals (Archer & Francis, 2006). Additionally, the limited access to educational resources may lead to lower levels of ambition in children who are from remote, rural areas. The level of education an individual desires to achieve, referred to as educational aspiration, has been found a key predictor of academic achievement, occupational choice, and social mobility (Fang, 2016; Sewell & Shah, 1968). In contemporary Chinese society, characterized by its rapidly changing social structure and education policy, students’ aspirations have become an increasingly important topic, particularly in relation to college access and choice. Despite literature reviews on educational aspirations of rural students globally, there has been no systematic review in China’s context. This paper aims to analyze the educational aspirations of Chinese rural students, identifying the factors shaping their aspirations and how these aspirations evolve.

Rural student’s educational aspirations

Over the past six decades, research on educational aspirations has evolved to encompass a diverse array of student backgrounds. Seminal research conducted by William H. Sewell and his colleagues in the 1960s demonstrated a strong positive correlation between students’ expectations and attainment, which spurred subsequent inquiry into aspirations (Sewell & Shah, 1968). More recent literature has widened its scope by giving special attention to participants from diverse backgrounds, including (im)migrant students (Fang, 2016; Gao et al., 2022; Kaland, 2021; Koo, 2012; Roubeni et al., 2015), Black and Latinx students (Means, 2019; Strayhorn, 2009; Williams-Johnson & Cain, 2020), female students (Ames, 2013; DeJaeghere, 2018; Lin, 2011; Mau & Bikos, 2000; Seeberg, 2014), and rural students (Chang et al., 2016; Chen et al., 2023; Howley, 2006; MacBrayne, 1987; Means et al., 2016; Tieken, 2016; Zhang et al., 2007).

Regarding the study of rural students’ aspirations, there have been changes in terms of theoretical framework and methodology. Recent research has shifted its focus away from solely addressing challenges associated with rural contexts. Instead, it embraces asset-based frameworks that highlight the potential strengths of both rural students and their communities. For example, within the U.S. context, Means (2019) uses Community Cultural Wealth as a theoretical framework, shifting the center of focus from White, middle-class culture to the cultures of Communities of Color. Additionally, in contrast to quantitative methodologies being the most common approach in articles reviewed by Fray et al. (2020), a growing number of studies have adopted a variety of methods, allowing for an in-depth exploration of educational aspirations. Among these methods are ethnographic studies (Hong & Fuller, 2019; Ling, 2015, 2017; Xie, 2019), semi-structured interviews (Xu & Montgomery, 2021), and life history based approaches (Chen, 2022). Moreover, recent research emphasizes the significance of location-specific characteristics, such as community size and values (Howley, 2006), in shaping students’ aspirations. This heightened awareness of the contextual influences underscores the need for a more nuanced perception of rural students’ aspirations.

While literature reviews on rural students’ educational aspirations have been conducted in the United States (Williams-Johnson & Cain, 2020) and Australia (Fray et al., 2020), a systematic review within China’s context is lacking. This absence points to the necessity of research exploring this topic in China’s educational setting.

China’s context

Understanding China’s education system is crucial for this study. Most primary, secondary, and higher education institutions in China are publicly funded, with the government mandating nine years of free and compulsory education covering primary schools (grades 1 to 6) and junior secondary schools (grades 7 to 9). Post-compulsory education includes senior secondary education, with general and vocational tracks, and higher education, encompassing three-year college, bachelor’s, master’s, and doctoral programs (Du, 2016; Guo et al., 2019; Yu et al., 2012). Like many other countries, China shares the characteristic of a highly stratified education system, in which a few elite universities supported by national research programs dominate resources (Shu et al., 2021). In contrast, vocational schools are often seen as a less prestigious option, mainly for those who do not succeed academically (Ling, 2015).

The gaokao, an annual standardized national college entrance examination, is what determines a student’s eligibility for higher education institutions. The exam scores are pivotal in deciding which institutions a student can apply to, with top-tier universities setting high gaokao score requirements. Yet, the representation of rural students in college enrollment through the gaokao system remains a significant concern, as these students often face various challenges leading to disparities in educational opportunities and outcomes. The hukou system in China further exacerbates educational inequality, as evidenced by data from the 2008 Chinese General Social Survey (Hao et al., 2014). It categorizes citizens into urban and rural residents and favors urbanites in terms of resource allocation (Afridi et al., 2015; Ou & Kondo, 2013). The hukou system thus places rural-hukou individuals at the bottom of educational stratification. Although the expansion of higher education in 1999 increased opportunities for students from rural areas, the benefits of this expansion have been dominated by individuals with higher social status, including males, those with highly educated fathers, and urban students (Li et al., 2015; Luo et al., 2018; Ou & Hou, 2019; Wu & Zheng, 2008; Zhao, 2021).

The persistent underrepresentation of rural students in China’s higher education system has sparked extensive discussion. Institutional and socioeconomic barriers, including the rural-urban division in educational provision, limited access to information and resources, and poor school conditions, prevent disadvantaged students from accessing universities (Cheng, 2011). Meanwhile, an increasing number of studies have begun to examine in detail the perceptions and experiences of rural students (Hannum & Adams, 2009; Li, 2013; Ling, 2017), shifting the focus to the formation and evolution of their educational aspirations.

