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Research Article

“TAKING THE EMPATHY TO AN ACTIVIST STATE”: ALLY DEVELOPMENT AS CONTINUOUS CYCLES OF CRITICAL UNDERSTANDING AND ACTION

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Abstract

Allies are individuals who take action to end oppression in areas in which they have privilege. Although research on ally development is growing, prior research has often conceptualized allies in a binary fashion (privileged or oppressed), focused on only one specific area of privilege (e.g., race, as in White privilege), been limited to one specific context of development (e.g., college), or examined influences rather than developmental processes. We used a constructivist grounded theory approach to address the question “What is the process of being and becoming an ally?” Through a constant comparative analysis approach, we analyzed 28 semi-structured depth interviews with community participants age 26 to 73 from diverse racial, social status, and sexual identities. Results indicated that developing as allies was a lifelong process, with iterative cycles of understandings and action. Understandings of privilege and oppression were developed through education and relational learning and included understandings of concepts and systems, personal positionality, and cognitive and emotional empathy. These understandings contributed a sense of capability and multiple motivations (responsibility and integrity, relational connectedness, and personal healing and growth) that moved participants into action. Taking action also involved an iterative cycle, including active processes of deciding whether and how to intervene; action engagement with people who are privileged as well as those who are oppressed; and evaluating action. This second cycle catalyzed processes of seeking further understandings. Findings from this study have implications for future research examining ally development across the lifespan and developing interventions to foster ally development to advance social justice.

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In 1995, Andrea Ayvazian offered a succinct definition of “ally” stating:

An ally is a member of a dominant group in our society who works to dismantle any form of oppression from which she or he receives the benefit. Allied behavior means taking personal responsibility for the changes we know are needed in our society, and so often ignore or leave to others to deal with. Allied behavior is intentional, overt, consistent activity that challenges prevailing patterns of oppression, makes privileges that are so often invisible visible, and facilitates the empowerment of persons targeted by oppression.

This definition explicates several central aspects of the meaning of “ally”: privileged positionality, personal responsibility for social change, and consistent action to actually challenge oppression. In the more than quarter century since Ayvazian’s publication, our understanding and critical analysis of the role of privileged people in addressing oppression has significantly expanded. Earlier work exploring experience and development of allies aimed to emphasize the importance of ally development and engagement, pointing to how allies could play an important role in resisting oppression because of the societal and political power and privilege they hold, enabling them to challenge and resist the assumptions held by others with privilege, thus breaking the status quo (Bailey, Citation1998; Mio & Roades, Citation2003). Additional work sought to demonstrate how unearned power and privilege are detrimental to the privileged as well as the oppressed (Goodman, Citation2011), thereby fostering motivation for ally development.

In the current moment, there is much less need to argue for the basic importance of allies, or the need for those in privileged positions to contribute to social change. We are now experiencing a national moment of major awareness and activation, catalyzed by increasing oppression and inequity over the last decade, exemplified by the murder of George Floyd and the biases evident in the response and effects of COVID-19. In this moment, there is widespread social demand for engagement of all people, both privileged and oppressed, to resist anti-Blackness, racism, and intersectional oppressions. In this moment, more people in privileged positions are turning toward rather than turning away, seeing the damage that structural oppression inflicts, not only on individuals, but also on our basic humanity. However, people in privileged positions are simultaneously struggling with a lack of understanding and skills that are a product of their privilege. While many activists who have been working for liberation for decades are critiquing the concept of “ally” and calling for radical structural change and accomplice action, many people in privileged positions are questioning how they might even begin to take up the personal responsibility that Ayvazian describes. Although we have clear calls for action, we have much less understanding of what development is needed to foster, develop, and sustain that action. Research that aims to elucidate these developmental processes can be instrumental in bridging this gap between feeling called to action and knowing how to act.

While allied actions are crucial for promoting social justice both for individuals and society, our current understanding of what an effective ally is, and how allies develop, is limited. In the scientific literature, there are active debates and contradictions about the meaning of an ally, and the developmental processes that create allies. These include the knowledge and behaviors necessary to be an ally (e.g., Bailey, Citation1998; Clark, Citation2010; DiStefano et al., Citation2000; Edwards, Citation2006; Reason et al., Citation2005a, Citation2005b; Washington & Evans, Citation1991), what the developmental process of becoming an ally looks like (e.g., Bishop, Citation2002; Case, Citation2012; Gelberg & Chojnacki, Citation1995; Getz & Kirkley, Citation2003; Ji, Citation2007), and what experiences facilitate the process (e.g., Asta & Vacha-Haase, Citation2013; Caldwell & Vera, Citation2010; Case, Citation2012; Fingerhut, Citation2011; Munin & Speight, Citation2010; Perrin et al., Citation2014; Russell, Citation2011; Spanierman et al., Citation2017). Much of the empirical literature is limited by its focus on a single, specific kind of ally (e.g., White allies in relation to race, or heterosexual allies in relation to sexual orientation; Asta & Vacha-Haase, Citation2013; Broido, Citation2000; Case, Citation2012; DiStefano et al., Citation2000; Duhigg et al., Citation2010; Fingerhut, Citation2011; Getz & Kirkley, Citation2003; Reason et al., Citation2005a; Russell, Citation2011; Ryan et al., Citation2013; Smith & Redington, Citation2010; Spanierman et al., Citation2017); or on its specific focus on college students and personnel, or psychologists and psychology trainees (e.g., Broido, Citation2000; Gelberg & Chojnacki, Citation1995; Getz & Kirkley, Citation2003; Munin & Speight, Citation2010; Reason et al., Citation2005a; Ryan et al., Citation2013; Spanierman et al., Citation2017). Therefore, our understanding of the developmental process and meaning of allies would benefit from research that explores this process across types of allies and with individuals who have been acting as allies for varied amounts of time in a range of contexts (Broido & Reason, Citation2005).

Models of Ally Development

Current models of ally development tend to frame the process as step-wise, with individuals achieving increasingly sophisticated levels of allyship over time (e.g., Bishop, Citation2002; Gelberg & Chojnacki, Citation1995; Getz & Kirkley, Citation2003). Models usually include five to six developmental stages or phases that people move through as allies, including initial growing awareness of the systemic privilege and oppression related to their allyship (Bishop, 2000; Gelberg & Chojnacki, Citation1995), followed by recognition and grappling with one’s own privilege (Bishop, Citation2002; Getz & Kirkley, Citation2003), engagement in action (Bishop, Citation2002; Gelberg & Chojnacki, Citation1995), and finally shifts in one’s self-concept (Gelberg & Chojnacki, Citation1995; Getz & Kirkley, Citation2003). While these models provide helpful insights into important experiences related to ally growth, ally development may be continual and non-linear, rather than occurring in discrete phases (Ji, Citation2007). Developing a process model that integrates deeper understandings of how people grapple with and move through difficulties related to recognizing their privilege, (e.g. Helms, Citation2020; Nnawulezi et al., Citation2020; Todd & Abrams, Citation2011) could inform methods for addressing these challenges. Finally, conceptualizing ally development as having a final stage also conflicts with the meaning of allyship as involving consistent, continuous action and may in fact hinder growth and engagement (Asta & Vacha-Haase, Citation2013; Case, Citation2012; Reynolds, Citation2010).

Some ally development models are based on theory and individuals’ narratives (Bishop, Citation2002; Gelberg & Chojnacki, Citation1995; Ji, Citation2007), limiting our ability to understand the shared processes through which individuals acting as allies develop, including nuances and complexities within the process, as well as internal psychological processes. For example, Gelberg and Chojnacki (Citation1995) used their personal experience as career counselors at a university to develop a six-stage model of developing as allies to the LGBT community. Their model was also explicitly modeled after an LGBT coming out stage model, which may have constrained the processes and experiences considered as part of development to those that aligned with the LGBT stage model. Ji (Citation2007) similarly reflected on his personal development as an LGBT ally and considered how his development aligned with existing models. Bishop’s (Citation2002) theoretical model of ally development is unique in that it considers personal experiences of oppression as part of an ally’s developmental process and incorporates intrapersonal experiences such as healing and hope. However, research is needed to determine whether this model (and others) indeed relates to allies’ own developmental experiences.

There are also a small number of qualitative studies that aim to develop a model of ally development (Broido, Citation2000; Getz & Kirkley, Citation2003; Reason et al., Citation2005a). Each of these models was limited to college students and personnel, as well as a focus on a singular “type” of ally (i.e., heterosexual and White allies). For example, Broido (Citation2000) described a model of ally development based on phenomenological interviews with six college students and found that students came to college already possessing a social justice orientation. In college, students gained information about oppression from a variety of educational and social resources, and made meaning of this information through thinking, discussing, and perspective taking. Experiences in college led these individuals to develop greater confidence in themselves and their social justice stances, which enabled them to take action once they were recruited or invited to do so. Reason et al. (Citation2005a) elaborated on Broido’s pre-college social justice orientation with a specific focus on racial justice ally college students. They identified various influences that positioned students to become engaged in allied behavior in college, including having a diverse population in high school, close interpersonal relationships with people of color, parental influence, experiences of being the only White person, and a basic awareness of Whiteness and racial justice attitudes .

