An Explorative Study of Skilled Immigrant Mothers’ Perspectives Toward Swedish Preschools

ABSTRACT

While the majority of children in Sweden attend preschool, children of immigrant background have lower enrollment rates. Limited research has explored why immigrant families do not attend preschool. This study helps to fill this void by exploring the perspectives of 10 skilled immigrant mothers who do not send their children to preschool. Data were collected from semi-structured interviews with 10 mothers (via a convenience sample), before a themed analysis was conducted. Findings suggest the skilled immigrant mothers had concerns about child safety, their child’s language development, and developing the home culture. Findings are important for policymakers and administrators wanting to increase preschool attendance rates for children from immigrant backgrounds.

KEYWORDS:

• Early childhood
• family culture
• immigrants
• language

International research suggests that across a wide range of countries, children from certain social backgrounds are still less likely to be enrolled in services geared toward the general child population (Gambaro, Stewart, & Waldfogel, 2014; Oberhuemer, 2014). For example, a longitudinal study from Norway showed that even though high-quality preschool was available and affordable, the link between under-utilization and low income/parental education level was only partially mitigated (Sibley, Dearing, Toppelberg, Mykletun, & Zachrisson, 2015). Research from Europe also shows that children from disadvantaged social backgrounds are less likely to take up preschool services and are often enrolled at older ages (European Commission, 2014). In some European countries, the mother’s educational level is important, where mothers who were more qualified were more likely to return to work than mothers who had lower levels of qualifications (Wirth, 2013). Cost, despite government assistance, has also been found to be a potential barrier for lower qualified mothers who have less income (Wirth, 2013). Moreover, there are concerns about how preschools respond to the increased diverse needs of families and communities in different contexts, with migrant children being least likely to attend preschool (Vandenbroeck & Lazzari, 2014).

Since 1975, the number of children (ages 1–5 years) enrolled in preschools in Sweden has been increasing; today it is approximately 84% (Skolverket, 2017). Around 94% of children ages 4 to 5 years attend preschool (Skolverket, 2017). The steady increase has been the result of changes in government policy that have allowed universal access for all children. In 2016, over 501,000 children were enrolled in preschool (Skolverket, 2017a). Around 78% of children from a foreign background attend preschool, compared to 84% of children with a Swedish background (Skolverket, 2017). Previous research in this area is limited, with few studies conducted on the children who do not attend preschools.

One suggestion could be cultural differences in education overall that may lead to possible misunderstandings, tensions, or conflicts between parents and teachers (Roer-Strier, 2001). Similarly, enhanced social mobility based on the child’s academic success (Feliciano, 2006) emerges as the major reason for immigrant families enrolling their children in preschool. Problems do emerge, however, with differences in perspectives between families and teachers. In one study of Chinese families in New Zealand (Chan, 2018), frequent comparisons were made between the curriculum in both countries by parents. In Germany (Bossong & Keller, 2018), a study of migrant mothers found cultural background had a strong relationship with what was expected in early education. While immigrant mothers wanted more directive guidance in early learning, the teachers maintained a pedagogical preference for psychological autonomy. In another study, from Italy (Lavelli, Döge, & Bighin, 2016), comparisons were made between immigrant mothers and teachers in their overall aims for children’s learning and life. Immigrant mothers (Romanian, Moroccan, Nigerian, and Sri Lankan) emphasized goals associated with hierarchical relatedness, especially with regard to respect for adults, religious practice, and sense of family and culture. Alternatively, the teachers’ aims related to children’s individual psychological autonomy, social integration, and respect for social rules. What emerges from these three studies is that children and their families navigate two different cultures as they try and become familiar with the new culture. One problem with this approach is that early childhood teachers may not take into account that children from different cultures learn in different ways (Maynard & Martini, 2005). Thus, the cultural awareness and sensitivity of the early childhood teacher becomes important for engaging immigrant families.

This article explores the perspectives of 10 skilled immigrant mothers who have chosen not to send their children to Swedish preschools. As such, finding previous literature to draw upon is difficult. This study helps to fill this void and provide insight into concepts of cultural integration, parental rights, and child well-being.

