The socio-pragmatic analysis of Amharic euphemisms of sexual organs and sexual acts

Abstract

People are afraid, ashamed, and disgusted to use taboo terms in public. Euphemisms, on the other hand, are figurative speeches that exclude offensive words. The benefits of politeness are promoted. The current study attempts to provide a socio-pragmatic analysis of Amharic euphemisms of sexual organs and sexual acts within the frameworks of politeness and relevance theories. This study will pique scholars’ interest in researching euphemisms used in other languages. Additionally, it will be useful for those learning Amharic as a second language or for those interested in Amhara culture, customs, and language. This study was carried out using the descriptive-qualitative method. The researchers utilized purposive and snowball sampling strategies. The information was gathered via semi-structured interviews, questionnaires, and introspection. As a result, 57 research volunteers were purposefully used by the researchers in varied social contexts. The results imply that it is inappropriate to talk about sexual organs and sexual acts in public. In contrast, language users in the researched areas use euphemistic expressions. Along with this, native Amharic speakers in the examined areas use a range of euphemistic construction strategies, such as idioms, metaphors, understatement, overstatement, borrowing, metonymy, and circumlocution, to keep their composure, be polite, and show respect.

Keywords:

• amharic euphemisms
• euphemisms
• euphemistic strategies
• face
• socio-pragmatics
• sexual acts
• and sexual organs

PUBLIC INTEREST STATEMENT

This work, which is appropriate for readers who are not specialists, discusses the socio-pragmatic analysis of Amharic euphemisms of sexual organs and sexual acts. Everyone enjoys reading it since sexual acts and sexual organs are sensitive topics everywhere. The crass, ugly, unpleasant, humiliating, and frightened expressions are replaced as the study’s focal point. Because of this, people of various backgrounds are interested in hearing appealing, appropriate, and pleasant expressions. In order for non-specialist readers to understand the euphemistic expressions of sexual organs and sexual acts, the researchers additionally used IPA (International Phonetic Alphabets) to translate the Amharic words. Additionally, the researchers literalized the euphemism phrases and retained their usual or contextual meaning. In conclusion, even readers who are not professionals can understand the article because the researchers employed literal and contextual meaning for larger communications.

1. Introduction

Language is required to both communicate and avoid using unpleasant words and phrases. Due to the indirect manner in which people discuss taboo terms, there is little discussion of them. People use circumlocution when they use certain expressions. First, there are instances of linguistic taboos; second, there is the usage of euphemisms to avoid using the offensive terms directly (Wardhaugh, 2010).

Since language reveals social rules and taboos, it is closely linked to a person’s culture. Because everyone must conduct himself or herself responsibly in his or her community in accordance with its norms, disobeying these ideas during interaction may result in serious assault between speakers. In this circumstance, it is clear that there are words, expressions, sentences, and subjects that are taboo in all languages and should not be spoken or discussed in public. Taboos are what they are (Aris, 2013).

There are taboos in all languages and cultures. Each civilization, however, has its own set of standards and taboos. Consequently, taboos are tied to society’s cultural values. People often change their facial expressions to conceal the unpleasant impact of prohibited phrases to avoid embarrassments and are tied to society’s cultural values. People often change their facial expressions to conceal the unpleasant impact of prohibited phrases to avoid embarrassment and losing their faces. Euphemisms are therefore necessary to replace objectionable terms that are uncomfortable and embarrassing for speakers. These expressions characterize a community’s socio-cultural structure and are connected to its religious and cultural values. Additionally, the application of taboos differs from person to person based on social conditions, including “anger, frustration, and annoyance” (Helmi, 2008, p. 13).

Every culture has various euphemisms for the word sex. However, the motivations driving sex-related euphemisms are very dissimilar from fear. Making and comprehending veiled allusions to various physically intimate behaviors gives people immense pleasure (Alego & Pyles, 2009). Speaking in public about sexual concerns might be awkward. Without euphemisms, discussing such subjects in public is frowned upon as disrespectful and ill-mannered. Sexual activity is severely restricted as a topic for discussion because it is tabooed as impolite in public discussion and display (Allan & Burridge, 2006). In addition, Rawson (1981) asserts that, of all taboos, human body parts and sexuality are the most sensitive.

Numerous academics have conducted in-depth research on the micro-linguistic components of Amharic, including phonology, morphology, and syntax. The semantics and pragmatics of Amharic is, however, the subject of few works. As an illustration, Gashaw (2020) did a research on “the Semantics and Pragmatics of Spatial Expressions in Amharic,” and Gashaw (2021) also researched a research on “Conceptions of Life and Death in Amharic: A View from Cognitive Semantics”, Baye (1997) conducted a research on “the pragmatics of greetings, felicitation, and condolence expressions in four Ethiopian languages”, Tadesse (2020) conducted a research on “the semantics and pragmatics of Amharic bəgəna lyrics,” Derib (2016) conducted a research on “metaphors of time in Amharic,”

Hussen (2017) has done a study on “the socio-linguistic study of Amharic taboo.” According to Hussen’s findings, Amhara culture views sexual activity and sexual organs as taboo. However, he omitted to include the many euphemistic construction techniques used to replace various sexual organs and sexual acts in diverse social contexts. The current study, on the other hand, identified the various methods used in euphemism building. The socio-pragmatic analysis of Amharic euphemisms of sexual acts and sexual organs was distinguished in this work. As a result, there hasn’t been any research on the socio-pragmatic analysis of Amharic euphemisms for sexual organs and sexual acts in various social contexts. Thus, the researchers inspired to conduct research to close the gap.