While the available models contribute important insights into ally development by drawing from critical analysis and observation, the models generally do not examine experiences that facilitate developmental movement, such as emotional reactions to understanding one’s privilege and motivation for taking action. Models are also mostly limited in focus on one area of privilege, rather than considering more generally how people grow to be allies. Additionally, available models of ally development predate this decade, potentially missing important shifts in understanding of allyship and its process.

Factors that Contribute to or Challenge Ally Development

Ally development research has also identified several important factors that contribute to, or hinder, ally develop. For example, personal relationships have frequently been cited as playing a crucial role in the development of allies, including familial influence (Caldwell & Vera, Citation2010; Munin & Speight, Citation2010; Reason et al., Citation2005a; Spanierman et al., Citation2017), friendships and intimate relationships with people experiencing oppression (Brandyberry, Citation1999; Broido, Citation2000; Caldwell & Vera, Citation2010; DiStefano et al., Citation2000; Fingerhut, Citation2011; Russell, Citation2011; Spanierman et al., Citation2017), and ally or social justice role models such as teachers and religious leaders (Spanierman et al., Citation2017). Research has also generally emphasized the positive impact of education on ally development, including formal trainings, classes, and workshops (e.g., Caldwell & Vera, Citation2010; DiStefano et al., Citation2000; Getz & Kirkley, Citation2003; Smith & Redington, Citation2010). Personal experiences of oppression, and values and belief systems (Brandyberry, Citation1999; Broido, Citation2000; Caldwell & Vera, Citation2010; DiStefano et al., Citation2000; Fingerhut, Citation2011; Russell, Citation2011; Spanierman et al., Citation2017) also play a central role in facilitating ally development. Emotions may also impact the developmental process, as Ji (Citation2007) noted in his personal narrative as a heterosexual ally that models which integrated affective experiences into the developmental process were most relevant to his own developmental experience. Gelberg and Chojnacki (Citation1995) described experiencing emotions such as low self-esteem, feelings of isolation, depression and anxiety, and later increased self-esteem and self-valuing through their developmental process as allies. However, these critical factors are inconsistently integrated into or reflected within models of ally development, if they are integrated at all.

While there is more empirical research about factors that contribute to ally development, this research is also limited in developmental timeframe (i.e., college students and psychology trainees) and specific “types” of allies. The majority of research on factors related to ally development are from the previous decade, warranting a newer investigation of ally development with current understandings of allyship. Additionally, the ways that these factors contribute to the developmental process are likely complicated and multifaceted. Therefore, a more in-depth investigation into process of ally development is warranted.

Nuances Needed to Understand Ally Development

Current conversations about allyship are more complicated than the current literature tends to reflect, perhaps because no empirically developed models of allyship have been conducted with a community sample. Current challenges to the idea or language of “ally” primarily center on whether “allyship” sufficiently captures the action or depth of action necessary for social change (Indigenous Action Media, Citation2014; Olser, Citationn.d.). These critiques question whether the word and concept of “ally” has been reduced to something that is merely symbolic or ornamental and devoid of action; reject the idea of ally “identity”; and identify issues of paternalism and lack of procedural and relational justice (see Utt, Citation2016; Osler, n.d.; Suyemoto et al., this issue). These critiques raise questions about existing ally models. Additionally, ally development models need to consider how people hold multiple identities simultaneously, often both privileged and oppressed (Bishop, Citation2002; Finnerty, Citation2004), and that oppressive systems work intersectionally (Crenshaw, Citation1988; Warner et al., Citation2018), such that negotiating multiple identities across time and context likely influences ally development in various ways (Reynolds, Citation2010). Currently, people across the country are increasingly activated around issues of social justice, but individuals interested in taking action stand to burden the very people they aim to help unless they first learn the necessities of truly acting as an ally. Therefore, the current study aims to understand the general meaning and process of acting and developing as an ally, by answering the research question: What is the experience of being and the process of becoming an ally? And the subquestion: What awarenesses, empowerments, attitudes, beliefs, or changes take place, and how?

Methods

We utilized a grounded theory approach informed by a constructivist and critical-ideological epistemological foundation (Charmaz, Citation2006; Ponterotto, Citation2005) This method was well-suited for understanding the process of becoming an ally, which had limited empirical exploration, particularly with the range of participants interviewed in the existing sample.

Participants and Procedures

Participants were over the age of 18 and fluent in English. For this study, we aimed to interview people across the lifespan and in various community occupations who were actively experienced by others as allies, rather than college students or individuals who self-described or self-identified as allies. , In accordance with prior literature suggesting that one must be viewed by other individuals as an ally to establish that one is indeed acting as an ally (e.g., Asta & Vacha-Haase, Citation2013; Duhigg et al., Citation2010; Reason et al., Citation2005a; Reynolds, Citation2010; Smith & Redington, Citation2010), prospective interviewees were nominated as allies by others (student interviewers, the principal investigator, the study coordinator, acquaintances of the researchers or interviewers who were identified as ally activists, and through snowball sampling). Nominated individuals were sent an e-mail informing them of their nomination and inviting them to participate in the study. Interested individuals responded via e-mail or phone and received a general description of the goals of study prior to participation. Participants were then scheduled for an interview, while ensuring that the participant was not interviewed by their nominator.

Thirty-two individuals identified by others as allies were interviewed. Two interviews were excluded from analysis because the quality of the interviewing was inadequate; specifically, the student interviewer was not able to maintain the focus of the interview, clearly convey the goal, or maintain the neutrality necessary to ensure representation of the perspectives of the participant rather than the interviewer. Two interviews were excluded because the transcription was not completed and archived prior to the student interviewer erasing the recording. Demographic data for the 28 participants in the current analysis are presented in . All interviewees were individuals whom nominees knew from their occupation or personal community contexts.

TABLE 1 Participant Demographic Information

The majority of data for this study was collected as part of a course learning project in three offerings of the Clinical Psychology doctoral course, Qualitative Methods at the University of Massachusetts Boston, taught by the first author. These interviews were supplemented by interviews conducted by the first author and advanced students or program alumni. Interviewers were trained in content related to the project’s focus (diversity, power, and privilege, ally development), in qualitative methods generally, in grounded theory depth interviewing specifically (e.g., Creswell & Poth, Citation2018; Weiss, Citation1995). Additionally, interviewers participated in peer interviews about their own experiences as allies. The purpose of these peer interviews was twofold: to develop interviewing skills for student interviewers and as part of reflexivity to better bracket assumptions. Experienced qualitative researchers (first author and program alumni) reviewed these peer interviews, and provided extensive feedback to student interviewers regarding interviewing skills prior to the conduct of the community interviews included in the present dataset. Peer interviews conducted with interviewers were not included in the data analyzed here. This project was approved by the Institutional Review Board at the University of Massachusetts Boston.

Initial Definition of Central Domain

Language changes over time. The data analyzed here was collected prior to the deaths of Breonna Taylor and George Floyd, prior to the explosion of discourse about anti-Blackness, racial justice, and the need for deeply systemic action that was ultimately catalyzed by those deaths but that had been building for years through the Movement for Black Lives coalition and the Black Lives Matter response to the death of Trayvon Martin. Although critiques of the language of “ally” and distinctions from “accomplice” or “co-conspirator” existed prior to the recent national reckoning (e.g., Indigenous Action Media, Citation2014), they were relatively rare, and the language of “ally” was in widespread use.

We defined our initial domain of inquiry using the language of “ally” with Ayvazian’s (Citation1995) meaning described above. We wanted language that clearly identified the privileged positionality, which “advocate” did not. Although recent authors such as Cabral (Citation2021) define “advocacy” as action to challenge oppression from privileged positions, others use “advocacy” more broadly to refer to action from any person advocating for social change (e.g., YW Boston, Citation2020), or more narrowly to refer to particular kinds of actions and methods typical of advocacy campaigns to address public policy (e.g., The Advocacy Initiative Legacy, Citationn.d.; Ricketts, Citation2012). Furthermore, we did not seek to pre-specify the kind of action, or levels of intervention (e.g., action to disrupt interpersonal, group, or organizational policy racism versus action to disrupt institutional racism) or risk—distinctions that are currently at the center of distinguishing “ally” from “accomplice” (e.g., Olser, Citationn.d.). We believed that the action component of our initial definition would be reflected through the nomination process, as the intentions of nominated allies must have been visible to those in oppressed positionalities.

Data Collection Procedures and Sources of Data

Face-to-face, in-depth, semi-structured interviews were conducted at community locations selected by participants and lasted 90–120 minutes. Preceding the interview, participants were invited to ask any questions and to review and sign the informed consent form. Immediately following the interview, participants filled out a demographic information form. All interviews were audiotaped, transcribed verbatim, deidentified, and checked for accuracy. Following transcription checks, interviews were erased.

Interviews were exploratory and open-ended to elicit contextualized, detailed, and process orientated information. Interviews focused on the following areas of inquiry:

  1. The meaning and experience of being an ally. This area focused on what being an ally meant to participants, in the abstract and in their lived experience. Sample questions included: What does it mean to you to be an ally? Can you give me an example from your life of what you mean by being an ally (e.g., a time that you were an ally)? What qualities or behaviors do you associate with being an ally? Can you tell me about qualities you see in yourself that make you an ally? What thoughts, actions, beliefs make you consider yourself an ally?