Therefore, to understand the evolving landscape of educational aspiration research and to contextualize it within China’s specific context, a systematic analysis of the educational aspirations of Chinese rural students is needed. This paper addresses this gap by answering the following research questions:

1. What factors have been identified in shaping rural students’ educational aspirations?

2. How do these factors contribute to the formation and transformation of their aspirations?

The study first presents a descriptive overview of 22 relevant articles identified through keyword search and cited reference search. It highlights the general trend, theoretical frameworks, methodological approaches, research sites, and participant characteristics of the reviewed literature. In addition, drawing on Perna’s (2006) college choice model, this study synthesizes four contexts and cost-benefit analysis that influence rural students’ aspirations. The review reveals emerging trends in research on rural students’ aspirations, such as the adoption of asset-based frameworks, the emphasis on rural students’ diverse experiences, and the exploration of the complex impact of their immediate contexts.

Despite the extensive literature on rural education, this study shows that there remains a significant gap in understanding contextual and individual factors that shape educational aspirations of rural students in China. By providing insights into this understudied area, this paper seeks to inspire more targeted research and effective policies for rural students.

Theoretical framework

Concept of aspiration

The concept of ‘educational aspiration’ is not always clearly defined in the literature, and its application can be ambiguous. For instance, some scholars view aspiration as an expression of goal orientation, while others define it as the highest level of education an individual desires. Nevertheless, it is generally agreed to distinguish between educational aspirations and expectations (Chen & Hesketh, 2021; Fang, 2016; Guo, 2014; Koo, 2012; Madeeha et al., 2022). Although both terms refer to the level of education that one desires to achieve, aspirations are considered to be more idealistic and self-directed, whereas expectations can come from various external sources such as parents and teachers. Quaglia and Cobb (1996) have also distinguished three levels of educational aspiration: the hoped level, expected level, and satisfied level. For the purpose of this study, educational aspiration is defined as the level of education an individual aspires to achieve, a broad term encompassing various levels, where the lower and upper limits of one’s aspirations are referred to as the ‘real’ and ‘ideal’ levels, respectively.

Three reasons underlie the adoption of this broad definition of aspiration. First, while I acknowledge that there are differences in the degree of reality when discussing aspirations, it is difficult to clearly distinguish between what is ‘real’ and what is ‘ideal’ because aspirations are formed within specific contexts. As Appadurai (2004) argues, aspirations are relational and always formed in interaction and in the thick of social life. Therefore, it is challenging to make an accurate distinction or comparison between these two terms due to a lack of a standardized reference system. Another consideration is related to translation. In Chinese, the translations of ‘expectation’ and ‘aspiration’ are often used interchangeably, such as qiwang (期望), yuanwang (愿望), and baofu (抱负). Thus, this study does not aim to define these terms hierarchically but rather collectively refers to them as ‘aspirations.’

Conceptual framework

This study applies Perna’s (2006) college choice model to analyze rural students’ aspirations. Perna’s model builds on Hossler and Gallagher’s (1987) three-stage college choice model, which involves developing educational aspirations, searching for information, and making particular decisions. The model integrates sociological and economic perspectives, highlighting that an individual’s college decision is ultimately based on a calculation of expected costs and benefits, and such calculation is situated within four layers of contexts: (1) social, economic, and policy; (2) higher education; (3) school and community; and (4) individual.

The broadest layer is the social, economic, and policy context. This layer encompasses the impact of societal forces, economic conditions, and public policies on a student’s college selection process. Within this layer lies the higher education context, which examines how various attributes of higher education institutions influence student choices. Subsequently, the school and community layer emphasizes the role of social structures and available resources in shaping a student’s aspirations. The final, most intimate layer is the individual habitus, a concept drawn from Bourdieu’s theory. Habitus represents a person’s deeply ingrained patterns of thought, perceptions, and beliefs, originating from their immediate surroundings. It influences a student’s expectations, attitudes, and aspirations regarding college. This layer is reflective of the individual’s demographic characteristics, such as gender, race/ethnicity, and socio-economic status (SES), in addition to their cultural and social capital (Bourdieu & Wacquant, 1992; Perna, 2006).

Literature search

Articles were selected for this review based on the following criteria: (a) focused on the topic of educational aspirations; (b) included Chinese rural students; (c) published between 2012 to 2022. This literature review focuses on studies published from 2012 to 2022, as this period witnessed profound changes and advancements in Chinese education. The year 2012 marked the second year into the comprehensive implementation of the ‘Outline of the National Medium- and Long-Term Programme for Education Reform and Development’ (Ministry of Education, 2009). During this phase, a slew of policies were rolled out intensively from the central to local levels. For instance, a nutrition enhancement initiative targeting students in rural compulsory education was pioneered in 680 counties under a national pilot scheme. Various localities formulated enrollment examination policy plans for migrant children according to local conditions and would be introduced in succession (Wang, 2012). Statistics further underscore these developments: in 2012, China’s higher education gross enrollment rate was 30%. By 2019, this figure surged to 51.6%, signifying the onset of its massification era. By 2021, it had reached 57.8%, an increase of 27.8% over a decade (Chen, 2023).