The researchers’ interest in the socio-pragmatic examination of Amharic euphemisms for sexual organs and sexual acts was motivated by practical considerations. Since the researchers are native Amharic speakers, they have noticed that Amharic speakers frequently use euphemisms in a variety of social contexts. Therefore, the researchers have found that adopting euphemistic phrases improves interpersonal communication. However, many people feel embarrassed, uneasy, and insulted when people use the names of sexual body parts and sexual acts directly. Because of this, the community generally avoids using taboo terms to indicate fear, embarrassment, or contempt. As a result, the researchers have chosen to investigate the socio-pragmatic analysis of Amharic euphemisms for sexual organs and sexual acts, in the study areas in a variety of social domains like churches, mosques, hospitals, schools, and homes.

The main aims of this study is to investigate the socio-pragmatic analysis of Amharic

Euphemisms of sexual organs and sexual acts. Specifically, this study aimed to:-

−Describe the various euphemistic expressions of sexual organs and sexual acts in different

Social realms

- Recognize the several euphemism-building techniques

−Explain why Amharic native speakers in the research areas preferred using euphemisms for sexual organs and sexual acts over taboo terms.

This study has the following research questions:-

1. How native speakers of Amharic in the study locations euphemized sexual organs and sexual acts?

2. How do Amharic native speakers construct euphemisms related to sexual organs and sexual acts?

3. Why native speakers of Amharic preferred to use euphemisms related to sexual organs and sexual acts instead of taboo expressions?

The study’s significance is as follows: First, it spurs academics’ curiosity about euphemisms used in different languages. The issue of Amharic euphemisms in various social contexts has not, as far as the researcher can tell, been previously investigated; as a result, the knowledge gained from this study serves as a useful manual for educators working on related or comparable research issues. Additionally, this work makes a significant contribution to our understanding of the topic. Readers who need to document the socio-pragmatic analysis of Amharic euphemisms of sexual organs and sexual acts can do so practically thanks to this study. It offers something to those interested in learning more about Amhara culture, customs, and language, as well as to those learning Amharic as a second language.

2. Literature review and theoretical frameworks

2.1. Literature review

2.1.1. The language

Language is a mechanism for human beings to communicate with one another in the context of their ideas, attitudes, conventions, behaviors, social habits, etc. This is what is meant by culture. Language is not only a formal system of sounds, words, and syntactical structures. Every language develops a set of principles over time that is accepted by society and allow for the abstract interpretation of concrete utterances (Allen & Corder, 2011).

Amharic is a member of the Afro-Asian phylum’s transversal south-Ethio-Semitic language group. The federal democratic republic of Ethiopia uses Amharic as its working language, as stated in its constitution. Additionally, it is extensively spoken throughout the majority of the nation. Arabic is the most widely used Semitic language in the world, with Amharic coming in second (Hudson, 1998). Amharic was the most widely used and predominant language in Ethiopia. “Until 1991, it was the only language used in administration, the only medium of instruction in primary education, and the primary language used in the printed press. It is still the de facto lingua franca in towns” (Meyer, 2006, p. 129).

2.1.2. Taboo

Taboo is a proscription of behavior that societies forbid to express in public. It is a word or phrase which is banned to use in public because of fear, shame, and disgust (Allan & Burridge, 2006).

Wardhaugh (2010) maintains that taboo words are universal. This statement is better explained through his speech as “each social group is different from every other in how it constraints linguistic behavior in this way, but constrain it in some such way it certainly does. Perhaps one linguistic universal is that no social group uses language quite uninhibitedly. With this purpose in mind, Wardhaugh further explains that people avoid certain acts or expressions that are forbidden because they result in embarrassment. In this sense, Wardhaugh (2010) defines the word taboo as follows: Taboo is the prohibition or avoidance in any society of behaviors believed to be harmful to its members in that it would cause them anxiety, embarrassment, or shame.

2.1.3. Euphemism

The Greek words “eu” for well and “pheme” for speaking are the roots of the word ‘euphemism. It swaps out a more neutral language process for one that might be. Euphemisms are, therefore, phrases of avoidance (Allan & Burridge, 1991). Euphemisms are words or phrases that are used in place of other, potentially offensive words in order to avoid embarrassing oneself, the audience, or a third party. Euphemism, according to this description, is a system that enables us to turn unpleasant expressions of fear, humiliation, contempt, and disagreement into more agreeable ones. It involves speaking in an evasive manner. It is prevalent among speakers and is present in all communities. Euphemisms are used to express negative things in oblique ways. Hence, the primary purpose of euphemism is to avoid using linguistic taboos (Allan & Burridge, 2006).

Many cultures forbid direct discussion of certain subjects because they are taboo, offensive, unpleasant, or only occasionally spoken in harsh words. People utilize euphemisms, which are covert and indirect statements, in place of taboos (Burchfield, 1986). Humans pay a lot of attention to the negative effects that words, expressions, or thoughts can have. The emotions and actions that go along with the words can cause injury, damage, and even death. The use of euphemism depends on the social and situational environment (Ikram, 2010).