  2. The developmental process of an ally. This area explored participants’ views and experience of their development as an ally, of changes experienced, and influences on their process. Sample questions included: We are curious about the process of becoming an ally–could you tell me about your own journey? How did you develop as an ally? Were there specific events or people who affected you in becoming an ally? In your journey into becoming an ally, what changed? (e.g., In your thinking, beliefs, or awareness? In your attitudes or behaviors? In the way you see yourself? In the way you see or interact with others?)

Follow-up inquiry and probing questions expanded upon areas of inquiry, themes, or responses provided by the interviewees, and obtained more detailed and in-depth responses

Data Analysis

Using the qualitative analysis program NVivo, we thematically analyzed the data using a constant comparative approach (Creswell & Poth, Citation2018) in four iterative phases: structural coding, open coding, focused coding, and theoretical coding (Saldaña, Citation2013). The second author conducted the primary data analysis, with internal auditing (Morrow, Citation2005) and consultations with the first author. The initial resulting model and theory were then revised in collaboration between the authors. Both authors had continuous immersive experience with the data, and the first author had engaged in prior preliminary analysis of subsets of the data, both independently and with students in the Qualitative Methods course. These analyses with students over the different offerings of the course also contributed to constant comparison between emerging theory and new data as it was collected. These collective experiences enabled us to approach the analysis with the richness of multiple perspectives from a number of coders and analyses and experience throughout the interviewing process (first author), and a fresh perspective approaching all of the data as a whole (second author).

Because the research question included two parts—the experience of being and the process of becoming an ally, we initially structurally coded data broadly into content about “being” and content about “becoming.” We then used open coding in an inductive process of immersion in the data to establish emerging themes. Focused coding (Saldaña, Citation2013) involved using earlier codes that reappeared in the data to move through large amounts of data; moved the analysis forward to be more directed, selective, and conceptual; and allowed for the creation of categories that provided an analytic framework (Charmaz, Citation2001). In the initial cycles of open, focused, and theoretical coding, analysis indicated that participants’ experiences did not involve a separation of the meaning and process of becoming an ally. Participants explicitly stated that being an ally is a process of continual growth. Their descriptions of developing as an ally also had no clear delineation of a time when they “became” an ally; it was something they were always striving for. This led to re-conceptualization of the research question to integrate being and becoming an ally, followed by revision of open coding and new iterative cycles of focused and theoretical coding. Theoretical coding grouped codes into larger categories and themes, and developed how these categories and themes interacted and related to develop a theory. Each of these phases was revisited as new themes arose or audits raised new areas of consideration, in a constant comparative cyclical approach, continually moving between the data and the coding analysis. We then developed a model of the process of being and becoming an ally, moving between modeling the emerging findings and engaging in theoretical coding to represent the findings throughout the modeling process. This approach enabled us to see themes in the data that needed integration into the model, such as one’s motivation to act and one’s personal integrity, as well as ways to organize the data theoretically, such as viewing an understanding of privilege and oppression as multifaceted based on the different understandings participants described.

Throughout the analysis, we used memo writing as a part of the analytic process to conceptualize and organize emerging findings. Memo writing involved carefully defining categories, tracking thematic meanings of categories, questioning emerging possibilities, and reflecting on emerging theory. Memo writing began as categories first emerged, as focused coding and memo writing are not discrete phases of analysis (Charmaz, Citation2001).

Validation and Reliability

A constructivist philosophy of science recognizes that the researchers’ own positionality affects the research process. The first author is a multiracial Asian American identified pansexual woman from a middle-class background. The second author is a White, heterosexual, Jewish, cisgender woman from a middle-class background.

Reflexivity involves self-reflection and awareness related to the interaction of researchers’ positionalities and the research process, in order to ensure that the perspectives of the participants are the primary determinant of the findings (Finlay, Citation2002; Morrow, Citation2005). This began at the stage of conceptualizing the research question, developing interview areas of inquiry, and collecting data. Strategies used throughout the project to engage in reflexivity included discussion, journaling, and reflexive memo writing by all study researchers and interviewers during project development, data collection, and analysis. These strategies enabled us to explore our assumptions and expectations. Additionally, interviewers participated in interviews that followed the same protocol as the participants in the current study to promote reflexivity through increasing awareness of possible preconceptions of being and becoming an ally. Internal audits (by the first author) reviewed and verified primary coding (by the second author), providing alternative interpretations of the data (Creswell & Poth, Citation2018), and checked that interpretations fit the data. We also utilized external audits, presenting emerging themes and supporting data to individuals not directly engaged in the research. We established verification by holding two transcripts back from the initial analysis and later including these in analysis to confirm that categories sufficiently captured this data. These strategies and our approach to data collection and analysis reflect guidelines for ensuring integrity and quality through reflexivity and perspective management, contextualizing the data, implementing data analysis checks, and emphasizing coherence and meaningfulness through providing rich descriptions of participants’ experiences (Levitt et al., Citation2017; Yardley, Citation2000).

ResultsFootnote1

Participants offered various basic meanings of “ally” that generally reflected the established meanings in the literature. Kyle and Eric offered typical examples:

I think being an ally is really about sort of recognizing where you actually stand in relationship to other people and having a commitment to change the power dynamics (Eric)

I guess it means that I use the privilege I have in working towards dismantling a system that disadvantages people of color. I guess, you know sort of on the nuts and bolts of being an ally, I guess what it means to me is that it also allows me to expand my understanding of who I am, you know, my place in society. (Kyle)

Simultaneously, analysis of participants’ descriptions of their meanings of being and acting as allies, and developmental experiences becoming allies indicated that these “basic” definitions reflected complex processes, and that being an ally and developing as an ally were continual, inseparable processes. Most central to ally experience as process, being an ally was not a static identity experience or achievement, but was itself a process. Anne reflected:

I guess I feel like, to me there’s never like a fully formed “you are an ally” like, scepter upon you kind of a thing. I feel like it’s constantly a journey and never something you reach as a final goal, at least for me. So, I sort of felt kind of like “I’m not like, ally with a capital A” I’m like, trying to be one.

In accordance with an inductive method, we therefore revised the research question to be: What is the process of being and developing as an ally?

Results of the analysis indicated an iterative process of moving between understandings of privilege and oppression and using those understandings to take action to promote justice (see ). The process of intentionally being and becoming an ally involved two cycles of developing understandings and taking action that continually interacted and catalyzed further depth and action over time. Although understandings and awareness of oppression and privilege positionality were foundational to the process of becoming an ally, participants clearly indicated that understanding was not sufficient: action was imperative. Moving from understanding and awareness to action involved developing a sense of capability and motivation that enabled participants to feel willing to take risks and negotiate barriers. These cycles and processes are described below, with additional sample quotes presented in below.

TABLE 2 Understandings of Privilege and Oppression: Foundational Areas and Learning Processes

TABLE 3 Moving from Understandings to Action: Capability and Motivation

TABLE 4 Working Toward Justice: A Relational Action Cycle

FIGURE 1 The process of being and becoming an ally

FIGURE 1 The process of being and becoming an ally

Early or Initial Facilitators for Ally Development

Although not the primary focus of this study, some participants described early developmental experiences or contexts that provided a foundation for their later intentional engagement in beginning the learning process of ally development. This included personal or relational experiences of marginalization or injustice, such as witnessing bullying of others in school and feeling that that was wrong; early experiences of poverty; feeling marginalized or different due to being one of the only people of their race, being overweight, or being less affluent than others; or family history of the Holocaust. Other examples related to historical moments such as witnessing or being exposed to ideas from the Civil Rights Movement or the Women’s Movement. Several participants discussed feeling that their religious upbringing instilled emphasis on community, justice, compassion, and service to others that they felt provided a foundation for their later decision to more actively engage in ally development. A majority of participants also mentioned the influence of their parents or other family members who emphasized values of fairness and compassion, encouraged them to critically analyze information, or engaged in justice-related behaviors such as participating in activist movements or refusing to participate in oppressive practices (e.g., signing a petition against a Black person buying a house in their neighborhood). Others described the opposite—witnessing parents or teachers acting in prejudicial ways, or participating in bullying as children—that created dissonance in participants at a young age. These early experiences and relational influences were often included as participants described their backgrounds and general contexts, and framed by participants as foundations that influenced their engagement in a later more intentional process of becoming an ally.

Understandings of Privilege and Oppression: A Learning Cycle

The cycle of understanding privilege and oppression included processes of actively engaging conceptual understandings of privilege and oppression, understanding one’s personal positionality, and empathic understanding. Understanding was created from processes of conceptual education and relational learning. See for additional and expanded quotes for types of understandings and learning processes.

Types of Understandings

While the three types of understandings are presented separately below, they were constantly interacting. For example, participants used conceptual systemic language to describe their positionality, considering their status in relation to others and within various contexts: Xander stated that his privileged identities were “values that are institutionally supported,” and Eric addressed the systemic Asian racial stereotype of the “model minority,” stating that he strives to have his students understand, “what that ideology actually does and how that ideology actually functions.” Additionally, participants described using their own experiences of marginalization, an aspect of positionality, to foster their understanding of and empathy for oppression that was not their own.

