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Original Articles

Private Military Companies as ‘Epistemic Communities’

Pages 355-372 | Published online: 22 Dec 2006
 

Abstract

The role of the private military company (PMC) remains one of the more controversial aspects of security studies. For many, they represent little more than corporate ‘dogs of war’, beneficiaries of misplaced munificence from donor countries unable or unwilling to intervene in failed states directly or in areas where the challenge of post-war reconstruction is particularly violent. Such moral objections, however well intentioned, have done little to assuage the exponential growth of such actors, fuelled in no small part by ongoing internecine strife in Iraq and Afghanistan. By equating PMCs with the ideal of an ‘Epistemic Community’ however, this article suggests this normative ideal can help towards a functional understanding of the roles that such actors could and should perform in areas of civil conflict and post-war reconstruction.

Notes

 1. For an early account of this polarity of views see William Shawcross, Deliver us From Evil: Warlords and Peacekeepers in a World of Endless Conflict (London: Bloomsbury 2000) pp.172–8. For more recent accounts of PMCs with specific reference to their role in Iraq see David Isenberg, ‘A Fistful of Contractors: The Case for a Pragmatic Assessment of Private Military Companies in Iraq’, British American Security Information Council Research Report 2 (September 2004), available at www.basicint.org/pubs/Research/2004PMC.htm.

 2. Stephen Gray, ‘Iraq's New Leaders target Private Guards’, The Sunday Times, 6 June 2004. At the time of writing, it has been estimated that the total number of employees working for PMCs stands at over 10,000. The total strength of the British Armed Forces committed to operations in Iraq is estimated to be 8,500. One source, however, claims that anywhere between 40–51,000 personnel are working for PMCs in Iraq. See Zvi Barel, ‘With Great Diligence, in Iraq’, Ha'aretz [in Hebrew], 18 June 2004. In 2005, the following PMCs were known to be operating in Iraq: Aegis Defence Systems (UK), AirScan Inc (US), AKE (UK), ArmorGroup (UK), Blackwater (US), Control Risks Groups (UK), Custer Battles (US), Dyncorp (US), Erinys (Republic of South Africa – RSA), Global Risks Strategies (UK), Kroll (US), Meteoric Tactical Solutions (RSA), MPRI (US), Vinnell (US). For details over the function performed by each company see Isenberg, ibid. pp.29–38.

 3. P.W. Singer, ‘Corporate Warriors: The Rise of the Privatized Military Industry and its Ramifications for International Security’, International Security 26/3 (Winter 2001/02) pp.193–8.

 4. Anna Leander, ‘Global Ungovernance: Mercenaries, States and the Control of Violence’, Copenhagen Peace Research Institute Working Paper (2002), available at www.copri.dk/publications/workingpapers.htm.

 5. See Barry Buzan, People, States and Fear: An Agenda for Security Studies in the Post Cold War Era (2nd edn) (London: Harvester Wheatsheaf).

 6. Peter M. Haas, ‘Introduction: epistemic communities and international policy coordination’, International Organization 46/1 (Winter 1992), p.3.

 7. Peter M. Haas, ‘Introduction: epistemic communities and international policy coordination’, International Organization 46/1 (Winter 1992) p.4.

 8. David Shearer, ‘Outsourcing War’, Foreign Policy 112 (Fall 1998), p.68.

 9. David Shearer, ‘Outsourcing War’, Foreign Policy 112 (Fall 1998), p.68

10. Basildon Peta and Andrew Buncombe, ‘British ‘mercenary chief’ faces execution in Zimbabwe’, The Independent, 11 March 2004.

11. Singer (note 3) p.191.

12. For one such informed and objective account of the role played by mercenaries in warfare, see James Larry Taulbee, ‘Reflections on the Mercenary Option’, Small Wars and Insurgencies 9/2 (Autumn 1998), pp.145–63.

13. Ken Silverstein, Private Warriors (Verso: London 2000) pp.160–1.

14. Singer (note 3) p.186. This attempt to court ‘Corporate respectability’ is not unique to the post-Cold War era. Various PMCs were created in the 1960s. In the UK, one such company (Watchguard International) was established by the founder of the wartime SAS, David Stirling, following his experience in organizing a mercenary operation during the Yemen Civil War 1962–67. Stirling's criteria for accepting a contract is that it should not be detrimental to British interests. See Alan Hoe, David Stirling (London: Warner Books 1996) pp.371–89.

15. Singer (note 3) pp.192–3.

16. Thomas Caton, ‘Mercenaries seek a change of image’, Financial Times, 1 December 2004.

17. Clive Jones, Britain and the Yemen Civil War: Ministers, Mercenaries and Mandarins, Foreign Policy and the limits of Covert Action (Brighton: Sussex Academic Press 2004) p.272.

18. Donald Snow, Uncivil Wars: International Security and the New Internal Conflicts (London: Lynne Reinner 1996).

19. For a full discussion of the link between neo-medievalism and civil conflict, see Philip Cerny, ‘Neo-Medievalism, Civil War, and the New Security Dilemma: Globalisation as Durable Disorder, Civil Wars 1/2 (1998) p.36–64.