2.1.4. Previous works on taboos and euphemisms on Ethiopian languages

Birhanu (2016) a study of linguistic taboos related to women and their euphemistic expressions in Oromo society“. His research demonstrates that the Oromo community held some things to be taboo, including women, virginity, pregnancy, childbirth, and menstruation. Instead, they make courteous gestures to improve social interaction. The socio-pragmatic analysis of Amharic euphemisms for sexual organs and sexual acts, however, was the main emphasis of this study. In order to do this, the researchers chose five social contexts, including the church, home, mosque, school, and hospital. Additionally, Birhanu (2020a) and Birhanu (2020b) conducted “a sociolinguistic study of linguistic taboos of death and their euphemistic expressions among Bale Oromo.” The results show that speaking explicitly about death is forbidden in the Oromo society of the study sites. Instead, they speak in euphemistic terms.

Birhanu (2017) has also done a research on “thematic analysis of taboos and their corresponding euphemistic expressions in Afan Oromo”. According to Birhanu’s research, Oromo people do not directly refer to death, illness, women, defections, excrement, sex and sexual body parts, and sexual actions as taboo issues. People instead refer to them with the appropriate euphemistic expressions.

Birhanu (2020) also conducted a study on “Analysis of Linguistic Taboo Words Related to Sexual Organs and Their Euphemistic Expressions in Oromo”. The results showed that using taboo phrases associated with sexual organs is forbidden in the Oromo society of the study locations. Instead, they substitute banned phrases with euphemistic expressions that are mild, indirect, courteous, inoffensive, and acceptable, whereas the original taboo words are described as harsh, painful, unpleasant, or offensive. The latest study, in a similar vein, concentrates on euphemisms relating to sexual organs and sexual acts. However, this study described Amhara’s euphemistic utterances in a variety of social contexts. Consequently, there are cultural differences between Amhara and Oromo.

Culture and euphemisms are connected. As a result, there are cultural differences between the Amhara and Oromo people. According to Kroman (2011, p. 13), “what is necessary to be euphemized in one language or culture may not necessarily be euphemized in another”. That is to say, not everything that is euphemistic in Afan Oromo is necessarily euphemistic in Amharic. Therefore, there is a difference between the present study and Birhanu’s research. There is no research on Amharic euphemisms for death in various social contexts, as far as the researchers are aware. For this reason, the current study examined the socio-pragmatic analysis of Amharic euphemisms for death in several contexts, including the church, mosque, home, hospital, and school.

Bamlaku et al. (2023) conducted a study on “the socio-pragmatic analysis of Amharic euphemisms of women”. The results of this study demonstrate that the Amhara society in the study locations strictly prohibited speaking in public about virginity, pregnancy, menstruation, delivery, abortion, menopause, spouses, concubines, and prostitutes. They substitute a multitude of euphemisms instead. However, the socio-pragmatic analysis of Amharic euphemisms of sexual organs and sexual actions was the main emphasis of this study.

2.2. Theoretical frameworks

2.2.1. Relevance theory

This study used relevance theory. Relevance theory encompasses cognitive and communicative principles. The central theme of cognitive principle states that human cognition is conveyed towards the maximization of relevance. The maximization of relevance means that cognitive mechanisms, which constitute the cognitive system behave towards cost-benefit optimization, or towards reaching the highest benefit at the lowest possible cost. The communicative principle on the other hand states that utterances create an expectation of favorable relevance. This theory is used to show how metaphors function in a context to bring about the meaning the speaker wants to convey (Sperber & Wilson, 1986).

This theory is a cognition-centered pragmatic approach to human communication which is based on the hypothesis of a single advanced mental capacity of human beings to look for the most relevant information from received stimuli. The main assumption of the theory is that human beings are endowed with a biologically rooted ability to maximize the relevance of incoming stimuli (linguistic utterances or nonverbal behavior). Relevance is not only atypical property of external stimuli but also of internal representations and thoughts, all of which may become inputs for cognitive processing (Sperber & Wilson, 1986).

The relevant theory views ostensive utterances as achieving relevance through transferring information which produces contextual effects in the cognitive systems of their addressees. The ostensive stimulus is relevant enough for it to be worth the hearer’s effort to process it. The ostensive stimulus is the most relevant one compatible with the speaker’s abilities and preferences. The speaker has preferences regarding the choice of utterances for conveying thoughts; as regards concealing euphemisms, this means that, in utterances, the speaker chooses euphemistic words and expressions. Besides, the notion of context is central to relevance theory, since what is relevant is that which produces tangible contextual effects, or which penetrates the contextual discourse. The basic idea of relevance theory is neither entirely psychological nor epistemic, though admitting a modicum of both. It aims at providing a theory that is psychologically and psycho-linguistically realistic, but not overly so (Sperber & Wilson, 1986).

The socio-pragmatic analysis of Amharic euphemisms for sexual organs and sexual acts is the main emphasis of the current study. Since euphemism is a type of figurative language, it employs metaphor as a construction technique. As a matter of fact, the study used the relevance theory of Sperber and Wilson (1986) because native Amharic speakers in the study areas preferred to use relevant and appropriate words to communicate with their colleagues in order to avoid embarrassment and frustration. As a result, persons in the study locations chose appropriate language when native Amharic speakers in various social contexts spoke with seniors and adults in order to preserve their listeners’ good reputations and foster interpersonal ties. To put it another way, euphemism and relevance theory go hand in hand. Sexual organs and sexual activity are associated with sentiments of dread, shame, and disgust in Amhara culture. So, it is considered improper to use certain expressions in public. The Amhara people who reside in Debre Markos, Lummamie, and Gindewoyin woredas use acceptable, pertinent, and courteous terms to avoid using the banned words. Thus, in order to avoid taboo expressions, maintain face, and demonstrate civility, society should adopt appropriate and pertinent euphemistic expressions.