Swedish preschools

In 2015, there were 9,800 preschools across Sweden (Skolverket, 2017). Seventy-three percent of these preschools were run by the local municipality, while 27% were run by private administration (Skolverket, 2017). Private administration could include independent schools (for-profit and not-for-profit) and parent co-operatives.

During 2015, 80% of all enrolled children attended a municipality preschool, while the remaining 20% attended an independent preschool (private or parent co-operative) (Skolverket, 2017a). Independent preschools can be for profit (private enterprise) or not-for-profit (nonprofit organizations, parent co-operatives). During the 1990s, independent preschools became more common in Sweden, which provided parents with a choice about where to enroll their child. Independent preschools charge parents the same amount as municipality preschools. In one municipality, 93% of children attend an independent preschool (Skolverket, 2017a).

The market share of independent preschools is perhaps different than in other countries. Today, almost all of the independent education providers (93%) run only one preschool (Skolverket, 2014a). The most common form of independent preschool is a cooperative (43%), followed by a limited company (38%). Other types of independent preschools include nonprofit association (9%), foundation (3%), private firm (3%), trading company (2%), and religious community (2%) (Skolverket, 2014a).

For many refugee children and families, the transition to the Swedish preschool is their first meeting with a Swedish institution and members of Swedish society. The relationship and initial trust between child, family, and preschool is important for all. This can be extremely complex for some families and their children if they have had traumatic experiences from war and from their time as a refugee. Angel and Hjern (2004) suggest that preschool is one of the most important initiatives for the development and learning needs of newly arrived children. The preschool provides newly arrived children with a structure in everyday life, where both children and parents can access the support they need. It also provides an opportunity for parents to meet other adults – an important resource for families who left their old network behind and have not yet had time to establish new networks. Start days, contact days, parent-teacher meetings, relationships with staff, and other activities provide natural opportunities for parents to get to know other adults within the preschool and society (Lunneblad, 2017). The introduction into preschool can have a decisive impact on children’s later school success and the full integration of family longitudinally within Swedish society. ECEC is the best economic investment for preventing social exclusion, marginalization, and alienation. Swedish preschool staff, therefore, have an important function in ensuring the families’ long-term integration within Sweden (Angel & Hjern, 2004).

The importance of parental interaction is reinforced both in national and international research (Nilsson & Bunar, 2016). In today’s preschool, parents are expected to play an active role. Daily meetings between parents and teachers at preschool are situations that make visible the different conceptions of what it means to be a parent and how these beliefs carry meanings of class, gender, ethnicity, and normality (Lunneblad, 2017). The importance of cooperation and dialogue with parents is also something that is important for children and families who carry with them the memories of war and persecution. Research done in clinical psychology on refugee children’s health highlights the role preschool can play in offering children a stable living environment. Studies show how the preschool can serve as a support, providing the children with structure in their daily lives and access to stable adults if their parents feel stressed/overwhelmed (Angel & Hjern, 2004).

Educational research on new arrivals and children often focuses on multilingual development and mother tongue importance. The situation for many newly arrived children is that they should learn about a new culture while also learning a new language. The Swedish language is described as a key to getting ahead in Swedish society. In preschool, teachers take the role as the bearer of Swedish culture and language. A linguistic regime is implemented based on language. That is, children and families should speak Swedish (Nilsson & Bunar, 2016). Language is thus seen as a key determinant for the future of the refugee child. However, research acknowledges that more perspectives need to be present for preschool to serve as a place for integration (Lunneblad, 2017).

Focus of study

This study focuses on why immigrant families in Sweden do not send their children to preschool. While research has shown differences between immigrant mothers and teachers in preschools, few studies have explored why parents do not send their children to preschool in the first place. This study helps to fill this void by interviewing immigrant families in a large city in Sweden.

The study implements the family ecological paradigm as the theoretical framework for the study (Bronfenbrenner, [1985] 2005) to focus on the inter-relationship between the skilled immigrant mothers and the other ecological systems of preschool and cultural networks. The framework was chosen because of its holistic theoretical approach wherein immigrant mothers and their children do not exist in isolation, but rather are part of larger social structures that are interconnected across institutions in Sweden. The ecological model consists of five interactive systems, with the immigrant families in the center of the microsystem, mesosystem, exosystem, macrosystem, and the chronosystem (Bronfenbrenner, 1979, 1986). The interconnected systems suggest that an immigrant child’s development cannot be investigated effectively without exploring the interconnectedness between the multiple layers (Bronfenbrenner, 1979). Thus, we use the systems in the creation of the interview questions, analysis, and discussion to provide insight into the perspectives of the immigrant mother, which provides insight on the trajectory of the immigrant child.