20. Stathis N. Kalyvas, ‘New and “Old” Civil Wars: A Valid Distinction’, World Politics 54/1 (October 2001) pp.99–118.

21. This has certainly been the case in Columbia. See Alma Guillermprieto, ‘Our New War in Colombia’, New York Review of Books, 13 April 2000, pp.34–9.

22. Singer (note 3) p.197.

23. Clive Jones and John Stone, ‘Britain and the Arabian Gulf: New Perspectives on Strategic Influence’, International Relations 13/4 (April 1997) pp.1–24.

24. David Shearer, ‘Private Military Force and Challenges for the Future’, Cambridge Review of International Affairs XIII/1 (Autumn–Winter 1999) p.85.

25. Tim Spicer, Unconventional Soldier: Peace and War and the Sandline Affair (London & Edinburgh: Mainstream Publishing 1999).

26. Singer (note 3) pp.201–2.

27. Paul Waugh and Nigel Morris, ‘Mercenaries as peace-keepers’ plan under fire’, The Independent, 14 February 2002. One author cited the concern of British Special Forces who risk losing increasing numbers of highly trained soldiers. A corporal in the Special Air Service regiment is reckoned to earn £30,000 per annum, a figure that would be trebled for the same period if employed by a reputable PMC in Iraq. See Christian Jennings, Midnight in Some Burning Town: British Special Forces from Belgrade to Baghdad (London: Wiedenfeld and Nicolson 2004) pp.214–16; Robert Fisk and Severin Carrell, ‘Occupiers spend millions on private army of security men’, The Independent on Sunday, 28 March 2004.

28. Andrew Parker, Francesco Guerrera and Victor Mallet, ‘UN criticises UK over mercenaries’, Financial Times, 19 April 2001; Andrew Parker, Francesco Guerrera, Victor Mallet and Carola Hoyos, ‘Ex-soldiers find there is money to be made out of wars’, Financial Times, 18 April 2001.

29. Financial Times, 18 April 2001.

30. Leander (note 4).

31. Shearer, ‘Outsourcing War’ (note 8) p.73.

32. Michael Evans, ‘Pay Private Armies to keep peace, MPs say’, The Times, 2 August 2002.

33. Sir David Ramsbotham, ‘Analysis and Assessment for Peacekeeping Operations’, Intelligence and National Security 10/4 (October 1995) p.167.

34. Sir David Ramsbotham, ‘Analysis and Assessment for Peacekeeping Operations’, Intelligence and National Security 10/4 (October 1995) p.162.

35. Jonathan Calvert and York Membery, ‘Enemies of the Cold War unite in Spies Inc’, The Sunday Times, 7 April 2002.

36. Robert David Steele, ‘Private Enterprise Intelligence: Its Potential Contribution to National Security’, Intelligence and National Security 10/4 (October 1995) p. 214.

37. Robert David Steele, ‘Private Enterprise Intelligence: Its Potential Contribution to National Security’, Intelligence and National Security 10/4 (October 1995) p.217.

38. Ramsbotham (note 33) p.164.

39. ‘CIA Chief orders agencies to rely on private satellites’, International Herald Tribune, 27 June 2002.

40. Jenny Cuffe, ‘File on 4’ (Transcript – Programme No.04VY3021LHO) BBC Radio 4, 25 May 2004.

41. The Independent on Sunday, 28 March 2004.

42. Joshua Chaffin, ‘Prison Torture scandal throws spotlight on private contractors’, Financial Times, 4 May 2004.

43. The Sunday Times, 6 June 2004.

44. ‘File on 4’ (note 40).

45. ‘File on 4’ (note 40)

46. Goldstone's comments were made to ‘File on 4’ (note 40).

47. ‘File on 4’ (note 40).

48. The Sunday Times, 6 June 2004.

49. ‘File on 4’ (note 40); James Drummond and Jimmy Burns, ‘Controversial ex-British army officer given key Iraq post’, Financial Times, 19–20 June 2004. For a profile of how one company, Aegis, operates in Iraq see Jon Swain, ‘Making a Killing’, The Sunday Times Magazine, 23 October 2005, pp.42–7.

50. On the issue of prospective oversight see Christopher Kinsey, ‘Private Military Companies: Options for Regulating Private Military Services in the United Kingdom’, British American Security Information Council BASIC Notes (7 September 2005), available at www.basicint.org/pubs/Notes/BN050907.htm.

51. ‘It is foolish to rely on mercenaries for security’, The Independent (Editorial), 14 February 2002. See also Max Hastings, ‘We must fight our instinctive distaste for mercenaries’, The Guardian, 2 August 2006.

52. Sue Lloyd Roberts, ‘Boys will be Boys’, Correspondent BBC2, 16 June 2002, available at www.bbc.co.uk/correspondent. Allegations were made that employees of the US-based PMO ‘Dyncorps’ were involved in a prostitution racket. Joshua Chaffin, ‘Prison torture scandal throws spotlight on private contractors’, Financial Times, 4 May 2004.

53. ‘File on 4’ (note 40).

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