2.2.2. Politeness theory

This study employed politeness theory which was introduced by Brown et al. (1987) about the notion of “face” to illustrate “politeness” in the broad sense. That is, all “interlocutors” have an interest in maintaining two types of “face” during interaction which include “positive face” and “negative face”. Their work on politeness theory is considered to be the most important and comprehensive on pragmatic politeness. The reason why people decide which form of politeness to use in a particular context depends on factors, such as: “distance between participants, their relative status, and the formality of context” (Brown et al., 1987).

Politeness is an international notion. Every language and culture has its way of showing respect, avoiding tabooed expressions, saving face, and reducing the negative effect of unpleasant expressions (Brown et al., 1987). Because the primary motivation for using euphemistic expressions is to demonstrate politeness, the Amhara society in the research areas uses a variety of euphemistic construction strategies, such as understatement, overstatement, metaphor, idiom, and so on, to demonstrate respect, mitigate the shameful and disgusting power of sexual organs and sexual acts, and demonstrate politeness. To put it briefly, politeness theory and relevance theory are intertwined with the pragmatic approach to euphemisms. Accordingly, courtesy serves as the primary driving force behind indirect speech acts. By using euphemisms, persons can preserve the listener’s good impression and appear polite. Similar to this, people can preserve the listener’s face when they utilize appropriate and pertinent expressions. Politeness theory therefore looks for the most pertinent information from incoming stimuli. Relevance theory is thought to be that. So there is a connection between the theories of politeness, relevance, and euphemisms. For instance, listeners and audiences experience less dread, humiliation, and disgust when speakers use appropriate euphemism phrases to describe sexual organs and sexual acts. In other words, the more appropriate euphemisms people employ, the more they appear courteous and save the listeners’ faces.

3. Research methodology

This study was conducted by using descriptive qualitative research design. The source of data in descriptive qualitative research is from natural setting and the investigator is the instrument. Descriptive qualitative research method is a non-experimental in nature because it contains naturalistic data without manipulation of variables (Maxwell, 2010).

3.1. Data source

Amharic native speakers who live in the Debre Markose, Lumammie, and Gindewoyin woredas provided the first-hand information. To choose the study locations, the researchers used purposive sampling approaches. According to Llamas et al. (2007), using probability sampling techniques like simple random sampling makes it impossible to distinguish between native speakers of the language and non-native speakers, residents of the area and non-residents, and willing participants and unwilling participants. In contrast, while using the purposive and snowball sampling procedures, the researchers are aware of the kind of speakers needed for the study and look for speakers who meet particular requirements to fill in specific quotas. Therefore, 57 subjects were used by the researchers throughout three woredas, comprising 4 males and 3 females from home realms, 6 males from churches, 15 males and 15 females from schools, 4 males and 3 females from hospital realms, and 4 males and 3 females from mosque realms.

3.2. Data collecting tools

To gather data from informants, the researcher used questionnaire, semi-structured interview, and introspection as data collecting instruments.

3.2.1. Questionnaire

Males and females were specifically picked by the researchers. They compiled lists of euphemisms and questions that were off-limits for both sexes. Because both genders are afraid to bring up taboo topics, including sexual body parts, sexual activities, and all elements of sexual activity, the researchers created lists of forbidden terms and asked participants how they euphemized them.

3.2.2. Semi structured interview

With little interruption from the pre-planned research issue, it allows freedom to follow the interview in unexpected directions. The goal is to establish a relaxed environment where informants can express themselves more freely than in more formal settings. As taboo and euphemistic terms are delicate subjects, an interviewee can feel ashamed if the researcher questions them directly or in a systematic way. The researcher used a number of questions in this study. Using this tool, you have the option to include some portions of the comments and leave out others while recording them. Because of this instrument’s adaptability, the researcher may quickly approach the respondent and alter the conversational tack based on the circumstances. Due to these factors, the researcher employed this tool to gather enough information about euphemistic expressions. Also, the researcher used the purposive and snowball sampling procedures to choose the informants.

3.2.3. Introspection

In sociolinguistics, this is a research methodology where the researcher, who is a native speaker of a language, acts as the main source of data. Consequently, the current study employs this methodology. The researcher created a collection of euphemisms on his own because he speaks Amharic as a native language. These were supported by the informants, who also picked up other euphemisms that had not been on the researcher’s list because they were unfamiliar to her. The researcher’s use of these lists to travel throughout the defined areas and show the use of euphemistic terminology is therefore incontrovertible evidence.

3.3. Research procedure

The study follows the following steps: The study’s initial goals and research questions established the course for the investigation. The researchers then read pertinent literature. Following the creation of data collection tools, questionnaires, semi-structured interviews, and introspection were used to gather the data. According to the research objectives and research questions, the researchers then analyzed and provided an interpretation.

4. Findings of euphemisms related to sexual organs

In many cultures, discussing the sexual act and associated body parts without using euphemisms is taboo. One of the most significant necessities that make people happy is sex. The most fascinating thing about it is when people play with their friends to express their emotions, hobbies, and sexual wants. People are unique animals who communicate their sexual desires covertly. In reality, as per the explanation of informants, when men and women speak with their close friends, they freely discuss sex and sexual organs (Nash, 1995). People do not discuss sexual organs and sexual acts openly when there is a social distance between or among them. Instead, when speaking with elder people, they utilize euphemisms.