The primary method of article selection involved a keyword search in the Education Resources Information Center (ERIC) database. ERIC is an authoritative database of education literature and resources, sponsored by the Institute of Education Sciences of the U.S. Department of Education. It is the largest and most widely used education database, containing records and links to hundreds of thousands of full-text documents (ProQuest, 2023). Initially, the keyword search using ‘educational aspirations’ yielded limited results. To refine the search, I expanded the keywords to include synonyms for ‘aspiration’ (e.g. ‘expectation,’ ‘ambition’) and ‘rural’ (e.g. ‘remote,’ ‘migrant’). The search terms used were combinations of education/educational/academic, aspiration/expectation/ambition, rural/remote/migrant, China/Chinese, and college/university/higher education. This approach retrieved 50 articles. Following the retrieval, duplicates and inaccessible documents were removed. The remaining literature was further screened by reviewing titles and abstracts to ensure alignment with the selection criteria. Articles were excluded if they focused on other topics such as educational attainment, career aspirations, or involved Chinese immigrants rather than rural students. This screening process resulted in 9 relevant articles.

Due to the limited number of papers, I conducted a second search using the ‘cited-by’ function on Google Scholar. This feature displays a list of all the papers that have cited a particular article. For example, the article ‘Is there any chance to get ahead? Education aspirations and expectations of migrant families in China’ (Koo, 2012) was cited over a hundred times. I then reviewed these citing articles, using the same selection criteria as my original ERIC search. This process helped me find seven more relevant articles. After repeating this process for all nine of the initially selected articles and applying the established criteria, I ended up with a total of 22 articles for final review (Figure 1).

Figure 1. Search methods.

Literature analysis

Descriptive overview

• Year of publication. Despite the relative scarcity of research on Chinese rural students’ aspirations, literature on this topic has witnessed rapid growth from 2012 to 2022. Notably, there has been a surge in publications since 2019, as over half of the reviewed articles were published during this period.

• Theoretical frameworks. Studies predominantly utilize sociological, economic, and psychological perspectives to examine students’ aspirations. The sociological approach draws on Bourdieu’s theory, with analysis based on concepts such as cultural capital, cultural reproduction, and habitus. The economic approach builds on human capital theory and focuses on cost-benefit analysis. Other studies utilize theories in the field of psychology, such as the expectancy-value theory and self-discrepancy theory. Several researchers aim to integrate these theories into China’s context, and some have proposed their own theoretical concepts.

• Methodological approaches. Qualitative methods are the most commonly used (12 articles), followed by quantitative research (9 articles) and mixed methods (1 article). Qualitative methods include ethnography, interviews, and focus groups. To assess rural students’ aspirations, qualitative researchers utilize observation, interviews, and other interactions with participants. Meanwhile, most quantitative studies rely on questionnaires, particularly data from China Education Panel Survey (CEPS) and China Family Panel Studies (CFPS). Both measure educational aspirations with a single question: ‘What degree do you hope you will eventually get?’ (Chen et al., 2022; Gao et al., 2022; Li & Hou, 2022). Other quantitative studies use similar questions in their survey.

• Research locations. The research sites span across various regions in China, from Beijing (the capital) to more remote, underprivileged western provinces. Two comparative studies explore rural students’ aspirations in China and other countries, including Mexico, Russia, and Kazakhstan (Abankina, 2014; Sun et al., 2020).

• Participant characteristics. The number of participants varies greatly, with quantitative research ranging from 2 thousand to over 10 thousand, and qualitative research from 3 to 46. In particular, 9 studies focus on migrant students, and 3 studies focus on left-behind children. Regarding age groups, most studies concentrate on middle school students, especially junior high students who are preparing for the gaokao. Some studies also investigate the aspirations of elementary (Fang, 2016; Koo, 2012) and college students (Xu, 2022; Xu & Montgomery, 2021).

Social, economic, and policy context

Applying Perna’s (2006) college choice model, this paper synthesizes contextual and individual factors that influence rural students’ educational aspirations (Table 1). The outermost layer in the college choice model is the social, economic, and policy context, which recognizes the impact of social forces, economic conditions, and public policies. One of the most significant factors affecting educational aspirations within this layer is China’s household registration system, also known as hukou. This system assigns citizens with either urban or rural hukou status based on their parents’ status, which remains unchanged even if they move to another location. For instance, some rural parents bring their children with them when moving to urban areas, and these children are referred to as ‘migrant children’ who reside in urban areas while retaining the rural hukou status. This leads to a separation between physical movement and citizenship, with eligibility for social entitlements restricted to registered locales, including education (Xu & Montgomery, 2021).

Table 1. Literature context categorization.