Conceptual and Systemic Understandings

Conceptual understanding was the most abstract kind of knowledge, involving understandings of power, privilege and oppression. Most participants spoke to the initial importance of a basic meaning of privilege, such as Elaine, who stated, “I had a ticket that [people of color] didn’t because my skin was White.” Participants described learning about examples of privilege, costs of oppression, and learning skills to analyze the development of their understanding of race, gender, or other oppressions. Participants’ responses particularly noted the importance of understanding that privilege and oppression are not only individual and interpersonal, but are also systemic, functioning at societal and institutional levels. This related to understanding that oppressive hierarchies cannot be easily changed by simple naming or desire that things be different. Participants also discussed systemic issues within their particular institutions and contexts, suggesting that they could identify systemic oppression when they observed it in their own lives. Understanding the systemic nature of oppression contributed to the foundational understanding that proactive resistance was needed to create positive change (see capability and motivations below).

An additional theme within conceptual and systemic understanding was the intersectional nature of oppressive hierarchies. Julia captured this when she said:

I think that all things are connected and that like for me to be liberated as a woman and as a Jew in the areas that I have more of a targeted identity, that can’t happen on its own … it’s like the idea of intersectionality and you can’t really say “oh like well this is the sexist piece and now we’re gonna talk about this piece, and now we’re gonna talk about the colonialist piece.” The ways in which White woman is constructed is not just informed by male-female relationships, but there’s this whole web of stuff that feeds into that.

Discussion of intersectionality included reflection on how different kinds of oppression were similar in nature as well as the complex ways that hierarchies are maintained as people who are oppressed may internalize discrimination against others. Relatedly, many participants reflected that social change in only one area was not possible, emphasizing the understanding that ally action must consider intersectionality.

Personal Positionality Understandings

Nearly all participants discussed the importance of deeply understanding privilege and oppression on a personal level, including reflecting on specific experiences. Participants not only named their privileged identities, but explicitly discussed the processes of realization and the implications of such privileges. They emphasized that simply recognizing the existence of privilege (even their own privilege) in an identity or status was not enough; an active, critical engagement with the meaning of their own personal privileges and oppressions within such systems was required. This was exemplified by Mary, who stated: “You have to identify your privilege, you have to own your privilege. I don’t mean claim, but I mean identify, recognize. Recognize would be a better—recognize your privilege and interrogate that deeply. You know, where does it come from? How does it function?” This critical engagement seemed necessary for the development of ongoing pro-active vigilance against oppressively enacting their privilege (see action cycle below).

A variation within understanding personal positionality was related to negotiating the simultaneous experience of oppression and privilege from intersectional statuses. Although some participants discussed how oppression could be a barrier to recognizing privilege due to the pain or salience of oppression, most discussed how their experiences of oppression helped them develop understanding or empathy related to ally development, and feel motivated to take action in areas where they had privilege. Henry reflects those perspectives:

What a blessing to have the opportunity to understand social justice on a broader sense because of my own experience as a gay male. So that drives me to have a broader perspective than myself on, whether it’s race or economic or other issues of social justice … I really do fear what and who I would be if I wasn’t gay and had those [gay-related] experiences … you know, there’s so many areas that I’ve been privileged, would I still be as committed to some of the things I’m committed to if I didn’t have that personal experience?

Cognitive and Emotional Empathy Understandings

Perspective taking, a sense of connection, and experience of shared emotion in relation to other’s oppression required and facilitated knowledge and awareness. Jolene stated, “Empathy is the key thing,” and several participants referred to “putting oneself in another’s shoes.” Others focused more on feeling with another, while also recognizing the difference in experience (see ). A foundation of this process was developing understanding and awareness of the costs of oppression, particularly psychological costs. For example, Jamie shared, “I could feel the pain and suffering and humiliation of the people that felt [oppression] and also the courage.”

Jake linked cognitive and emotional empathy with relational learning (see below), emphasizing the importance of “intentionally spending a lot of time with people … who are significantly less privileged than I am.” This was vital to him because of the importance he placed on empathy:

You have to always put yourself in the shoes of the other person, and you can’t just do it through your imagination, I don’t care how good your imagination is. You just have to, you know, get in as far as you possibly can to actually understand the complexities and the issues that actually do exist.

Alternatively, Dayita believed that it was best to “understand what it might be like to be an insider but also always be a little on the outside, so that you have a certain perspective of what’s going on.” Having some distance from an experience of oppression, and ensuring she was not so immersed in benefitting from the oppression, allowed Dayita to have a broader view that fostered her empathy.

Participants also emphasized the importance of awareness and acknowledgment that understanding oppression through perspective taking and empathy was not at all the same as experiencing the oppression firsthand. Beth acknowledged how hard and important it was to learn about the pain of oppression, while also acknowledging that she could not fully understand or appreciate the experience of racism as a White person: “this was definitely transformative for me: it was deeply, deeply painful for me to hear peoples’ stories and to really hear and understand to the best of my ability what people of color go through every day in this country.” This simultaneous awareness of empathic pain was also described by participants who were negotiating intersections of oppression and privilege, such as Marisol, who aimed to keep in mind both “that sense of connection because you have the experience of being different, of being the other, of being marginalized and all of those things, but also knowing that you can experience those things in different ways.” For Marisol, it was important to connect to other experiences of marginalization through empathy, while recognizing that she could not fully understand experiences in areas she held privilege, such as physical ability, and therefore needed to learn more.

Learning Processes that Fostered Understandings of Privilege and Oppression

Through the learning processes described below, participants developed an active engagement with privilege and oppression that was more than abstract understanding, as it involved personal connections and awareness, and relational and emotional interactions. The multifaceted understandings of privilege and oppression that they gained through these learning processes catalyzed and continually sustained their development as allies and the motivation and empowerment that enabled movement from understanding to action.

Education

Education included a variety of formal and informal sources including readings and other media; high school, college, or graduate classes; and workplace or community trainings about social justice issues. Many participants provided examples of readings and books they had learned from, such as those by Mary Daly, Peggy McIntosh, Maya Angelou, and Tim Wise, as well as the movie The Color of Fear and a photography exhibit depicting refugees. Participants often played an active role not only in focusing their formal education on these areas, but also in more independent efforts in education, such as choosing to focus class or research projects as an opportunity to explore topics related to social justice, or seeking out readings and resources. Education about social justice issues opened participants’ eyes to injustices in society and their own lack of awareness, thereby providing information on both systemic and personal levels that informed conceptual and systemic understanding, and also facilitated understanding of personal positionality, and the development of empathy and perspective taking.

Some participants shared that education helped them put words to emotions and reactions they experienced previously and enabled a more purposeful engagement in ally development and action. Sherri said, of her time in college, “I got to just think more about those issues taking courses. So that sort of just allowed me use my brain, which is helpful [in] not just reacting from emotions.” Eric alluded to experiencing a similar benefit from his education that also shaped his teaching: “what I try and do when I am teaching is sort of give people some of the tools they might need to sort of think about what is going on around them, in analytical terms, rather than simply just reacting to things. Because I know that that’s how I was before I really started educating myself about a lot of these issues.”

While many participants found that conceptual learning was helpful in developing awareness of privilege, oppression, and their own ignorance, some critiqued the ways that education could itself teach biases and deficit perspectives, undermining ally understanding. For example: Marisol reflected on some of the graduate courses she took on “urban education”:

And so, they’re sort of putting communities under a magnifying glass, you know, trying to spotlight what’s wrong with them, perhaps, or how to help them. Again, how to “save” them, but they don’t necessarily know what that experience is, and even though it can be coming from a well-intentioned place, it can often still be coming from a really ignorant place.

This suggests that it is not just the topic of the education, but also other aspects of the approach or content that are important. Such comments suggested that individuals may need avenues outside of formal education to gain foundational learning for ally development, including critique of that education.

Relational Learning

In many ways, relational learning was the foundation for moving from basic abstract understandings to more personalized engagements that fostered motivation and capabilities to take action. Many participants described the importance of relational learning in formal education, as in classroom discussions and hearing or reading about experiences of others. But the most significant impacts were made through more intimate and sustained relational learning with individuals whom participants actively cared about. Ralph captured this in saying “You have to start there [with your friends and relationships] cause otherwise it’s abstract and for some other somebody, but this is my friend, my friend.”

A basic aspect of relational learning was simply providing opportunities to obtain additional information or perspectives, to see what was previously “invisible.” Having relationships with people of different statuses increased participants’ awareness of injustice, by giving participants not only the opportunity to hear about the negative impacts of oppression, but also to witness them firsthand. Ralph summed this up by stating “You have to be around people who are targeted in ways that you’re not and suddenly you’ll be in situations where you’re seeing. You’re suddenly in somebody else’s shoes because you’re with them and you’re seeing something.” Relationships across difference also made participants more cognizant of privilege and biases within themselves, as they realized how much they had not been seeing, which was an important step toward developing personal positionality understandings. Julia reflected on the effect of moving to a more economically diverse school and interacting with new friends there: “It sort of was just like this really, really intense kind of wake up for me about how privileged I really was and I think that just sort of made me aware.”