4.1. The findings of questionnaires

4.1.1. Euphemisms related to females’ sexual organs

In the research locations, Amhara people avoid using the term ɨms “vagina” in public. Instead, they employ the following euphemistic phrases listed below:

(1)

a. jə- set bɨlɨt

GEN-woman genitals (GEN: Genitive)

Lit:“One which is the private body parts of women”

“vagina”

b. hafɨrətə sɨga

Shame meat

Lit:“Lewd meat”

“vagina”

c. ik’a

equipment

Lit:“Equipment”

“vagina”

d. t’af’t’e

Sweet

Lit:“Sweet”

“vagina”

e. jǝ -set-oʧʧ mǝrabija akal

GEN -female. PL production body part relative (REL) & plural (PL)

Lit:“one which is the productive body parts of females”

“vagina”

f. gudg^wad

hole

Lit:“hole”

“vagina”

People in the research settings of churches, homes, mosques, schools, and hospitals did not refer to the vagina in public by using the forbidden word ɨms “vagina”. Instead, they employed circumlocution, like in (1a). The literal meaning refers women’s genitals. However, the contextual meaning indicates vagina. This expression was employed by speakers of the language to lessen the banned expression’s embarrassing impact. Expression in (1b) is a metaphor that was employed in the context of the church. This expression’s literal meaning refers to shame-meat it. The context of this statement also refers to the vagina. Hence, native Amharic speakers in the church’s territory used metaphorical phrasing to obfuscate the prohibited word and demonstrate courtesy.

Native speakers in the home and school realms employed overstatement, as in (1c). The expression used in (1c) refers to a certain type of equipment in its literal sense. Yet, the context of the word refers to the vagina. This euphemistic phrase, as in (1c), was used in the research areas to lessen humiliation and help listeners save face.

The people in the home and school realms employed metaphor like in (1d). This expression’s literal meaning describes something pleasant. The context of this term, however, refers to the vagina. Consequently, since vagina is sweet, sweetness and vagina share a characteristic. As a result, language users in such fields used metaphor as a euphemistic construction technique to hide their guilt and demonstrate politeness.

The phrase employed in (1e) is a circumlocution that was utilized in the hospital settings. The literal meaning of this term is female reproductive organs. While it’s context-specific definition refers to the vagina. People in the research areas used this expression, as in (1e), to both hide their guilt and appear courteous.

The phrase used in (1f) is a metaphor that was used in the home settings, particularly in rural areas instead of naming a woman’s vagina in public. The literal and contextual meanings share a similar quality. Or, to put it another way, the immediate meaning is flawed. Nonetheless, the contextual meaning refers to vagina. The individuals in the research locations utilized metaphorical expressions to hide their embarrassment and to be courteous, as the vagina takes one feature from the hole.

4.1.2. Findings of questionnaire

4.1.2.1. Euphemisms related to clitoris

In the study locations, calling k’ɨnt’ɨr “clitoris” in public is also frowned upon. Instead, they employ the euphemistic phrases listed below:

(2)

a. anɨtena

aerial

Lit:“aerial”

“clitoris”

b. wǝf t’ǝbak’k’i

bird keeper

Lit:“bird keeper”

“clitoris”

c. wǝf t’anɨtɨri

bird clitoris

Lit:“clitoris”

“clitoris”

d. hafɨrətə sɨga

shame meat

Lit:“Lewd meat”

“Clitoris”

e. bɨllɨt

Genitals

Lit:“Genitals”

“Clitoris”

People do not use k’ɨnt’ɨr “clitoris” in public, both at home or at school realms. Instead, they employed metaphors, as seen in (2a). Language users utilized the metaphor clitoris to refer to the shape of the clitoris, which borrows certain common features from the aerial. The people in the study locations used this tactic to avoid breaking the shame-based taboo of uttering k’ɨnt’ɨr “clitoris” in public and to forge relationships with others.

The expression as in (2b) is a circumlocution that was used in the home settings. This expression’s literal meaning designates a person who preserves birds. Yet, the expression’s context-specific meaning in (2b) denotes clitoris. Hence, elder men and women, especially in rural regions, used this statement to avoid the taboo term and to maintain their dignity.

Native speakers of Amharic in the school and the home settings used understatement, like in (2c). They used to avoid the taboo expression and demonstrate civility; children in the school setting utilized this expression.

In the church settings, people use metaphorical expression, such as in (2d). Literally, this phrase denotes meat that is ashamed. Yet, the implication given by this context is clitoris. Hence, language users employed this strategy to uphold politeness and avoid embarrassment.

In the mosque settings, the people used metonymy, as in (2e). Language users in this domain used metonymy because, in the research locations, phrases like genitals and clitoris are considered as similar. In other words, they used genitals in place of clitoris. Hence, to lessen their guilt and save their faces, they utilized this expression. Borrowing was, however, used as a euphemistic building approach by research participants in the hospital sector. In other words, they refrained from using k’ɨnt’ɨr “clitoris” in public. Instead, language users covered their shame and saved face by using the word clitoris in English.

