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Articles

Developing bottom-up indicators for human rights

Pages 1378-1394 | Received 18 Apr 2018, Accepted 08 Jul 2019, Published online: 19 Jul 2019
 

ABSTRACT

There is a growing effort to quantify and track trends in human rights. The reliance on large, international indicators, including global indexes and national human rights report cards, is increasing as part of international development assistance and human rights monitoring. This article explores the limitations of mainstream human rights indicators, particularly in the developing world, arguing that many of these approaches overlook local realities. An alternative strategy for designing bottom-up human rights indicators is offered drawing on the experience of constructing the Uhakiki Human Rights Index in Tanzania. The challenges of developing an appropriate and feasible methodology in complex environments is discussed, particularly given that with bottom-up indicators, what works in one situation might not necessarily be transferrable to another context.

Disclosure statement

No potential conflict of interest was reported by the author.

Notes on contributor

Nicole Stremlau is Research Professor in the Humanities at the University of Johannesburg and she is Head of the Programme in Comparative Media Law and Policy, Centre for Socio-Legal Studies, University of Oxford.

Notes

1. See, for example, Freedom House's annual Freedom in the World Index, the World Bank's Governance Indicators or the UN's Human Development Index.

2. Judith G. Kelley and Beth A. Simmons, ‘Politics by Number: Indicators as Social Pressure in International Relations’, American Journal of Political Science 59, no. 1 (2015): 55–70.

3. Steven Livingston, Africa's Information Revolution: Implications for Crime, Policing, and Citizen Security (Washington, DC: Africa Centre for Strategic Studies, National Defence University Fort McNair, Research Paper no. 5, November 2013).

4. Kevin E. Davis, Benedict Kingsbury, and Sally Engle Merry, ‘Indicators as a Technology of Global Governance’, Law & Society Review 46, no. 1 (2012): 71–104; Sally Engle Merry, ‘Measuring the World: Indicators, Human Rights, and Global Governance’, Current Anthropology 52, no. S3 (2011), http://www.jstor.org/stable/10.1086/657241 (accessed April 12, 2018).

5. Colin Irwin, ‘How Public Opinion Polls Were Used in Support of the Northern Ireland Peace Process’, Global Review of Ethnopolitics 1, no. 1 (2001): 62–73; Roger Mac Ginty, ‘Indicators+: A Proposal for Everyday Peace Indicators’, Evaluation and Program Planning 36, no. 1 (2013): 56–63; Roger Mac Ginty and Pamina Firchow, ‘Everyday Peace Indicators: Capturing Local Voices Through Surveys’, Shared Space 18 (2014): 33–9.

6. See special section on ‘Diverging Conceptualisations of the Local’, in Social Anthropology 25, no. 4 (2017).

7. Birgit Brauchler and Philipp Naucke, ‘Peacebuilding and Conceptulisations of the Local’, Social Anthropology 25, no. 4 (2017): 422–36.

8. For example: Freedom House, ‘Freedom in the World 2018: Democracy in Crisis’, https://freedomhouse.org/report/freedom-world/freedom-world-2018 (accessed September 29, 2018).

9. ‘The Political Terror Scale’, http://www.politicalterrorscale.org/ (accessed September 29, 2018).

10. ‘Bertelsmann Transformation Index’, https://www.bti-project.org/en/home/ (accessed September 29, 2018).

11. Mo Ibrahim Foundation, ‘Ibrahim Index of African Governance’, https://mo.ibrahim.foundation/iiag/ (accessed September 29, 2018).

12. ‘CIRI Human Rights Data Project’, http://www.humanrightsdata.com/ (accessed September 29, 2018).

13. Transparency International, ‘Corruption Perceptions Index’, https://www.transparency.org/research/cpi/overview (accessed September 29, 2018).

14. The World Bank, ‘Worldwide Governance Indicators’, http://info.worldbank.org/governance/wgi/#home (accessed September 29, 2018).

15. UN Development Programme, ‘Human Development Index’, http://hdr.undp.org/en/content/human-development-index-hdi (accessed September 29, 2018).

16. Rachel M. Gisselquist, ‘Developing and Evaluating Governance Indexes: 10 Questions’, Policy Studies 35, no. 5 (2014): 513–31.

17. Laura Langbein and Stephen Knack, ‘The Worldwide Governance Indicators: Six, One, or None?’, The Journal of Development Studies 46, no. 2 (2010): 350–70.

18. Davis, Kingsbury, and Merry, ‘Indicators as a Technology of Global Governance’, 73–4.

19. International Human Rights Instruments, ‘Report on Indicators for Monitoring Compliance with International Human Rights Instruments’, May 11, 2006, HRI/MC/2006/7, para. 7.