Context	Factor	Example
Social, economic, & policy	Hukou system	Ling, 2017; Xie, 2019; Li & Hou, 2022
	Gaokao restoration	Chen, 2022
	Gender inequality	Chen et al., 2022
Higher education	Characteristics of university and vocational college	Koo, 2012; Ling, 2015; Sui & Song, 2017; Kaland, 2021
School and community	School segregation	Ling, 2015; Li & Hou, 2022
	School-based support	Seeberg, 2014; Fang, 2016
	Community-based support	Yao, 2017
Habitus	Migration status	Guo, 2014; Sui & Song, 2017; Sun et al., 2020
	Gender	Seeberg, 2014; Fang, 2016
	Social capital	Koo, 2012; Hong & Fuller, 2019
	Cultural capital	Koo, 2012; Fang, 2016; Ling, 2017; Sun et al., 2020; Xu & Montgomery, 2021; Gao et al., 2022; Xu, 2022

The hukou system has been found to exert a profound influence on educational aspirations in several ways. First, the social structure based on the hukou system can be internalized into individuals’ educational aspirations. Xie (2019) uses the concept of ‘hopeless schooling’ to capture how macroscopic educational structure influences rural residents’ perceptions of schooling. It stresses that unequal distribution of educational opportunities and social mobility can lead to stratification of aspiration towards education. Second, hukou and its related policies may hinder rural students’ educational aspirations. For instance, the policy of ‘key schools’ and ‘entering school nearby’ results in school segregation where wealthy families buy school district housing to ensure their children attend high-quality schools, while children from disadvantaged families are forced to attend lower-quality schools. As a result, negative peer influences in low-quality schools lead to a loss of interest in education among rural students (Li & Hou, 2022). Moreover, China requires students to take gaokao at the same location where their household is registered. This means that children of migrant parents aspiring for higher education must return to their registered hometown where schooling conditions are generally worse (Ling, 2017).

Furthermore, existing literature also identifies other socioeconomic factors that go beyond students’ immediate context (Chen et al., 2022; Chen, 2022). These factors encompass the profound impact of significant national policies, such as the Reform and Opening-Up policy and the restoration of gaokao, as well as the implications of gender inequality. While these studies provide valuable insights into the educational landscape in China, it is important to note that they are not explicitly centered on rural students and, as such, lie beyond the scope of this review.

Higher education context

The third layer of the college choice model acknowledges the influence of higher education institutions on students’ aspirations, particularly their institutional characteristics. There are two main types of higher education institutions in China: universities and vocational colleges. Universities are more academic-oriented and can confer bachelor’s degrees, whereas vocational colleges deliver specialized knowledge in fields such as production, construction, management, and service, leading to vocational diplomas (Altbach, 2017; Yu & Ertl, 2010). Vocational colleges are typically perceived as less valuable and less prestigious than universities, and are considered an inferior alternative for academic ‘failures’ (Ling, 2015). Current literature primarily explores the prestige associated with universities and the assumed stigma of vocational colleges, but little attention has been paid to other institutional characteristics, such as location and enrollment availability.

One highly debated issue is that migrant children are more likely to plan to attend vocational colleges than universities when compared to non-migrant students (Sui & Song, 2017). Some scholars believe that this trend reflects the social hierarchies that discriminate against rural and non-local students, leading migrant students to be channeled into vocational schools (Ling, 2015). Nonetheless, others argue that vocational colleges are a conscious choice for some migrant students, representing a compromise between various factors such as ‘potential material gains, prestige, feelings of belonging, filial piety and closeness to family and friends’ (Kaland, 2021, p. 35). Despite the fact that vocational education may not be equivalent to university education, it is a more realistic path for migrant children to access post-compulsory education and ultimately earn a higher income than their parents (Koo, 2012).

School and community context

The school and community context, including resource availability, resource types, and structural supports and barriers, plays a crucial role in shaping students’ aspirations, but has received little attention in reviewed articles.

One major barrier to educational aspirations for rural migrant children is school segregation resulting from the hukou system, where students are sorted into schools with poor teaching facilities and less qualified teachers (Li & Hou, 2022). Moreover, school segregation means a lack of interaction with urban children and city communities, and such social exclusion further constrains the aspirations of migrant children (Ling, 2015).

Supportive environments in schools and communities, on the other hand, have been found to positively influence educational aspirations among rural and migrant children. First of all, the schooling experience itself can provide opportunities for empowerment. For example, Seeberg’s (2014) research on excluded village girls shows that school education can prevent early marriage and provide pathways to empowerment. Even girls who are severely excluded experienced empowerment through schooling, such as improved level of confidence and psychological control, and expressed their desire to improve their skills and obtain advanced education. In addition to the schooling experience, school-based support is essential for developing aspirations toward higher education. In a study conducted with 15 elementary and middle school children with an average age of 14, Fang (2016) found that adequate school-based support can lead migrant students to aspire to higher levels of education, including ‘good teacher-student relationships, a caring and supportive learning environment, and feelings of psychological safety in the school’ (p. 199). Similarly, programs such as the Lighthouse Project, which sends college volunteers to rural schools, are found to boost educational aspirations and affect students’ education decisions. However, the impact of such support may diminish quickly over time (Yao, 2017).

Habitus

An individual’s habitus is the most immediate context that affects their aspirations, and has been extensively discussed in literature. This context encompasses various demographic factors (including migrant status and gender) as well as social and cultural capital, and their impact on students’ aspirations can be complex and multifaceted.