Relational learning processes also provided opportunities to have explicit discussions about privilege and oppression, leading to deeper learning about these central issues related to being an ally, development of participants’ perspective taking (cognitive and emotional empathy), and awareness of personal positionality. Participants particularly noted how relationships with other allies who were similarly privileged offered role models as well as opportunities to work through their own understanding and emotional response to issues of privilege and oppression and consider possible actions. Emma learned about being an ally through others acting as allies for her: “The real allies have really, no matter what, have come forward to say [to me], ‘you know, I’m here for you no matter where you end up. I’m gonna support you and, you know, still value you and that kind of thing.’” On the other hand, Emma also gained insight into how to be an ally from the failure of others to be allies to her, stating “I think you learn a lot from people who haven’t been there for you.”

The third area within relational learning processes related to interactions where participants were given feedback that they were acting in oppressive ways. This included being called out (directly challenged or told that they were being oppressive), as well as being called in (more gently invited to see possible negative effects while acknowledging good intentions), which is a more relationship-focused way of discussing an oppressive interaction (Ferguson, Citation2015). These interactions were often (but not always) with people who were oppressed in relation to participants’ privilege, and who were not only open to sharing their experiences of oppression, but who were also willing to more directly foster their development as allies, offering what Donovan calls “the gift of possible change” (Suyemoto, Hochman, Donovan, & Roemer, this issue). Sometimes this gift was conceptual learning, but often it was sharing personal experiences, and challenging participants’ privilege in ways that were simultaneously accepting and valuing of them as people. Many participants emphasized learning, through these interactions, that development as an ally required being open to feedback, even when it was painful or uncomfortable. This experience is also an example of processing and evaluating outcomes of taking action (see below). Kyle’s statement reflected these insights:

If I want to make improvements I’m going to have to be open to those criticisms and challenges. You know, whether they’re coming from people of color or White people. Without that, without those challenges, I’m not going to grow. And, so, you know, I don’t mind hearing those things about myself. You know, where I’ve stuck my foot in my mouth or you know, where I’ve done something not constructive. So it’s really about me...like, I need to reflect on this.

Simultaneously, many participants emphasized the emotional importance of feeling that oppressed people in their lives would continue to engage, to “not be turned away by them” (Marie), particularly earlier in their ally journeys, prior to holding the insights expressed above by Kyle (and others). Being able to trust that others would not see them as a ‘bad person’ for their mistakes was important for participating in conversations and for the ways that those conversations fostered ally development. Audrey said of her colleague of color who discussed racism with her, “I had a sense that she trusted that I had good intentions even if I wasn’t able to act it out, even though I was clumsy, or I was sloppy, or I was insensitive.” Simultaneously, participants emphasized that being “fostered” as an ally by a person who experiences oppression is, indeed, a generous gift, and should not be expected, agreeing with Mary’s statement that, “Being an ally is not turning to someone and say[ing] ‘teach me.’ Being an ally is doing your own homework and, perhaps in context of the relationship where the norms are such where it is OK to ask, you know, [you can] ask, but you know you got to do your own work. And there’s so much written that you don’t have to ask somebody a very personal question to learn about what it means [for example] to live in an Asian body in this country.” Thus, a part of positionality and empathy understandings was recognizing the ways that fostering ally development through relational processes had significant costs and burden for people in the oppressed position.

Moving from Understandings to Action: Capability and Motivation

Understandings of foundational concepts, positionality, and empathy contributed to participants’ shifts in understanding their own capabilities and responsibilities. The recognition that one was able to influence systems of privilege and oppression related to a sense of responsibility to take action that connected to the developing understandings. Participants also described motivations for taking action related to personal integrity, recognition that one’s own liberation related to others’ liberation, and hope that the future could be different. See additional quotes in .

Capability: Recognition and Emotional Processing

New understandings and exposure to role models helped participants recognize that systems of oppression were neither individual nor inevitable, and that they, as individuals, could affect these systems. Participants described the importance of recognizing what needs to change and recognizing their own agency with this. Audrey stated: “It’s not that I didn’t know that it was an issue or that was a problem. I don’t think that’s accurate. But I think I didn’t really understand that I could do something about it.”

However, in order to successfully move from understandings to action, participants described needing to engage a process of working through the difficulty of recognizing their privilege, of becoming more accepting of difficult feelings of pain, guilt, and discomfort. Emotions evoked by the cycle of Understandings of Privilege and Oppression were challenging, as participants confronted the pain of others, their own privilege, and their role in contributing to or maintaining oppression for others. Many participants talked about feeling defensive, or the pain they experienced in learning of others’ pain. For example, Jolene described a time when she tried to apologize to a student of color for an inappropriate comment she made in class; the student responded, “If I paid attention to comments like that, I’d be dead. I hear them all day long.” Jolene described her internal reaction: “I was overwhelmed with a sense of sadness at how much work there is to do.” Many participants emphasized the importance of finding ways to emerge from feeling overwhelmed, or feeling paralyzed by guilt or self-blame. Movement from this paralysis entailed the need to “tolerate pain” (Audrey), active efforts to decrease defensiveness, and recognizing that one could be privileged and still be a good person. This emotional process contributed to moving to action through participant recognition that the discomfort of not taking action was equally as or more intense than the discomfort of inaction, once one had understandings of privilege and oppression.

Motivations: Integrity, Responsibility, Interpersonal Connectedness, and Personal Benefit

Understandings of privilege and oppression contributed to participants feeling an active responsibility to take action to address oppressive hierarchies. Many participants spoke of taking action as the “right thing,” often linking action to maintaining a positive sense of themselves, as Eliza did: “I just feel like it’s the right thing to do … it’s important to me to try to be a good person.” A sense of personal integrity and living one’s values connected to seeing that having privilege led to a particular kind of responsibility.

A second major area of motivation was participants’ recognition of their connections to other people, and that promoting justice was a part of relational caring and community. This included seeing how their own opportunitieswere related to others’ actions, as well as their desire for a better world for the future and for their children. The recognition of connectedness was also evident in participants’ motivations to take action for their own benefit. These motivations were not about personal kudos or rewards. In fact, many participants spoke explicitly about the need to not seek out rewards or kudos, especially not from oppressed peoples, framing such motivations as barriers to ally development. Instead, motivations for self-benefit focused on the recognition that people with privilege were also negatively affected by systemic hierarchies that created distance and barriers between people. Thus, taking action for justice was on one’s own behalf as well, to maintain integrity, create connection, and contribute to personal liberation, growth, healing, or love.

Working Toward Justice: A Relational Action Cycle

Working toward justice involved applying the initial cycle of understandings and awareness to the process of taking action toward social justice. Given that this study focused on the process of being and becoming an ally (rather than advocate or accomplice), discussion of action was primarily relational, rather than having a greater focus on public or political advocacy or activism, or formal organizational actions (e.g., lobbying or internal policy change). Several participants did offer examples and experiences of this kind of public facing action, including attending protests, signing petitions and writing letters to address discriminatory practices, advocating to change internal organizational policies, serving on (or organizing) grievance boards or procedures to address discrimination, and so forth. Additionally, many participants were active members of committees, boards, and initiatives created to increase equity around an area of privilege for the participants; these included committees and initiatives within their work organizations, children’s schools, or larger community context. However, the focus of depth in the interviews, and the resulting grounded theory action cycle described here, was on the relational aspects of these actions, on supporting or working with oppressed peoples or challenging and educating those with privilege, rather than on the institutional level dynamics, although the relational dynamics described were often discussed in the context of wider organizational actions. Relatedly, a foundational aspect of taking action toward justice evident throughout both cycles was working to develop a continuous and proactive awareness of one’s own interpersonal presentation to others. This is represented in as the overall “action” of “Personal and Interpersonal Resistance as Foundation,” as participants’ reflections on actions emphasized constant attention to their own positionality in relation to others as a part of their contributions to social justice change as allies. Simultaneously, participants were clear that this foundation of action was not enough on its own to be considered action: participants described action as processes of intervention decisions, action engagement, and continuous evaluation of outcomes. See .

Deciding whether to Intervene

While participants felt a general motivation to act, they were clear that it was important to first honestly evaluate their motivation, to ensure that they were acting in service of justice, rather than out of personal gain or need that might reify oppression. Furthermore, actively choosing not to act (rather than falling into not acting from a lack of understanding, motivation, or skills) could be a kind of action toward social justice, especially if one was making a choice to step back rather than take space from someone with less privilege to act on their own behalf (see “working with target group” below). Making effective decisions about whether to act in a given moment required drawing on learning and awareness developed in the cycle of understandings of privilege and oppression. Participants emphasized the need to listen to those in the oppressed status, apply critical analysis and awareness of how one’s own privilege could potentially be enacted in well-intentioned ally action, and engage constant vigilance against paternalism or bias.

Most frequently, participants described a process in which evaluating whether to act consisted primarily of considering when and how to act, ultimately leading to action engagement. Occasionally, participants described actively choosing not to act, and feeling as if this was still consonant with their ally intentions. For example, Eliza differentiated when she would and would not “call out” a therapy client for using a derogatory slur in session, describing a process of considering the discriminatory “perpetrator’s” experience and the ways that personal pain could interact with structural pain or privilege.