Method

A qualitative approach was chosen for this study to elicit personal experiences from the research participants. Interviews allow researchers to explore subjective viewpoints (Flick, 2009). A semi-structured interview approach was chosen with an interview schedule created of eight questions based on the different systems from the ecological systems model. A particular focus was made on the first three systems, as they related the most to the immigrant mother in relation to interactions with preschool and others. The first system (microsystem) relates directly to the immediate surroundings (connections with family members). The second system (mesosystem) relates to how the immigrant family has transactions with peers. The third system (exosystem) has an indirect effect on immigrant families and includes support networks and the broader society. The macrosystem relates to social values, cultural beliefs, and customs and was probed within the interview in regard to the mothers’ social values, cultural beliefs, and customs.

The questions were initially member checked by another academic who was also a skilled immigrant mother to ensure relevance and led to a level of improved trustworthiness. Initial changes were given.

Ten participants were recruited through convenience sampling of international networks for migrant parents. The interviewer was also an immigrant herself (insider perspective) and had a prior understanding of immigrant networks that could be approached. Information and informed consent forms were sent to participants and signed before the interview.

The 10 participants were all mothers. Some mothers had three children below school age, while other mothers only had one child. Two women were expecting their second child. All children were under 5 years of age and had not attended a Swedish preschool.

All of the mothers’ were fluent in English and used English often in Sweden. As such, English was the chosen language for the interviews. This limitation must be considered in terms of limited generalization to immigrant mothers in Sweden.

Interviews took place in the participants’ houses at a time convenient to them. Interviews usually lasted 30 minutes and were audio recorded through a “flowing conversation” approach (Choak, 2012; Rubin & Rubin, 2005). “Flow” was created by not probing too often or intrusively, with careful consideration given to when to ask main questions, follow-up questions, and probes (Rubin & Rubin, 2005). A transcript of notes was made from the audio recordings.

A themed analysis was used to find key themes. The goal of a thematic analysis is to “identify themes, i.e. patterns in the data that are important or interesting, and use these themes to address the research or say something about an issue” (Maquire & Delahunt, 2017, p. 3352). This approach is useful researchers who position their work within either realist or constructionist paradigms within the social sciences (Braun & Clarke, 2006). The transcript was read and re-read to provide clarity in the themes within the transcripts. Typically, a theme will appear more than once across the dataset upon readings (Braun & Clarke, 2006). The process was repeated a second time to check findings. In the transcripts, six themes emerged initially and were later condensed to four after multiple readings. Two of the themes were collapsed (fear and risk were collapsed to safety, and resources, teaching, and learning were collapsed to development and learning) and became the first (safety) and second (development and learning) biggest themes discussed by the skilled immigrant mothers.

Findings

From the interviews with the 10 mothers, four main themes emerged: (1) safety, (2) development and learning, (3) culture, and (4) language. These are discussed below.

Safety

All of the mothers expressed concern about child safety in the Swedish preschools and did not want to expose their children to unnecessary risks. These included physical risks in the playground (such as climbing trees), excursions outside of the preschool, and play equipment (such as nails or glue guns). This was the largest theme found within the interviews and also included ideas of risk and fear. According to one mother:

You just never know what will happen when you drop your kid [at] preschool with so many children – and it would be awful if something did happen. I think in a controlled environment it is ok but I don’t think the physical risks are controlled enough. There is not enough supervision for so many children.