Regarding the influence of migrant status on aspirations, existing findings on Chinese rural students remain mixed. Sun et al. (2020) conducted a study involving 947 5th-grade students in western China and reported that parental migration had a negative impact on the educational aspirations of children. In contrast, Guo (2014) conducted research on 931 4th to 6th-grade students attending public schools in Beijing and revealed that the factors influencing children’s educational aspirations were not significantly different between migrant and non-migrant children. Similarly, in another study involving 7,411 left-behind high school students, no significant differences were found in the willingness to attend vocational schools between left-behind and non-left-behind children (Sui & Song, 2017). This inconsistency suggests that the relationship between educational aspiration and migration status is complex and context-dependent.

Gender is another demographic factor in educational aspirations. Although traditional Chinese gender stereotypes place girls at a lower status than boys (Lin, 2011), recent studies suggest changing dynamics of gender-related issues. For example, Fang (2016) found that migrant girls aspired to attain more education than migrant boys, and migrant families provided equal educational opportunities for both boys and girls. Similarly, Seeberg (2014) found that in villages where traditional views privileged males and restricted females in kinship networks, girls choose to have high aspirations and actively pursue schooling, challenging long-standing stereotypes.

Social capital, such as information about college and assistance with college processes, also plays a crucial role in educational aspirations. Studies conducted with rural children generally agree that students from rural origins often lack resources from their families when navigating educational paths (Koo, 2012). For instance, the low education level of parents and little parental involvement in their children’s schooling activities can put students at a disadvantage when developing their educational goals (Hong & Fuller, 2019).

While the challenges associated with limited social capital persist, rural backgrounds have been found to provide valuable cultural capital, such as positive values on education and high parental expectations. Many studies emphasize the influence of Confucianism, where Chinese parents tend to place high educational expectations on their children. In particular, rural parents view education as the primary or only path for upward social mobility, attributing their own struggles in life to a lack of education and expressing a strong desire for their children to attend university (Fang, 2016; Koo, 2012; Ling, 2017). Despite their limited education and financial constraints, rural parents still manage to provide indirect academic support for their children by emphasizing the importance of studying (Fang, 2016). According to a quantitative study by Gao et al. (2022), when parental educational expectations are consistent with their children’s aspirations, it greatly facilitates children’s educational aspirations. Similarly, it is observed that parents’ verbal expressions of higher educational expectations motivate their children to achieve academic success (Xu & Montgomery, 2021). A comparative study on China and Mexico also found that, unlike Mexican children who prepare for migration at the expense of finishing school, Chinese families are more likely to value educational investment, and this strong belief in education for upward mobility can even buffer the negative effects of parental migration (Sun et al., 2020).

Habitus also possesses transformative power through its reflexive nature, allowing individuals to refashion themselves (Sweetman, 2003). Xu (2022) further explores the influence of reflexivity on educational aspirations. For example, rural students’ empathetic understanding of their parents’ struggles in supporting their education enables them to aspire to a high level of education. By recognizing reflexivity in everyday practices of the less privileged rural families, the author stresses students’ autonomy and the enabling power of reflexivity.

Cost-benefit calculation

According to Perna’s (2006) model, lying at the heart of forming aspirations is the calculation of expected costs and benefits. This model posits that individuals are rational actors who are able to distinguish the costs and benefits of each decision they make. They choose the option that they believe will yield the maximum benefit or utility, based on the information available to them at that time (Boudon, 2003). Therefore, the primary predictors of educational aspirations are the costs (e.g. investment in time and money), benefits (e.g. high income and social mobility), and probability of success (Zimmermann, 2019). Viewed through this lens, the inequality in educational opportunities can be understood as reflections of students’ rational choice of educational options (Breen & Goldthorpe, 1997; Wan, 2022). For instance, higher perceived costs of receiving additional education, such as high tuition and housing fees, may make it less attractive to students from disadvantaged backgrounds, further limiting their chances of success in entering higher education (Figure 2). The literature reviewed in this study demonstrates an interesting pattern, with a limited number of articles directly addressing the aspect of costs, while the majority of them extensively explore the benefits and probability aspects.

Figure 2. Process of calculation.

Concerning benefits, existing literature indicates that achieving social mobility is the most significant consideration in forming educational aspirations. As Hong and Fuller (2019) point out, investing in education is seen as a way to achieve upward mobility in social status, which comes with decent jobs, stable income, and a sense of security. In other words, the idea of embracing social mobility via education suggests benefits beyond material gains, such as a desire to break free from the confines of the rural environment and escape from the predetermined life trajectories of past generations. It represents a desire for autonomy and freedom (Dong, 2019). Based on reflections of vocational students, Kaland (2021) argues that the strong efforts to reach upward mobility resulted from the motive of striving for a ‘better life’. This perspective incorporates an intergenerational view on education, implying a better life than their parents. This notion encompasses a range of ideals beyond being successful, including closeness to family and friends, a comfortable home, and proximity to nature.