While participants generally felt willing and able to act as allies, instances where they felt overwhelmed by emotions or faced a relational challenge could lead to non-ally inaction characterized by emotional dissonance and struggle. For example, Henry shared how strong emotional responses sometimes led him to disengage from discussing issues because he would “get angry and just walk away” rather than remain engaged in the debate like he wanted to. More intimate personal relationships presented particular challenges to participants addressing another person’s biased or privileged statements. However, letting an issue pass unaddressed could come at its own cost, leading to additional difficult emotions. For example, Amanda described a series of missed opportunities to address her friend’s oppressive comments, stating, “And yet, they stay in my mind and I’m here, and I’m chummy with her, and I have these like little cancerous nuggets … It makes me not like part of her, and that’s hard to integrate, the person I like and then this part of her.” Amanda, like other participants, went on to consider and rehearse in the interview things that she might say to this friend to intervene, illustrating her own philosophy that there is always the possibility to go back to a missed moment with someone, stating, “If you don’t speak up, you can go back the next day, the next week, the next year, 10 years later, and you can say, ‘You know that time? I never did forget that time when you said this, and I didn’t say anything.’” Thus, instances of dissonant inaction often led participants to consider how they might more effectively act as an ally the next time, similar to processing mistakes (see below).

Action Engagement: Working with Oppressed and Privileged Groups

When participants decided that direct action was the best course to promote social justice, they described different kinds of action engagement: working with the target group and working with the privileged group. As interpersonal processes, participants expanded on issues that arose within each type of action that related to whether or not they had applied in-depth ally understandings; this determined participants’ evaluations of whether actions within these general realms were genuine, effective ally actions that promoted justice.

Working with Individuals from the Group Experiencing Marginalization

Marisol expressed the core action of working with the target group when she defined an ally as “someone who has a position of privilege or power and uses that to support someone else who doesn’t have the privilege or power in that particular way.” However, respondents were clear that “support” involved a range of more specific actions, including supporting oppressed individuals personally; bringing up or calling attention to issues of injustice so that those who experience oppression are not the only or first voice; making space for or amplifying marginalized voices; “shifting power” in interpersonal or institutional dynamics; re-allocating resources; challenging authority that was biased or oppressive in areas where the participant had privilege.

When working with people who experienced oppression, participants strongly emphasized the need to consider the power dynamics that they were acting within, to engage a constant awareness of their own positionalities and biases, and to continuously remember how much that they still did not know. Many participants expanded in depth on the differences between working for and working with. They noted that it was imperative that the direction of change be shaped by those who were oppressed (and not by them, as allies), so as to “make sure I am not me imposing [on them]. Which is sort of the opposite [of ally]” (Audrey). Lisa provided an example of needing to follow the lead of the target group when she described a possible message an ally might get from the group they intend to support, stating, “Right now, you just need to sit there and allow us to speak and lead whatever needs to happen in this forum.” Jolene shared a time when being an ally meant leaving a space for the group to be together, sharing, “I just said to them ‘Look I am an ally, if you need me call.’ … And people said very respectful things and basically were saying, ‘Yes you are right, don’t stay.’” Many participants spoke of the importance of being a contributor or supporter and not a leader. This required self and structural awareness that had developed in the understandings cycle. A challenge to this, noted explicitly by Amanda, is that no group is monolithic:

One woman will have a different opinion from another woman, that’s one thing I’ve learned! You know, “well, let’s do this because somebody said so!” Well, other people [in the oppressed group] don’t [agree], you know, and so, you start to kinda realize no one person represents the whole group!

This observation emphasized that understanding the voices, direction, and leadership of oppressed communities takes time, which related to questioning default urgency as noted by Ralph and others in the process of Action Selection.

Several participants who also held central oppressed identities discussed how their own experiences of paternalism from well intentioned “allies” led them to be particularly aware and wary of imposing their own agenda in areas where they had privilege. Lisa spoke of a greater intersectional complexity, noting that she needed to be an ally within her own oppressed community, shifting power to those who experience multiple intersectional oppression:

Somebody calls me, calls me and says “I want you to talk about the Black issues in the gay community. I want you to talk about Black gay men on this talk show” I need to swallow my own ego and pride, right? No matter how much I know, right? I’ve been doing this work for 15 years. No matter how much I know about HIV/AIDS and Black men, I know aB lack gay man that [can speak] just as well, if not better, about this issue. It’s his lived experience. So that means, I need to swallow my pride, shift the power to him and empower him to bring a voice to that conversation. So, talking to that person I say, “look, you know, I appreciate you inviting me to be on the radio show. I appreciate you thinking that I have, you know, the expertise around it but I have somebody who I think could better to the issue.” And that’s the shift of power. You know? That’s relinquishing the power, that’s relinquishing the privilege you have because apparently you have access to this network that that other person does not. (Lisa)

The emphasis on avoiding imposition and paternalism highlighted that it was not only the intention of taking action to address oppression or even the act of doing something that defined ally action; instead, participants recognized that they needed to carefully attend to living deep understandings relationally and structurally in the moment. As Elaine said, “I try to break the mold. You know, I try to act in a way that’s unexpected.”

Working with the Privileged Group

Participants were clear that a primary action area for allies was working to raise awareness and motivate action within people from privileged groups. Participants saw this as their obligation and responsibility, as they recognized that changing oppressive hierarchies required change in systems that were dominated by people with privilege, and that change therefore related to changes in those people. Eric captured this succinctly:

Of course you’ve got an obligation to work with people who are in a struggle. But the other part of it, that is really crucial, is that you have to, and that’s kind of where I am still falling down but I realize it. It’s making these connections to the people who are on the other side of the power dynamic. Because if you can convince enough of those people, that the situation needs to change, then the situation will change, you know all the people in the bottom, they are convinced already, they know they’re getting a crappy deal out of the way things are. They know things need to change; it’s the people who are sort of two or three rows up, that need to be convinced the situation needs to change as well.

Specific actions and strategies which participants shared for working in the privileged space included explicitly identifying or challenging other people’s privilege or oppressive action, modeling awareness of one’s privilege and allyship actions, actively fostering others’ ally development, and indirect action such as walking away from people making biased statements.

In working with people from the privileged group, participants emphasized the importance of being patient with others who are privileged and meeting them where they are. Remembering why people were unaware of their privilege, and why it was hard for them to acknowledge it helped participants remain engaged in fostering awareness in others who were privileged, even when these interactions proved frustrating or challenging. This mind-set depersonalized the interactions and created patience and compassion for the individual with privilege. For example, Amanda described remembering that people in the dominant space are socialized to think a certain way so she could be more understanding toward them:

I think I’ve become more understanding of all the things that go through White people’s minds, or the dominant group’s minds. And so then I can kind of, I’m more sympathetic in a way to the people I want to influence, when I want to keep the conversation going. If somebody says something, I don’t kind of think in my mind “oh, that person’s a bad person” anymore. I just know our entire culture, and what’s it done to us. The images that we haven’t chosen to put in our minds, even. We look at TV, and they’re in our minds.

The needed patience and empathy toward the developmental struggle were largely facilitated by participants’ insights into their own learning processes, both earlier in their developmental journey as well as their current continuing process. Reflecting on one’s own initial difficulty or resistance to recognizing privilege provided hope for impacting others, thereby drawing from the interrelated cycle of understanding privilege and oppression to inform this type of taking action toward justice.

The ability to continue engagement--even as participants experienced impatience, anger, or outrage with others enacting privilege and oppression--was facilitated by participants’ understanding of their own privilege of not experiencing oppression, and to the related understanding that the cost of challenging oppressive actions from other privileged people was, for them, much less than it could be for people in the oppressed group because of ways that their privilege protected them. Thus, the ability to maintain engagement with those who were privileged in spite of personal response was seen as a major aspect of being an ally: the possibility of withdrawing from the fight or of “canceling” others was reframed as abdicating one’s responsibility as an ally.

Evaluating Action

Participants continuously evaluated their work as allies, reflecting on experiences and particular moments, and seeking out information from others. In discussing how they evaluated their actions and effectiveness, participants strongly emphasized the role of mistakes within an action cycle, the need to accept that mistakes are inevitable, and the ability to be non-defensive by experiencing mistakes as a learning opportunity, as Audrey said:

You can’t not screw up. It’s just not possible. Because you can’t know everything you don’t know. You know, so you have a commitment to understand the things that you didn’t experience, but you can’t know all the things that you need to understand. Or all the ways that your experience is biased. Or all the messages that you received that you didn’t notice you received. Or, you know, so just not wanting to be biased and wanting to be not racist or classist or heterosexist, or all those things that doesn’t mean that you are [actually] not that way. And so right, so like figuring out how to be kind of gentle with all those things is really helpful. And challenging.

Many participants spoke of the importance of continuous interpersonal processing of their actions and possible mistakes as a means to facilitate learning. Being non-defensive and open during conversations about their mistakes was aided by cultivating self-acceptance and humility, and recognition and commitment to ally development as a continuous, lifelong process. Once participants had experienced action cycles, action evaluation interacted with new cycles of understanding that were now oriented toward developing more effective action, rather than initial catalyzing of motivation and capability to take initial action.