4.1.3. Finding of semi-structured interview

4.1.3.1. Euphemisms related to buttock

Buttocks are the other sexual organ. With the prevalence of anal intercourse between male homosexuals and certain heterosexual couples, the buttock is a sexually taboo area that can be viewed as a sexual organ (Hughes, 2006).Besides, defecation takes place near by buttock. As a result, it is against the law to use the word k’ɨt’ “buttock” in public in the study areas. Instead, they use the following euphemisms:

(3)

a. mǝk’ǝmǝʧ’ʧ’a

arse

Lit:“arse”

“buttock”

b. dalle

hip

Lit:“hip”

“buttock”

In public, study participants did not use the term k’ɨt’ “female’s buttock” in the context of churches, homes, mosques, or schools. They substituted understatement, as in (3a). Literally, this term refers to a particular type of seat. However, the expression’s figurative meaning refers to the buttock. Moreover, individuals across all social settings used metonymy as in (3b). Hip is the literal meaning. But, in this context, its ambiguous interpretation points to the buttock. Language users frequently employed metonymy, also known as part-hip, whole-buttock usage. Consequently, in order to avoid embarrassment, be courteous, and maintain their dignity, people in the study locations used this tactic.

4.2. Findings of questionnaire and semi-structured interview

4.2.1. Euphemisms related to males’ sexual organs

The penis is the other sexual organ that cannot be used in public. Thus, it is improper to mention ‘k’ula “penis” in public. As an alternative, language users employed the following euphemisms:

(4)

a. jə- wənɨd bɨlɨt

GEN- man genitals relative (GEN: Genitive)

Lit:“one which is the man’s genitals”

“Penis”

b. hafɨrətə sɨga

shame meat

Lit:“shame meat”

“Penis”

c. ɨk’a

equipment

Lit:“equipment”

“Penis”

d. mǝsarɨja

weapon

Lit:“weapon”

“penis”

e. mǝmɨʧʧa

beater

Lit:“beater”

“Penis”

f. jǝ- wǝnɨd -oʧʧ mǝrabɨya akal

Gen- male -PL reproduction body part Genitive (GEN) & plural (PL)

Lit:“one which is the reproductive body parts of males”

“Penis”

g. marǝʃa

Plow

Lit:“plow”

‘Penis

h. mǝk’ofǝrɨja

back hoe

Lit:“back hoe”

“Penis”

i. zǝnǝzǝna

Pestle

Lit:“pestle”

“Penis”

j. murɨt’

Penis

Lit:“penis”

“Penis”

According to the informants, nobody in any social areas used the prohibited word k’ula “penis” in public. Instead, they employed circumlocution described in (4a). Although the indirect meaning depicts the penis, the direct meaning shows male genitalia. As a result, language users in the research locations employed this expression to indicate politeness while also easing feelings of shame and dread.

Native Amharic speakers in the contexts of the home and the church used metaphor as in (4b). The expression used in (4b) has a comparable meaning in both its explicit and implicit forms; hence, metaphor is used in the strategy. In other words, the literal interpretation denotes meat that is shameful. Yet, the context-specific term refers to the penis of males. Due to the shame-based taboo against addressing k’ula “penis” in public, language users used the term in (4b) to avoid embarrassment and to appear courteous.

The expression like in (4c) is also a metaphor that was used in the home and at school realms. The literal meaning refers to machinery. However, in this context, the implied meaning refers to the penis. Thus, there is at least one similarity between the penis and equipment. In other words, both can be used, for instance, to dig a hole. Elders in those communities therefore used the expression (4c) to avoid using the taboo word and to maintain their dignity.

The expression in (4d) is metaphor, which is used in the church and home settings. Although this phrase’s literal meaning is weapon, its contextual connotation is penis. The fact that both the penis and the weapon are employed for combat highlights their similarity. In other words, a weapon is a tool that soldiers employ to engage in combat with adversaries. A penis is also used to penetrate the vagina. Hence, Amharic native speakers would use the phrase as in (4d) to lessen humiliation and demonstrate politeness.

The word as in (4e) is an understatement and was used in the school settings. Beater is the literal meaning. Yet, this expression’s context-specific meaning refers to the penis. Hence, to avoid the forbidden phrase and maintain their dignity, language users used this expression.

In the hospital settings, native speakers of Amharic used circumlocution, as in (4f). The literal meaning of this term is productive body parts. But, in this context, it refers to penis. Hence, to demonstrate respect and to lessen shame, research participants in the study locations used this euphemistic word.

In the home domains, individuals substituted the prohibited word k’ula “penis” with a metaphor like that in (4 g). Hence, there is a connection between the literal and context-based meanings. In other words, plowing is the literal definition. Yet the context-specific connotation refers to the penis. Rural language users employed metaphor as a euphemistic construction approach to avoid the taboo word and to save face because the purpose of a plough and a penis are the same.

The people in the home settings also used the metaphor in (4 h). The literal and contextual meanings share one characteristic, in other words. The back hoe used for digging is the literal meaning. Also, its connotation contextually refers to a digging penis. As a result, language users in the study locations, particularly in rural areas, used metaphors like the one in (4 h), to hide their shame and preserve their social relationships.

The people in home realms employed metaphor, such as in (4i) refers to a pestle that is used to grind coffee. Yet, the context-specific term refers to the penis’s function as a vaginal grinder. So, in order to avoid the forbidden term and to demonstrate respect, research participants in the study areas used metaphors such as in (4i).

Elders in home settings, particularly in rural areas employed understatement as in (4j) denotes the penis in context. This term was employed to hide embarrassment and form social connections.