This connection between education and its benefits, however, is not always straightforward for rural students, which raises questions about the possibility of success. Rural students must first overcome numerous obstacles in accessing higher education, such as financial difficulties, limited resources, and discriminatory policies. At this stage, academic achievement and self-esteem are two critical factors that influence their aspirations. Guo (2014) discovered that migrant students who reported experiences of school difficulty, such as poor performance and difficulty understanding their teachers, are less likely to expect an advanced degree. Focusing on the impact of scores, Gao et al. (2022) found that migrant children with higher standardized scores and math scores have a positive outlook on their aspirations toward higher education. Chen and Hesketh (2021) further explored the relationship between academic performance and the gap between students’ ‘real’ and ‘ideal’ aspiration levels. High-achieving students are more likely to believe that their aspirations are achievable, while students with lower academic performance tend to have ambitious hope but low expectations. Self-esteem, which refers to individuals’ perceptions of their competence and self-worth, is also a strong predictor as well as a mediator of educational aspirations. Fang (2016) discovered that a strong sense of self-capacity and self-regulation can encourage the formation of high aspirations.

Even if rural students manage to enter higher education, their possibility of gaining upward mobility is still questionable, since the quality of the education they receive may not guarantee job opportunities in the increasingly competitive job market. Several studies have shown that rural students may eventually compromise by lowering their educational aspirations over time (Han, 2012; Kaland, 2021; Koo, 2012; Seeberg, 2014), a process known as aspirations ‘cooling down’ (Nakamura, 2003).

Discussion

Educational aspiration in this paper refers to the level of education an individual aspires to achieve, a term that encompasses the ‘real’ and ‘ideal’ levels. While aspiration is a complex and constantly changing issue due to chance factors, it is meaningful to (1) extract relevant factors from existing data, (2) consider different combinations and interactions of these factors, and (3) form multiple interpretations of aspirations. It should be emphasized that aspirations are closely related to the environment in which they are developed, which varies with time, place, and individual. This study draws parallels and highlights differences when compared to international literature on rural students’ aspirations in the United States (Williams-Johnson & Cain, 2020) and Australia (Fray et al., 2020). Common factors such as socio-economic conditions, family influence, and policy frameworks significantly shape students’ educational pathways in multiple countries’ contexts.

Central to China’s context is the hukou system, a unique socio-political structure that profoundly influences educational opportunities and aspirations. This system’s impact on rural students’ access to quality education starkly contrasts with the challenges faced by rural students in the United States and Australia, where distance and limited resources are more prominent barriers (Fray et al., 2020; Williams-Johnson & Cain, 2020). The concept of ‘hopeless schooling’ introduced by Xie (2019) vividly describes how systemic structures can transform into a diminished perception of the value of education. This sentiment, although shared globally among rural students, is particularly intensified by the hukou system in China.

Nevertheless, the aspiration for higher education and the pursuit of social mobility through education emerges as a universal theme across these contexts. This is particularly evident in the decision-making process regarding the type of higher education institutions, where vocational colleges, often perceived as less prestigious, become a strategic choice for many. This reflects a complex interplay of social hierarchies, economic considerations, and personal aspirations. Additionally, the importance of supportive environments in schools and communities is internationally acknowledged. Programs like the Lighthouse Project in China (Yao, 2017) mirror initiatives in the United States and Australia, highlighting the crucial role of educational support in shaping aspirations. Yet, the rapid ‘cooling down’ of aspirations due to systemic and structural barriers, such as the hukou system or school segregation, underscores the fragility of these aspirations in the face of entrenched socio-economic divides. Recognizing these complexities, the following section offers suggestions for understanding rural students’ aspirations through implications for theory, research, and practice.

Implications for theory

This paper adopts Perna’s (2006) college choice model as a conceptual framework to investigate educational aspirations, aiming to link Bourdieu’s sociocultural theory with rational choice theory. A detailed examination of existing literature, however, reveals inherent challenges in integrating these theories. There is a fundamental theoretical tension between Bourdieu’s emphasis on cultural and social capital and the individualistic, cost-benefit focus of rational choice theory. Bourdieu’s theory proposes that cultural capital (knowledge, skills, education) and social capital (resources from relationships) significantly influence one’s aspirations. In contrast, rational choice theory advocates that individuals make decisions based on self-interest, weighing costs and benefits.

This tension becomes particularly evident when considering the unique family dynamics and social values in rural China. The historical context of the ‘one-child policy’ introduces a layer of complexity to the individual decision-making process. Contrary to the individualistic focus of rational choice theory, the family structure in rural China, often involving the ‘only child,’ two parents, and two sets of grandparents, creates a collective unit with vested interests in the educational decisions of the child. This collective influence challenges the notion of individualistic, self-interested decision-making posited by rational choice theory. Instead, it suggests a scenario where educational choices are profoundly influenced by a collective familial strategy, aiming to maximize not just the individual’s benefit but the family’s collective aspiration and social mobility.

Furthermore, this collective decision-making process is deeply rooted in a societal context that highly values education, potentially leading to a form of ‘predestined’ educational aspiration. Here, the educational choices of the individual may be less about personal cost-benefit analysis and more about fulfilling familial expectations and upholding cultural norms. This notion aligns with findings of Tarabini and Curran (2018), which emphasizes that educational decisions are not just instrumental and rational but are also expressive, emotional, and influenced by feelings and past experiences. Therefore, the dynamics of this collective decision-making, coupled with the high cultural valuation of education, challenge the applicability of rational choice theory’s emphasis on individualism and self-interest.