Continuous Working Through: Commitment to a Lifelong Process

Analysis of participants’ reflections emphasized that ally experience and development is a lifelong process that required continuous learning, reflection, and growth. By taking action as allies, participants learned to address new areas and dynamics of privilege conceptually and relationally. Participants were clear that intentionally exploring new depths of understanding over time and increased engagement in action was essential. For example, Kyle stated:

I made sure that I learned more about myself [over time]. And how sort of where my privilege rears its ugly head. And the more learning I do about that, the more I can sort of use the privilege to be an ally. To work towards, to dismantling the system and understanding how I can be an ally. Where I can use that privilege. Where I have a voice where others don’t and to use that voice to make sure that other voices are heard.

Thus, participants discussed being an ally as constant development, always striving to know more and be more effective. Some participants, such as Eric, spoke of how their perspectives and motivations changed over time (see Motivations quotes in ), both in response to life-stage development—such as aging and becoming a parent—and also in response to deepening understandings and action experiences. Their responses emphasized how the processes described here are characteristic of cycles that repeat across the lifespan, with some experiences within these cycles becoming more or less salient or central at different times and contexts. As Lisa said, “I mean, that’s what makes it a process. It’s forever evolving and continuing. So, you’re always hoping to be more insightful. You’re always hoping to, you know, gain more knowledge, you always hope to know what to do better next time.”

Discussion

presents the summary model of ally development. Overall, our results indicate that ally development is more complex and continuous than prior models have indicated. Findings emphasize iterative and interacting cycles of understanding and action. Within both understanding and action cycles, participants’ responses suggest that ally development and action is emotionally and relationally challenging and messy, characterized by uncertainty, self-doubt, and the need to reevaluate responses and motivations and by relational negotiations, missteps, ruptures, and repairs.

Results both support and expand upon prior scholarship. Results reflected prior models’ emphases on awareness of systemic privilege and oppression related to their allyship (Bishop, 2000; Gelberg & Chojnacki, Citation1995), recognition and engagement with one’s own privilege positionality (Bishop, Citation2002; Getz & Kirkley, Citation2003), and engagement in action (Bishop, Citation2002; Gelberg & Chojnacki, Citation1995). The current study also supports previous literature that emphasizes the positive influences of education (e.g., Caldwell & Vera, Citation2010; DiStefano et al., Citation2000; Getz & Kirkley, Citation2003; Smith & Redington, Citation2010), and the vital importance of relationships, especially relationships with people who are oppressed, for ally development (Brandyberry, Citation1999; Broido, Citation2000; Caldwell & Vera, Citation2010; DiStefano et al., Citation2000; Fingerhut, Citation2011; Munin & Speight, Citation2010; Reason et al., Citation2005a; Russell, Citation2011; Spanierman et al., Citation2017). However, in our findings, both education and relationships were described as possible catalysts for facilitating or impeding ally development. Furthermore, our findings significantly expand on prior research by emphasizing the agency of developing allies in seeking out these influences and purposefully engaging new opportunities for education, relational learning, and action.

Participant responses particularly highlighted the importance of emotional processing and relationships for developing and sustaining ally action. Ji (Citation2007) critiqued prior stage models of ally development for insufficiently addressing intrapersonal experiences, particularly emotions. Our findings support this critique of prior models, as emotional engagement was vital to developing empathy. Working through challenging emotions was also a necessary component of moving into taking action and of sustaining the action cycle. Findings also illuminated connections of relationships and emotions, elucidating the ways that relationships provided support, opportunity, and accountability to engage in the necessary emotional processing. Relationships with those who were similarly privileged provided opportunities for education and modeling of emotional engagement and action. Relationships with those experiencing oppression provided opportunities for understanding and witnessing experiences and effects of oppression, possibilities for more in-depth relational-emotional processes of challenge and acceptance that fostered empathy, and accountability checks to ensure that ally actions were effective and well directed. Relational motivations were also a central part of moving people from understandings to action.

Our results provide empirical support for prior calls (e.g., Reynolds, Citation2010) to attend more to intersectionality in considering ally development and action. Much of the prior research on ally development has primarily focused on one area of privilege, and framed participants’ positionality as binary (privileged in X area, in contrast to those who are oppressed in X area, to whom they are allies). Our findings begin to consider intersectionality by avoiding a privilege/oppressed binary and identifying the processes through which experiences of oppression in one area influence development as allies with privilege in another area. However, more research in needed to understand the complexities of ally development when one is simultaneously experiencing privilege and marginalization or multiple experiences of each, particularly the ways in which ally development processes may be qualitatively different for such individuals and how intersectional positionality may affect relational processes identified here.

Overall, our results suggest that ally development does have some similar processes across areas of privilege. That is, that common processes of development can be seen in White allies, straight allies, cis male allies, and so forth. Although participants noted ways that systemic oppressions were similar in nature or effects, they simultaneously noted that equivalence is not possible: one’s own experience of oppression cannot be equated with oppression in a different area. They also described ways that people who are oppressed may internalize discrimination against others, as in lateral internalization (David et al., Citation2019). Avoiding a binary construction is therefore important to identify what might be common processes and to engage the intersectionality of simultaneously experienced privilege and oppression in social justice action. This is directly evident in our data, where participants noted that a single focus can be detrimental, hindering advancement of justice for other oppressions and undermining effective ally action around a specific oppression.

Findings from this study emphasized the essential meaning of ally as continual lifelong growth and development, engagement, and actions. Participants’ emphasis on commitment to a lifelong process challenges linear or stage models, especially those that imply that ally development may have a “final” stage. Our findings support prior research that suggests that conceptualizing ally as an achievement or endpoint may be antithetical to the actual meaning or development of ally experience and action (Asta & Vacha-Haase, 2012; Case, Citation2012; Reynolds, Citation2010). Participants discussed how developmental iterations deepened and expanded understandings and actions over time, and how developmental contexts (e.g., college, work life/employment) and milestones (e.g., parenting) interacted with ally development processes.

Perhaps relatedly, our findings placed a lesser emphasis on changes in self-concept (Gelberg & Chojnacki, Citation1995; Getz & Kirkley, Citation2003) or the idea that “ally” is an identity. Prior empirical models of ally development (e.g., Broido, Citation2000; Getz & Kirkley, Citation2003; Reason et al., 2005) have been developed primarily in college student samples. For college age/late adolescence individuals, identity and self-concept are major life tasks, which likely affects the salience and centrality of self-concept and identity in models developed with this age group. Our diverse age sample indicates that ally development connects to a wider range of psychosocial development tasks that Erikson (Citation1959) located across the lifespan, including intimacy vs isolation, as illustrated by discussions of the importance of authentic relationships, relational support, and relational motivations; generativity vs stagnation, as illustrated by the emphasis on continued action and the importance of impact and outcomes; and integrity vs despair, as illustrated by the emphasis on integrity, responsibility, and looking to the future as motivations.

Our findings also support prior scholarship that emphasized action as a central part of ally experience and development (Asta & Vacha-Haase, 2012; Ayazian, Citation1995; Case, Citation2012; Mio & Roades, Citation2003; Reynolds, Citation2010; Washington & Evans, Citation1991). Although some prior scholarship offered ally examples where action was not a necessary component of being an ally (e.g., Asta & Vacha-Haase, 2012; Getz & Kirkley, Citation2003), participants in this study were explicit that taking action toward justice was an inherent and imperative component of ally experience, and that once they critically understood privilege and oppression they were obligated to do something about it. Our results significantly expand upon prior scholarship that often simply noted that action is important: our model described the different ways that action may be deliberated, the processes of engaging in different types of action, and the evaluation of action as a part of continuous growth. Particularly notable is the theorized but heretofore less empirically supported foundational importance of working withnot for those who experience oppression; the inevitability of mistakes; and the importance of continued processing and learning from actions.

Our findings have implications for ongoing discussions about the relationship and differentiation of “ally,” and “accomplice,” and the recent distinctions between these based on symbolic performance, point of intervention, and personal risk. Some of these critiques have suggested that “allies” are primarily invested in personal growth and performative actions that protect them from privilege guilt. However, participants in our study were clear that action was essential, that the impact of action was best evaluated by those experiencing the oppression and not by intention or performance of the ally, and that there was a clear distinction between paternalistic “helping” and ally action. Furthermore, participants’ reflections on their earlier development suggested that even seemingly “ornamental” allies or paternalistic allies may, in some cases, be genuinely struggling to advance social justice, albeit early in development, rather than self-protectively acting out of guilt. Our results suggest that for these individuals, development is facilitated not by rejection or accusations of insincerity, but by willingness, especially from other allies, to foster and advance further development and contribute to the difficult emotional processing that fosters understandings, capability, and effective action. This emphasizes the developmental process of becoming an ally development, and how those who are in privileged spaces have unique opportunities and responsibility to foster ally development and actions in others who are privileged, rather than simply calling out or dismissing understandings, processes, or actions as inadequate.