4.3. Findings of semi-structured interview and questionnaire

4.3.1. Euphemisms related to testicles

Language users in the study locations did not additionally refer to the man’s testicles by their direct name, k’olət, in public. Instead, they employ the following euphemisms:

(6)

a. jə- wənɨd -jə zər fɨrre

GEN- man. GEN seed Genitive (GEN)

Lit:“man’s seed”

“testicle”

b. alǝ’k’a

boss

Lit:“boss”

“testicle”

The expression in (6a) is circumlocution. The people avoided using the word “k’olə’t ”man’s testicle’ out loud in places like churches, mosques, homes, schools, and hospitals. Although its context-specific meaning refers to testicles, the literal meaning of the phrase is man’s seed. Hence, language users used indirect expressions like those in (6a) to both lessen shame and demonstrate politeness.

Research participants in the school domain, particularly students, used overstatement, as in (6b). The literal interpretation refers to a boss. Yet, the context suggests k’olǝt’ “testicle” instead. Students employed this tactic to avoid embarrassment and to be courteous.

4.4. Findings of questionnaire and semi-structured interview

4.4.1. Euphemisms related to sexual acts

One of the most delicate taboos, according to Allan and Burridge (1991), is sexuality. This illustrates how serious it would have been to mention it in public. The discussion of sexual conduct is strictly forbidden in public settings and is taboo.

In Amhara culture, having a sexual encounter before getting married is frowned upon. Furthermore, discussing sex and sexual interactions, whether legal and illegal, paints its speakers in a demeaning and shameless light because it is against moral principles. The word for the sexual act bǝdda “he fucked” is considered to be the strongest forbidden word. Hence, calling fucked is a prohibited sexual act in Amhara culture, especially in the research locations because it is a taboo subject. Language users in the research locations avoided using the phrase bǝdda “he fucked,” in public. Instead, they employ the following euphemisms:

(7)

a. gɨnɨɲɲunət fǝs’ǝm -ǝ

Make relation perform. PFV:3MSG perfect (PFV), third person masculine singular (3MSG)

Lit:“He made relationship”. Literal (lit)

“He had sexual relationship”.

b. fǝs’ǝm -ǝ

Perform. PFV:3MSG

Lit:“He has performed”. Literal (lit)

“He had sexual relationship”

c. wǝsǝb -ǝ

Sex .PFV: 3MSG

“He sexed”.

“He made sexual relationship”.

d. awwǝ’k’-at

Know .PFV: 3FSG Perfective (PFV), third feminine singular (3FSG)

Lit:“He knew her”.

“He made sexual relationship”.

e. rukabe

Copulated

Lit:“he copulated”.

“He had sexual relationship”.

f. fǝk’adǝ sɨga fǝs’ǝm -ǝ

authorized meat perform .PFV: 3MSG

“He made sexual intercourse”.

g. awǝt’t’ -a

bring out .PFV: 3MSG

Lit:“He brought out”.

“He made sexual intercourse”.

h. adǝrǝg -at

Perform -PFV:3FSG third person feminine singular (3FSG)

Lit:“He performed her”.

“He made sexual intercourse with her”.

i. anɨsola tǝggafǝf -u

Sheet lap each other .PFV: 3PL perfect (PFV), third person plural (3PL)

“They lapped sheet each other”.

“They had sexual intercourse”.

j. k’ǝmǝss -at

taste .PFV: 3SFG

Lit:“He tasted her”.

“He made relationship with her”.

k. bǝll -at

eat .PFV: 3FSG

Lit:“He ate her”.

“He had sexual intercourse with her”.

l. dǝff -at

bend .PFV: 3FSG

Lit:“he bend her down”.

“He made sexual relationship with her”.

m. dǝfǝrr -at

mollify .PFV: 3FSG

Lit:“He mollified her”.

He made relationship with her’.

n. nǝff -at

honk .PRF: 3FSG

Lit:“He inflated her”.

“He made sexual relationship”

o. tǝɲɲ -at

Sleep .PFV: 3FSG

Lit: “he slept with her”.

“He had sexual relationship with her”.

p.fɨk’ɨr sərr -a

Love make.3MSG

Lit:“He made love”.

“He made relationship with her”.

In response to the respondents’ comments, it is improper to use the word bǝdda “he fucked” in any settings. Instead, they employed idiomatic expression such as (7a). Although it’s contextual meaning refers to the person who had sex with her, the literal definition refers to a relationship. Hence, in order to avoid using the forbidden term and maintain their composure, educated and illiterate, elder males and females, in urban and rural locations adopted the statement as in (7a).

The expression in (7b) is an idiom that was used in all social settings. In this context, the expression’s figurative meaning refers to a person who has engaged in sexual activity. However, in its literal sense, it implies that something was done. So, educated elder males and females, in urban and rural locations employed this expression to mitigate shame and to show politeness.

The expression as in (7c) is a borrowing that was borrowed from Gee’z and was employed in the context of the church to signify that someone had engaged in sexual activity. Priests used this tactic to obfuscate the offensive word.

The people in the church realms used idiomatic expression like (7d). Knowing someone is the literal meaning of the expression in (7d). The context of this expression, however, suggests that she had sexual contact with someone. This tactic was used by priests in the study locations in church settings to avoid the forbidden statement and to show respect. Moreover, the people in the church territories used borrowing, as in (7e). This phrase is a Gee’z adaptation. The context-specific connotation refers to a person who had sex with her. So, priests also employed this tactic as a way to be polite and avoid embarrassment.