Turning to Bourdieu’s theory, one of the challenges of applying it is to consider China’s unique context. Bourdieu himself emphasized the context-dependent nature of his work, cautioning against treating it as a universal, total theory and highlighting its utility as a method adaptable to specific contexts (Mahar, 1990). A pivotal aspect of this theory is the concept of habitus, which Bourdieu insists should not be misconstrued as deterministic. While habitus is shaped by past experiences and conditions, influencing individuals’ perceptions and behavioral tendencies, it does not strip individuals of their capacity to make choices within these constraints. For instance, Huang (2017) notes that although children from lower social classes may not possess the cultural capital favored by educational institutions, the absence of an upper-class habitus merely limits their reliance on certain forms of cultural capital, such as ‘bourgeois speech,’ for educational success. Nonetheless, these children have the autonomy to make choices within their constrained circumstances, whether by withdrawing, exerting additional effort, or selecting subjects less dependent on a specific verbal style.

Moreover, habitus is not static; it encompasses a transformative element, empowering individuals to reshape their trajectories. This is vividly illustrated in Xu’s (2022) study of rural students who, recognizing the constraints and sacrifices their parents faced, nurtured high aspirations and achieved academic success in elite universities. The reflexivity inherent in their habitus allowed these students to transcend their circumstances and transform their academic journeys. In essence, this nuanced understanding of Bourdieu’s theory encourages a more comprehensive and empathetic approach to analyzing educational aspirations within the unique social context of rural China.

Implications for research

One overlooked aspect in research on educational aspiration is the impact of schooling. While much research examines the influence of family on students’ aspirations, few studies take into account the schooling experiences of rural students. However, rural students attend schools of varying quality, and these experiences do make a difference in their aspirations (Fang, 2016; Han, 2012; Li & Hou, 2022). By shifting the focus to the school context, researchers can analyze the effect of segregated and ill-equipped schools on rural students’ educational aspirations and how schools reproduce social inequality. They can also investigate how rural students resist the school’s mechanisms of control by developing non-traditional aspirations. As Li and Hou (2022) suggest, differences in ‘teachers, curricula, and teaching arrangements’ caused by school segregation, as well as the differences in school atmosphere created by most peer groups, impact the educational aspirations of rural youth.

Yet, the intricacies of daily interactions at school remain largely underexplored. For example, what role does the school type play in how rural students develop their aspirations toward higher education? To what extent are rural students segregated in terms of learning resources and class involvement? In what ways do academic and emotional support make a difference in rural students’ aspirations? Some studies have found that school type has a significant impact on children’s educational aspirations (Geven & Forster, 2021), while others argue that school type does not necessarily have an impact (Gao et al., 2022). Thus, further research is needed to explore the development of educational aspirations in different school settings and to identify effective interventions that could equip rural students with important tools to realize their academic and vocational goals.

Another opportunity for the study of educational aspirations is to involve rural students from various backgrounds, and female, lower-class, and ethnic minority students in particular. Much of the existing research tends to focus on migrant children or high-achieving rural students. However, it is essential to recognize that rural students are not a homogeneous group, and there are significant differences in household income and values across families, as well as economic growth and social policies across provinces. For example, Hong and Fuller (2019) examine the impact of poverty and the sense of being alone on educational aspirations of left-behind children, stressing the importance of understanding and support provided by their families. In another study conducted on Zhuang adolescents, the largest ethnic minority group in China, Li et al. (2020) discovered how educational aspirations mediate the relationship between singleton status (being one child or not) and science literacy. Therefore, future research needs to consider the diverse rural student populations, and expand the research to include disadvantaged subgroups of rural people. Findings in this area can lead to a deeper understanding of social resources that constitute rural students’ heterogeneity in educational aspirations.

In terms of methodological approach, there are other important areas of future research on educational aspirations. Most studies on this topic are cross-sectional, and longitudinal studies are needed to explore changes in aspirations, as well as their long-term effects. For example, Nakamura (2003) compared education systems in South Korea and Japan to explore when and how they ‘warm up’ students’ aspirations and ‘cool down’ aspirations for those who are unlikely to fulfill them. Similarly, Geven and Forster (2021) used German panel data to examine how students with various migration backgrounds adapt their educational expectations upwardly or downwardly, in response to their academic ability. Additionally, quantitative studies are necessary to measure students’ aspirations, but researchers must consider the fluidity of aspirations and the different synonyms and translations used in Chinese. One question for quantitative researchers would be, how can we develop and validate scales to measure educational aspirations and related concepts, such as motivation and self-efficacy (Leung et al., 2017)? Qualitative approaches are also needed, and the analysis should incorporate interdisciplinary perspectives from fields such as anthropology, sociology, and psychology, and should be guided by more inclusive principles.