The fear of physical safety for children at preschool may also have come from the increased group sizes of children. In Sweden, there are no regulations on group size; in recent years, they have increased, leading to much publicity around the associated risks with having fewer adults and more children. The increase in numbers of children also created a fear of lacking supervision among the mothers, especially for mixed-age groups (children aged 1 to 5 years) where there was general fear about the supervision and care of the youngest of children interacting with older children. The mothers had heard stories from other mothers about children coming home with injuries and the teacher not being aware of what had happened. One mother commented:

My friend’s child came home with bite marks all over her arm and legs. She asked the teacher what happened. They said they didn’t see anything and they do not know. They do not know which child bit her child. My friend was very upset. What were the teachers doing so they did not see a child bite another child multiple times? Why didn’t they ask the children and investigate what happened? My friend didn’t know if she should take her child to the doctor to get tested for certain diseases.

Many of the mothers also mentioned hearing stories of high staff turnover (staff regularly leaving), large numbers of substitute teachers, and lack of qualified staff working in preschools. These stories were further verified for the mothers through the media around the lack of quality in Swedish preschools. The mothers suggested that this instability created problems with their overall trust in Swedish preschool teachers regarding supervision and safety, again leading to concerns. Adding to this concern was their awareness that there may be unqualified teachers working in the preschool with children. In Sweden, it is expected that preschools have bachelor-degree qualified teachers; however, there is a growing shortage of teachers and so some preschools have to employ unqualified staff to allow the preschool to continue to run. Likewise, substitute teachers may not have to hold bachelor-degree qualifications. One mother shared:

I went to look at a preschool to see if it would be suitable for my child. The day that I arrived the preschool director was sick, as were many of the teachers. There was a large number of substitute staff and I could tell the children were not happy. I tried to ask one of the teachers about the routines but she didn’t really know much as she wasn’t usually at the preschool. The children were crying. I just felt that it was not a nice place to be and it was difficult for the substitute teachers as they were just trying the best they could.

Another mother also commented about the risks with unqualified teachers:

I know there are problems with recruiting qualified preschool teachers but it just seems a little strange that someone without a qualification is allowed to look after your kids for the entire day. I have concerns about the safety of my children when the person does not have qualifications. I would not trust an unqualified doctor so why should I trust an unqualified teacher?

In general, aspects of safety emerged as one of the strongest themes for the immigrant mothers contributing to their decision not to send their children to preschool. The immigrant mothers did not feel comfortable leaving their children in the care of the preschool staff and felt they could keep their child safer at home. The lack of safety in the preschool was further verified for the skilled mothers through the growing media around growing group size of children in preschools, lack of qualified staff, and high staff turnover that all contributed to risks around supervision and safety.

Development and learning

The skilled immigrant mothers had a strong focus on early learning in the home environment and had read various articles about fostering child development. The mothers recognized themselves as the “first educator” of their children and wanted to foster a strong home learning environment. They said that since the child was at home, they could have one-on-one quality interactions with the child and provide individual support, something that was not possible at the preschool. To some of the mothers, this also allowed greater flexibility in learning, as they could spend time doing things the child was interested in and having flexibility in the routine, depending on the needs of the child. For example, if the child was tired, the parents could allow the child to sleep rather than following a fixed routine like preschool. One mother stated:

I can really have quality time with my child and I can teach her so many things because she is there. We can have many different conversations through the day and my child also helps me with house chores and activities. There is a lot of importance for child development with them being [in] one-on-one interactions and also undertaking household tasks. I have read about activities to support the child at home and I think I am doing a good job in helping my child learn. She is almost reading and has a very good vocabulary. I don’t think my child would have gotten the same support in preschool.

Another mother also spoke about the importance of attachment theory as part of child development. The mother said that children who experience preschools for long hours may not develop strong attachments, especially if there is a high turnover of staff at the preschool. The mother said she had read articles about the importance of attachment to reduce child anxiety as well as child cortisol levels. As such, the parent thought it would be better for the child to have a strong attachment at home and that by the child being relaxed and happy, they could then engage in more activities and learning.

One mother also commented about the problem with some of the Swedish preschools around access to quality learning. While they would like to send their child to a preschool, not all preschools were equal and provided the same quality education for all children:

I talk to other mothers and we know which are good and not so good preschools. But the problem is for your child to go to a good preschool with plenty of learning, you have to register them when they are born and even then, there is no guarantee because of the long queues. So if you can’t get in, it is better for the child to stay at home where the child can learn just as much or even more. As a mother, I can provide the best education for my child that supports their needs.