A second major critique of “allies” focuses on lack of attention to foundational change in institutionalized and structural oppression and excessive or exclusive attention to intrapersonal and relational dynamics. The actions described here were primarily focused on relational processes of supporting the voice and power of those experiencing oppression and using relational means to challenge oppression (e.g., calling out those in power maintaining oppression) or fostering others’ ally development. Although some participants spoke of systemic actions to advance social justice, few were akin to accomplice action (Indigenous Action Media, Citation2014) identified as explicit disruption of systemic oppression with associated greater risk of material cost (e.g., loss of job, arrest, bodily harm). Many participants did discuss action that aimed to challenge organizational and systemic oppression (e.g., advocating for changes in policies, redirecting resources, joining organizations explicitly aimed at challenging oppression), and/or action that involved relational risk (e.g., social censure, loss of relationships, loss of status that could affect career advancement). These actions seem to straddle the actions described in categories of ally and accomplice (Olser, Citationn.d.), suggesting the possibility of a continuum of actions, rather than a categorical approach. Such a continuum may also foster a greater focus on the nature and effects of the action, rather than the “identity” or label of the actor.

Relatedly, recent authors are increasingly considering the ways in which both allies and accomplices are needed (e.g., Cabral, 2020; Olser, Citationn.d.). Intervening at multiple levels to address oppression seems important given the robust research establishing the serious costs of interpersonal and internalized racism to psychological well-being (e.g., Carter et al., Citation2019; David et al., Citation2019). In addition, attempting accomplice actions without understanding of systemic oppression and personal positionality can do more harm than good, reflecting paternalism and imposition. A question raised by our study for future research is whether effective accomplice action may involve ally development as a foundation. Effective accomplice action requires enacting and embodying procedural and relational justice (Prilleltensky, Citation2012), which includes the individual understandings and relational actions reflected in our model of ally development. We propose that ally and accomplice development may reflect a related or even single developmental continuum, particularly if social justice action and engagement is to be sustained beyond discrete incidents. Future research could focus on these developmental questions, including whether there are critical moments, influences, or experiences that facilitate movement from ally to accomplice understanding and action or result in withdrawal from advocacy and abandonment of allyship. In sum, the findings here focused more on relational action at interpersonal and organizational levels and did not engage more risk-heavy actions to directly resist structural oppression. Given current understandings and finer distinctions, future research is needed to further explore the lived experiences of accomplice action and development and its relation to the ally development model presented here.

Methodological Strengths and Limitations

Methodological strengths of the current study included the number and diversity of participants, in age, personal intersectional identities, and focus of ally work. Limitations include the high level of education across participants and the over representation of human service providers and educators, where most of the latter were higher education professors in humanities and social sciences. Several participants discussed college courses and experiences as important contributors to understandings and discussed intersections of privilege from educational and career privileges and oppression from personal statuses. While this complex interaction added some important perspectives, aspects of the process of becoming an ally characteristic of those with less education or in working class employment settings are missing. Research on cultural differences related to social class and their interaction with education that examines the expressive independence fostered by upper middle-class culture in contrast to the hard interdependence fostered by working class culture (Stephens et al., Citation2014) may be particularly relevant due to our findings’ emphasis on educational and relational influences on ally development. Additionally, interviews were conducted prior to the more widespread critiques of “ally” and emphasis on “accomplice.” The emphasis on relational action in this data may, indeed, have been shaped by our use of the word “ally.” If conducting recruitment and interviews post-2020, we would have used both ally and accomplice in accordance with our aim to not pre-determine level of action or point of intervention (relational or structural).

Implications for Future Research and Interventions

Additional research is clearly needed for expanding investigation of ally development and action across the lifespan, including considering early-life catalysts and facilitators. The former relates to the need for exploration of the possible relation of ally development to accomplice development and action as a developmental continuum. In addition, research is needed to facilitate better understanding and examples of effective ally action. Such research should explore perspectives and experiences of those in oppressed statuses, given participants’ emphasis that effectiveness is determined by them.

Future research could also more fully explore intersectionality as both allies/accomplices and advocates (working from a place of oppression) for social justice. For example, how does intersectional positionality specifically impact the strategies an individual uses to engage in ally or accomplice action? For example, a group of White female anti-racists described how being a woman created particular challenges to addressing racism that their White male counterparts did not face, such as having their reactions attributed to being overly emotional (Case, Citation2012). More information about how people take effective action when faced with these various challenges could enable allies and their supporters to consider new strategies for action. In addition, our findings indicated that experiences of oppression affected ally development in other areas. A reciprocal question is whether ally development and action relate to the development of personal liberation and action, as suggested by Bishop (2000). That is, does ally development foster resistance to one’s own internalized oppression and/or ability to act as an advocate for oneself?

A final area for future research is the development and evaluation of education, training, or other interventions to facilitate ally development and action. Our study has several implications for such possible interventions (e.g., Hochman & Suyemoto, Citation2020). Our findings suggest that interventions should be multifaceted and foster emotional and relational connection to experiences of oppression that are not experienced by those engaging in the intervention. While there is robust evidence that prejudice reduction and implicit bias interventions are effective in changing short-term attitudes toward marginalized groups (e.g., Cameron & Rutland, Citation2006; Gaertner & Dovidio, Citation2005; Stathi et al., Citation2014; Turner et al., Citation2007; Vescio et al., Citation2003), sustained change in attitudes requires more intense and continuous efforts (e.g., see Dovidio et al., Citation2017). Through such efforts, it seems possible to establish implicit egalitarian goals related to awareness and understanding, and to reduce or behaviorally correct for the impacts of bias (i.e., take action against identified bias; see Dovidio et al.’s, Citation2017 review). Thus, interventions based on the current model may be more effective than traditional prejudice reduction and implicit bias interventions in moving people beyond short-term attitudinal change and into action to resist oppression. Trainings or interventions that include personal connection, positionality, and relation to one’s values or integrity may be especially likely to lead those engaged in the intervention to take action for social change. Future research should investigate whether interventions modeled from the ally development process do indeed lead participants to take action.

Similarly, educators and mentors invested in developing allies should provide education about privilege and oppression that is multifaceted, personal, creates connection to oppression that is not one’s own, and fosters emotional and relational connection to it. Educators should also be aware of the intersecting identities that students hold. For some individuals who hold central and salient oppressed identities, educators may need to first discuss this oppression before moving into discussion of privilege, as some participants in the current study with salient experiences of oppression acknowledged that those experiences made it challenging to think of themselves as also having privilege. Indeed, Vasquez and McGraw (Citation2005) identify that somehealing around the hurt of oppression may be necessary before being able to attend to privilege and develop as an ally. Additionally, educators would benefit from engaging in a process similar to the ally development model described here. Without a strong understanding of privilege, oppression, and one’s own positionality, educators who aim to teach courses intended to promote social justice may instead impose on communities or portray them in ways that reify oppression, as described in the results.

Our model suggests that interpersonal models and feedback on understandings and action is vitally important. Attention to how feedback is presented, and skills to develop tolerance for negative emotions and relational conflicts are also highlighted. Interventions should normalize making mistakes and offer opportunities to process these mistakes with other individuals, both the effects on outcomes and the emotional experience of the would-be ally. Emphasizing mistakes as an expected part of the developmental process, and acknowledging that people make mistakes regardless of where they are in their development, may broaden individuals’ ability to give and receive feedback from wider circles of people and lessen defensiveness. Education or community intervention aimed at developing allies could explicitly discuss this and model how to foster others’ ally development, as this was considered a central aspect of ally action.

Lastly, allies and those supporting their development should approach the work as an ever-evolving process. Therefore, those fostering awareness of privilege in individuals who are early in their developmental process should approach this work with patience and recognize that the impact of creating this awareness may not be immediately evident. As participants described in their own processes, some individuals may initially be defensive or not fully understand their privilege for some time, which does not preclude them from eventually developing into allies. Additionally, the iterative developmental process presented in this study suggests that people continue to need relational support, validation, reflection, and new learning regardless of how long they have acted as allies. Individuals later in their ally development may continue growth through means of increased agency, such as through fostering the development of other allies.

Declaration Of Interests Statement

No potential competing interest was reported by the authors.

Acknowledgements

We thank the participants in this study, not only for their time and invaluable insights, but also (and even more importantly) for the many ways they take action to advance social justice. We also thank the many students and colleagues who contributed to the data collection and analysis process for this study, including Devin Atallah, Celeste Atallah-Gutiérrez, Jillian Bennett, Katia Canenguez, Urmi Chakrabarti, Christian Chan, Hercilia Corona-Ordoñez, Stephanie Day, Melody Fisher, Cara Fuchs, Jessica Graham, Jennifer Hamilton, Vali Kahn, Susan Lambe Sariñana, Patricia Lee, Grace Kim, Michelle Levine, Tamim Mohammad, Liz Mongillo, Shruti Mukkamala, Fanny Ng, Kim Nguyen, Phuong Nguyen, Jae Puckett, Michael Rollock, Kathleen Sullivan, Jesse Tauriac, John Tawa, Catharine Thomann, Michael Treanor, Speshal Walker, Lindsey West, and Liza Zwiebac.

Data Availabilty and Sharing Statement

Due to the nature of this research, participants of this study did not agree for their data to be shared publicly, so supporting data is not available.

Notes

1. Quotes throughout have been minorly edited to remove “ums,” pauses, repetitions, and repeated instances of “like” or “you know” and similar filler words.

References