This article also raises questions on positionality in studying educational aspirations. A key issue is researchers’ attitudes towards high or low aspirations. While high aspirations are often seen as desirable among rural students, it is important to consider their psychological well-being when their high aspirations go unfulfilled (Sun et al., 2013). It is also necessary to reflect on how to address low aspirations for various stakeholders (Rainford, 2023). Should parents and teachers encourage rural students to set ambitious goals? Should policymakers remove structural barriers that prevent them from developing high aspirations? Or should institutional leaders consider how schools need to change to support rural community values instead of pushing students to conform to the higher education system? These questions lead to the second issue, which concerns the seemingly natural path of entering higher education. While achieving success in school through to university is considered a normative and honored path in China (Woronov, 2008), it is crucial to raise awareness of alternative, nonlinear educational trajectories, such as students who transfer out or take a gap year. Furthermore, some individuals have no aspirations for higher education at all, despite the cultural and economic benefits that may come with it. Researchers need to acknowledge that higher education may not necessarily be superior to other educational and occupational pathways. As MacBrayne (1987) points out, a fulfilling life can be achieved in a variety of ways other than through higher education. Thus, as researchers, we must critically examine our values and assumptions when studying educational aspirations, and ensure that we are using appropriate measures to capture the multifaceted nature of aspirations.

Implications for practice

Based on the literature analysis, this paper offers the following recommendations to support the holistic development of rural students. First, schools need to strengthen communication with parents and encourage their involvement in children’s education. Special attention should be paid to school-based and community-based support, such as helping left-behind children cope with separation from their parents. Teachers also need to create an inclusive atmosphere in the classroom that embraces students with different hukou statuses. Second, it is important to promote informed decision-making in higher education among rural students. In Chinese society, where there is a growing emphasis on exploring an apprenticeship system and vigorously cultivating technically skilled talents, vocational colleges should not be viewed as an inferior alternative to research universities. In response to this, rural students need to be aware of the range of educational options available to them and make informed decisions based on their interests and career goals. Finally, institutional impediments must be addressed through national and local policy efforts. For instance, the hukou system reform should be deepened to eliminate restrictions on the education of rural and migrant children. Local governments need to further optimize the allocation of high-quality educational resources and narrow the gap between different types of schools.

Limitations

A primary limitation of this study is that it does not include articles published in Chinese due to translation barriers. As mentioned in the concept section, there are many synonyms for aspiration in Chinese, and these words carry profound connotations, which could complicate the identification of relevant literature through the keyword search. Additionally, the use of a single database and selective keywords may result in some relevant literature being excluded from the review list. Moreover, the review list only includes journal articles, not other documents such as book chapters and reports, which could exclude important sources of information. Nevertheless, this literature review provides an explicit list of search terms for readers to understand the scope of this study and to consider for use in future research. This should prove useful for researchers looking to extend the scope by including additional sources in their own work.

Conclusion

This literature review provides a comprehensive understanding of the factors shaping educational aspirations of rural students in China, emphasizing the dynamic interplay of social, economic, and policy frameworks; higher education systems; school and community environments; and individual habitus. The study underscores that aspirations are not static but evolve through a nuanced interplay of these contextual forces and cost-benefit calculations.

Key factors identified include the pervasive influence of the hukou system, the stratification within the higher education landscape, and the social and cultural capital in rural communities. These elements combine to create a unique ecosystem in which rural students navigate their educational journeys. Notably, while the hukou system and institutional barriers pose significant challenges, the resilience and aspirations of rural students are also shaped by the strong value placed on education within their communities and families, often seen as a vehicle for social mobility and escape from rural confines.

This review also highlights the transformative and reflexive power of habitus, where individual aspirations are deeply rooted in personal narratives, family expectations, and cultural norms. The reflexivity exhibited by rural students and their families, in understanding and negotiating their educational paths, underscores the dynamic nature of educational aspirations.

Furthermore, this study emphasizes the significance of cost-benefit analysis in shaping educational aspirations. Rural students’ decisions are influenced by their perception of the costs, benefits, and probabilities of success in pursuing higher education. While aspirations are often high, reflecting the desire for social mobility and a better life, the realities of socioeconomic constraints, academic challenges, and the competitive job market often necessitate a recalibration of these aspirations.

In conclusion, this literature review contributes to the field of comparative and international education by addressing the less-explored area of Chinese rural students’ aspirations. The process of identifying and synthesizing relevant factors is, in essence, a repeated consideration of the question of ‘what is important’, and the criteria can only be generated through comparison. The scope of comparison needs to be expanded in both spatial and temporal dimensions, which requires researchers to have a deep understanding of their own country’s historical and social contexts, as well as those of other countries.

In the context of China, improving rural education demands a more human-centered approach than mere economic input or policy reform. Researchers must go beyond identifying what factors are involved, but also explore how students make decisions about whether and where to pursue higher education. By fostering their mobility and right to choose, rural students can be empowered to unlock their full potential and contribute to the growth of their communities. This calls for a refocusing, redefining, and reimagining of rural students’ educational aspirations. Their aspirations should be more than remote possibilities.

Disclosure statement

The author declares that there is no conflict of interest.

Additional information

Notes on contributors

Yulu Hou

Yulu Hou is currently a PhD student in the Higher, Adult, and Lifelong Education program at Michigan State University. She holds a Bachelor's degree in Philosophy from Peking University, China, and a Master of Arts in Education from the University of California, Los Angeles.