All of the mothers read to the children and engaged in daily music (singing), art (drawing/painting), and mathematical activities from a young age. The mothers also took children to some organized activities, such as open preschools, dance classes, and swimming classes, to extend their children’s learning and also provide opportunities for the child to socialize with other children. One mother stated:

We do plenty of different activities throughout the day and we have such a good routine. Going to the library or the grocery shop can be such an educational experience. My children also go to the open preschool one morning a week and play with other children. It gives them a chance to meet children their own age. So I think we have a good balance where the children are mainly at home, but we do go out and do other activities too.

According to one mother, home learning was also important for the child to develop confidence before going to school. She wanted her child to know the alphabet and numbers so he would be able to feel good about what he already knows when he starts school. The mother knew the child would be able to learn Swedish easily, but wanted to help by giving the child a strong foundation in early learning and within the mother tongue language. She commented:

I want my child to be a confident learner and know things before they start school. I want them to feel good about school and not feel stressed about learning new concepts in a new language.

Another mother was also focused on keeping the child to the level of learning that would be consistent with that in their home country. She explained that children would read and write before they entered school. For this mother, it was also important that her child could do these things. The mother suggested that even though they were in Sweden for a while, they may move back to their home country at any time in the future and they had to ensure that the child would not be left behind in the home education system, which was highly competitive. To the mother, it was a form of safety-proofing their child’s future.

Culture

To some of the mothers, the learning culture and the process of possible assimilation with Swedish values were also problematic. This was especially true for religious immigrant families, who may have different values and beliefs to those advocated in the Swedish preschool. One mother commented:

I want my child to be a global citizen and understand many different cultural events, not just Christmas, Easter, and midsummer. We also celebrate others.

Some of the mothers also wanted their children to learn and understand their home culture first before learning a second culture. They felt that developing a foundation was important as the child spent the majority of their time in the foundation culture. The mothers saw the cultural identity formation of their child as highly important. Another mother said:

My child was born into our culture and ways of seeing the world. I want my child to understand and respect this before an additional culture is added.

Mothers appeared to understand that children would become bi-cultural in time alongside language development. The mothers saw it was their role to support their child in navigating the two cultures.

Language

To the mothers, it was important that the children were fluent in their mother tongue to be able to communicate with relatives in the home country as well as develop an identity from the mother tongue language. As one mother commented:

My child will learn Swedish when she goes to formal schooling. She will speak Swedish five days a week during school hours and then after school with her friends. She may even refuse to speak her mother tongue. For now, I am happy that I can give her the gift of her mother tongue language so she is able to communicate in our family and with relatives. She is also able to understand our beliefs and cultural practices because of speaking [our] mother tongue.

For another mother, learning Swedish was also a secondary importance. She commented:

I speak Russian and my husband speaks Turkish. We communicate together in English. Our child is learning all three languages. Adding in Swedish (that we are also learning) would just make it even more complicated at this stage. For now we try with three and then Swedish can come with formal schooling.

To all the mothers, language learning appeared an important factor in choosing to keep their children at home until formal schooling. The mothers wanted to have their children establish mother tongue and cultural beliefs that they could share with relatives in their home countries.

Discussion

There is currently limited research around the choice of participation in Swedish preschools by skilled immigrant mothers. Engaging with the ecological systems model, a theorized understanding of how the systems interact with each other, provides a deeper understanding of the research findings.

Aspects of the Swedish preschool were considered unsafe with regard to physical risks and supervision by the skilled immigrant mothers. Some of the mothers also pointed out a number of structural problems that contributed to unsafe environments, such as a large number of substitute staff, lack of qualified teachers, and large group sizes. The structural problems identified by the parents have also been identified in Swedish media (see Göteborg Posten) (connectedness to the exosystem). For example, the lack of trained staff has been documented by Kommunal (union) in the report “Your Child’s Future” (Kommunal, 2018). In 2016, almost 30% of preschool staff had no formal qualification to work with children. Sweden’s kommuns and council (SKL) estimates that there needs to be an annual recruitment of 2,000–3,000 assistants through 2022. The problem with staffing creates problems for maintaining and improving the quality of preschools and directly impacts the child’s individual needs (Kommunal, 2018). Furthermore, the perspectives were also confirmed for the skilled immigrant mothers by peers and networks (micro- and mesosystems) who spoke about experiences from Swedish preschools as well as discussed the negative perspectives from the media. As such, the skilled mothers believed that the home environment was best for their children, as it reduced the possible risks identified by others and the media. This finding highlights the impact of negative media (from the exosystem) on parent perspectives and how it can create a sense of fear around child safety.