20. Daniel Kaufmann and Aart Kraay, ‘Governance Indicators: Where Are We, Where Should We Be Going?’, World Bank Research Observer 23, no. 1 (2008): 1–30.

21. Similar criticisms have been made of the global public opinion polling industry. See, for example, Iginio Gagliardone and Nicole Stremlau, ‘Public Opinion Research in a Conflict Zone: Grassroots Diplomacy in Darfur’, International Journal of Communication 2 (2008): 1085–113.

22. Matthew S. Winters and Gina Martinez, ‘The Role of Governance in Determining Foreign Aid Flow Composition’, World Development 66 (2015): 516–31.

23. Monroe E. Price, Susan Abbott, and Libby Morgan, Measures of Press Freedom and Media Contributions to Development: Evaluating the Evaluators (New York: Peter Lang, 2011).

24. OHCHR, ‘Tracking Progress in Achieving Human Rights Goals’, https://www.ohchr.org/EN/NewsEvents/Pages/TrackingProgress.aspx (accessed September 29, 2018).

25. UN, ‘Millennium Development Goals: 2015 Progress Chart’, http://www.un.org/millenniumgoals/2015_MDG_Report/pdf/MDG%202015%20PC%20final.pdf (accessed September 29, 2018).

26. P. Alston, ‘Ships Passing in the Night: The Current State of the Human Rights and Development Debate Seen Through the Lens of the Millennium Development Goals’, Human Rights Quarterly (2005): 755–829.

27. William Easterly, ‘How the Millennium Development Goals Are Unfair to Africa’, World Development 37, no. 1 (2009): 26.

28. Amir Attaran, ‘An Immeasurable Crisis? A Criticism of the Millennium Development Goals and Why They Cannot Be Measured’, PLOS Medicine 2, no. 10 (2005): e318.

29. Freedom House, ‘Freedom in the World’, https://freedomhouse.org/report-types/freedom-world (accessed April 12, 2018).

30. Adeel Malik, State of the Art in Governance Indicators (Human Development Report Office Occasional Paper 7, 2002); and Davis, Kingsbury, and Merry, ‘Indicators as a Technology of Global Governance’.

31. Daniel Kaufmann and Aart Kraay, ‘Governance Indicators, Aid Allocation and Millennium Challenge Account’ (December 2002), https://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=534063 (accessed September 30, 2018).

32. Priscilla Toka Mmantsetsa Marope, Peter J. Wells, and Ellen Hazelkorn, eds., Rankings and Accountability in Higher Education: Uses and Misuses (Paris: Unesco, 2013); Brian Pusser and Simon Marginson, ‘University Rankings in Critical Perspective’, The Journal of Higher Education 84, no. 4 (2013): 544–68.

33. See, for example, the global study by Nicole Stremlau, Monroe Price, and Iginio Gagliardone, World Trends in Freedom of Expression and Media Development (Paris: UNESCO, 2017) and the associated regional reports available at: https://en.unesco.org/world-media-trends-2017 (accessed September 30, 2018).

34. See, for example, the description of the Human Rights Indicators at https://www.ohchr.org/en/issues/indicators/pages/hrindicatorsindex.aspx (accessed September 30, 2018)

35. Kenneth A. Bollen and Pamela Paxton, ‘Subjective Measures of Liberal Democracy’, Comparative Political Studies 33, no. 1 (2000): 58–86.

36. Basu Sharma and Azmat Gani, ‘The Effects of Foreign Direct Investment on Human Development’, Global Economy Journal 4, no. 2 (2004), https://www.degruyter.com/view/j/gej.2004.4.2/gej.2004.4.2.1049/gej.2004.4.2.1049.xml (accessed April 12, 2018).

37. Christian Keszthelyi, ‘Szijjártó: Freedom House Criticism of Hungary is “Nonsense”’, Budapest Business Journal, April 15, 2016, https://bbj.hu/politics/szijjarto-freedom-house-criticism-of-hungary-is-nonsense_114599 (accessed April 12, 2018).

38. See ‘Freedom House: Organization’, https://www.activistfacts.com/organizations/503-freedom-house/ (accessed September 30, 2018) and ‘Freedom House, Inc: Financial Statements: Year Ended June 30, 2017’, https://freedomhouse.org/sites/default/files/2017_Audited_Financial_Statements.pdf (accessed 30 September, 2018).

39. Christopher G. Bradley, ‘International Organizations and the Production of Indicators: The Case of Freedom House’, in The Quiet Power of Indicators: Measuring Governance, Corruption, and Rule of Law, eds. Sally Engle Merry, Kevin E. Davis, and Benedict Kingsbury (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2015).

40. Freedom House, ‘Freedom in the World’.

41. ‘China Issues Report on US Human Rights’, xinhuanet.com, March 9, 2017, http://news.xinhuanet.com/english/2017-03/09/c_136115447.htm (accessed April 12, 2018).