Language users in the church realms also used circumlocution, as in (7f). This expression’s literal meaning indicates that the speaker was given permission to eat meat. Yet, the context-specific interpretation reveals that someone engaged in sexual activity. As a result, research participants in the study locations used this tactic to both hide the shame-based taboo and to demonstrate respect.

The expression employed in (7 g) is an understatement which was utilized in the school settings. According to the literal interpretation, someone brought someone out. On the other hand, the context-specific definition refers to a partner with whom she had sex. Young male teachers and students in the study locations adopted this tactic to respect others by avoiding the offensive phrase.

In the context of schools, people also used metaphor, such as (7 h). It is a type of metaphor since the literal meaning and the context meaning have a similar characteristic. In other words, the verb’s immediate meaning is to perform. In a similar vein, the context-based interpretation suggests that engaging in sexual activity with a woman is a task in and of itself. Therefore, male teachers in the school realms used this tactic to avoid embarrassment and to show respect.

The expression used in (7i) is a circumlocution that was employed in the church, school, and home settings. Although the expression’s literal meaning refers to a sheet being lapped, its context-based meaning denotes that someone had sex with a lady. Educated, elder males and females, in urban and rural locations employed this tactic to prevent embarrassment and to conceal the shame-based taboo.

Language users in the school settings substituted metaphors like the one in (7j). This expression’s literal meaning is testing something. While the context of this term suggests that someone engaged in sexual activity with a woman. Male and female teachers in the school settings used this tactic to hide their humiliation and maintain their composure.

The expression used in (7k) is a metaphor that was used in the school setting. The contextual meaning and the direct meaning are comparable. In other words, the literal sense implies eating. Yet, the context-specific connotation indicates that someone engaged in sexual activity. Individuals viewed sexual activity as similar to eating. The expression’s contextual meaning and literal meaning in (7k) are equivalent. As a result, male teachers and students in the school settings used metaphor to both cover up the offensive phrase and convey politeness.

The phrase used in (7 l) is also a metaphor that was employed in the school settings. The contextual meaning is similar to the literal meaning in that both involve leaning down. In other words, a woman may stoop down to engage in sexual activity with someone when having sex with them. As a result, male teachers in school realms often use metaphors to avoid using offensive words and to be respectful.

The expression used in (7 m) is circumlocution that was used in all spheres of society. This phrase literally means mollify. The context-specific meaning of this term, on the other hand, is engaging in sexual activity. This phrase is used by Amharic native speakers when a woman is violated by a man without her consent.

In the school and home settings used a metaphor, as in (7n). The literal interpretation implies that something is inflated. Nonetheless, its contextual connotation refers to a person who has engaged in sexual activity. So, there is a certain amount of inflation when one makes sexual contact with a woman. Hence, young males in home, and school realms used this tactic to obfuscate the forbidden phrase and to establish social connections.

In the home realms, people used the expression as in (7o), which is understatement. The literal sense suggests that she had a bedfellow. Nonetheless, the context-specific connotation indicates that there was sexual activity. Illiterate elder males and females, typically in rural realms used the expression as in (7o) to avoid the forbidden phrase and to be courteous.

In contrast, the phrase as in (7p) is a metonymy that was used in the contexts of schools and hospitals settings. Language users used this tactic since making love and engaging in sexual activity are similar. In other words, people will fall in love when they engage in sexual activity. So, in order to avoid using the banned word and to establish social connections, male and female students, male and female teachers and health workers used this tactic.

5. Conclusion

The main aim of this study is to describe the socio-pragmatic analysis of Amharic euphemisms of sexual organs and sexual acts. The results of this article’s socio-pragmatic analysis of Amharic euphemisms of sexual organs and sexual acts in various social contexts, including churches, mosques, homes, schools, and hospitals, show that native Amharic speakers in the study areas believed that saying males’ and females’ sexual organs, females’ clitoris, females’ buttocks, and males’ testicles, and sexual acts in public are strongly forbidden. Instead, they used various euphemistic construction techniques.

The results of this study also demonstrate that the people of Amhara in general, and people in the study areas in particular used a variety of mechanisms for the formation of euphemisms, including metaphor, idiom, understatement, overstatement, borrowing, metonymy, and circumlocution, in the realms of churches, mosques, homes, schools, and hospitals. To put it simply, in order to prevent feelings of dread, shame, and disgust, and to be courteous, the people in the study locations employed a variety of euphemistic building techniques.

Disclosure statement

No potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).

Additional information

Funding

The work was supported by the I have no funder.

Notes on contributors

Bamlaku Endegena Zegeye

Bamlaku Endegena Zegeye did BA in English from Debre Markos University, Ethiopia and MA in linguistics, from Bahir Dar University, Ethiopia. He is the principal author of the manuscript. He is pursuing a PhD in applied linguistics at Ethiopia’s Addis Ababa University. His primary area of interest in research is socio-pragmatics. At multiple national and international research conferences, he delivered a presentation on Amharic euphemisms. He has been awarded certificates for his participation in a number of scientific conferences.

Samuel Handamo Godisso

Samuel Handamo. His doctoral work was in sociolinguistics. He is an assistant professor of linguistics. He also serves as my advisor. His main field of study is sociolinguistics.

Endalew Assefa Temesegen

Endalew Assefa is the second writer. He did his PhD in descriptive linguistics. He is an associate professor of linguistics. He is my advisor. His primary area of study is descriptive linguistics.