The mothers involved in this study wanted the very best for their children and thought this would be found in the home environment where they could support optimal learning and development (microsystem interactions with just the home). According to Bronfenbrenner (1979), nurturing positive relationships and spaces supports positive child development. The mothers were aware that while their children were not learning Swedish, they were learning other valuable things at home to give them a head start when they did start formal schooling in Sweden. The mothers (who had formal qualifications) wanted their children to be confident in certain learning areas so they could understand concepts (such as numeracy and reading) before they went to school. This would allow the child more time to concentrate on learning Swedish at school. The children would also not be behind, as they already had a “head start” in certain learning areas. In this way, education was highly valued by the parents, who tried to create a positive learning environment for their children. The mothers recognized that they were the “first educators” for the children, and placed a strong focus on child attachment and parent-child interactions. For some mothers, it also meant keeping their child at the same level as curriculum requirements in their home country. Findings from Chan (2018) have shown that Chinese parents in New Zealand make similar comparisons of education systems and curricula in early childhood education (again influences from both the exosystem and the macrosystem).

From this current Swedish study, the focus on cultural learning and understanding appears to be dominant with the immigrant mothers as well, who wanted to provide connection to their home environment and culture (again interactions between the microsystem). In this study, culture was also related to language. The child would develop their own culture and identity before being socialized and integrated into the Swedish culture in formal schooling. Thus, the parents were open to building language and cultural capital, but only in formal schooling. Being at home appeared to give time to develop a foundation in the home culture and language. As such, the study also raises questions around cultural integration and language learning, with consideration of what is best for the child. Alongside this issue around integration into society are issues around parent choice and responsibility. The parents in this study were open and supportive of the new culture, but only after the child had entered formal schooling. In the mothers’ interactions, their experiences become their day-to-day reality and their norm. It is important to note that how the micro- and mesosystem interact also influences the immigrant child’s social outcome in Swedish society (Bronfenbrenber, 1977).

The findings from this study are important for formal schooling. When these children enter the formal years of schooling in Sweden, consideration needs to be paid to how schools and parents will work together. In this study, immigrant children and their mothers engage in most of the interactions within the first two levels of the system (micro- and meso-system). This is especially important given that the children from this study will be learning Swedish in school, but they may already have developed certain competencies in learning areas (such as numeracy and reading). How teachers support the children’s learning to help them continue to feel confident and develop a sense of belonging is important. As such, it is vital for the teachers to acknowledge that the children have learned culturally in different ways (Maynard & Martini, 2005) and, as such, develop meaningful dialogue with parents to work together. This means that teachers require an understanding of transnational practices to best support the child’s learning. Otherwise the child will continue to have to navigate two different worlds in their education, leading to concerns about the child’s health and well-being (Roer-Strier, 2001).

Conclusion

This article has provided insights into the perspectives of why immigrant families do not send their children to Swedish preschool. The insights are important for understanding how immigrant families and educational settings can work together and also how they can discuss differences and work out strategies so children do not have to navigate two different worlds (home and school). The immigrant mothers in the study were educated and wanted the best for their child/children. However, they felt that the Swedish preschool was not suitable for their child/children. Negative messages about the preschools were being communicated by the media as well as by peers/networks. Given that the number of immigrant families in Sweden is increasing, it is important for teachers to be aware of diverse parental aspirations and expectations and to embrace new possibilities for pedagogy. Similarly, teachers should also be aware of the negative media around preschool and schooling that may create distrust or angst among immigrant parents. In this study, negative media led to fears around safety.

The study is limited, in that only 10 mothers participated in self-report data. Further research is needed with a range of immigrant families to provide greater understandings about preschool participation and the role of Swedish preschools for immigrant families. Further research should also focus on finding ways to bridge the gap between family and education settings for children, to provide inclusive spaces for all.

Disclosure statement

No potential conflict of interest was reported by the author.