42. ‘China Holds Side Event on New Approach to Global Human Rights Governance’, xinhuanet.com, March 9, 2017, http://news.xinhuanet.com/english/2017-03/09/c_136115238.htm (accessed April 12, 2018).

43. Nicole Stremlau, Emmanuel Fantini, and Ridwan Osman, ‘The Political Economy of the Media During the Somali Civil War’, Review of African Political Economy 43, no. 147 (2016): 43–57. Nicole Stremlau and Ridwan Osman, ‘Courts, Clans and Companies: Mobile Money and Dispute Resolution in Somaliland’, Stability: Journal of International Development 4, no. 1 (2015): 1–15. Nicole Stremlau, ‘Media Law in the Absence of a State’, Journal of Media and Cultural Politics 8, no. 2 (2013): 159–74.

44. See, for example, the in-depth study by Davis and Kruse analysing the strengths and limitations of the Doing Business project and the implications for legal reform: Kevin E. Davis and Michael B. Kruse, ‘Taking the Measure of Law: The Case of the Doing Business Project’, Law & Social Inquiry 32, no. 4 (2007): 1095–119.

45. Doing Business, Doing Business 2017: Equal Opportunity for All, (Washington, DC: World Bank, 2016), http://www.doingbusiness.org/reports/global-reports/doing-business-2017 (accessed April 12, 2018).

46. Janine Berg and Sandrine Cazes, The Doing Business Indicators: Measurement Issues and Political Implications (Geneva: International Labour Organization, 2007), http://www.oit.org/public/english/employment/download/elm/elm07-6.pdf (accessed April 12, 2018).

47. Paul M. Heywood, ‘Measuring Corruption: Perspectives, Critiques, and Limits’, in Routledge Handbook of Political Corruption (Abingdon: Routledge, 2015), 137–53.

48. See, for example the Tanzania National Bureau of Statistics, https://www.nbs.go.tz/

49. Rachel Kleinfeld, Reducing All Violent Deaths, Everywhere: Why the Data Must Improve (Washington, DC: Carnegie Endowment for International Peace, 2017), http://carnegieendowment.org/2017/02/02/reducing-all-violent-deaths-everywhere-why-data-must-improve-pub-67857 (accessed April 12, 2018).

51. The Statistics Act, 2015.

53. As quoted in Heywood, ‘Measuring Corruption’, 137.

54. As noted in Legal and Human Rights Center, ‘Introduction’, http://www.humanrights.or.tz/page/introduction (accessed September 30, 2018).

55. See Legal and Human Rights Center, ‘Introduction’.

57. Mac Ginty, ‘Indicators+: A Proposal’; Roger Mac Ginty, ‘What Do We Mean When We Use the Term “Local”?’, in Peacebuilding in Crisis: Rethinking Paradigms and Practices of Transnational Cooperation, eds. Tobias Debiel, Thomas Held, and Ulrich Schneckener (London: Routledge, Taylor & Francis Group, 2016), 193; Mac Ginty and Firchow, ‘Everyday Peace Indicators’.

58. Mac Ginty, ‘Indicators+: A Proposal’, 56.

59. Ibid.

60. Irwin, ‘How Public Opinion Polls’; Colin Irwin, ‘Peace, Stability and Elections: An Opinion Poll and its Implications’, The Global Review of Ethnopolitics 2, no. 1 (2002): 62–74; Colin Irwin, ‘Using Public Opinion Polls to Support Peace Processes: Practical Lessons from Northern Ireland, Macedonia, Cyprus, Israel and Palestine’, in Democracy and Ethnic Conflict: Advancing Peace in Deeply Divided Societies, ed. Adrian Guelke (London: Palgrave MacMillan, 2004), 139–67, http://link.springer.com/chapter/10.1057/9780230523258_8 (accessed April 12, 2018).

61. James Fishkin, ‘Deliberation by the People Themselves: Entry Points for the Public Voice’, Election Law Journal 12, no. 4 (2013): 490–507; James S. Fishkin and Robert C. Luskin, ‘Experimenting with a Democratic Ideal: Deliberative Polling and Public Opinion’, Acta Politica 40, no. 3 (2005): 284–98; James S. Fishkin, Max Senges, Eileen Donahoe, Larry Diamond, and Alice Siu, ‘Deliberative Polling for Multistakeholder Internet Governance: Considered Judgments on Access for the Next Billion’, Information, Communication & Society, (2017), https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/full/10.1080/1369118X.2017.1340497?scroll=top&needAccess=true (accessed April 12, 2018).

62. Center For Deliberative Democracy, ‘What is Deliberative Polling®?’, http://cdd.stanford.edu/what-is-deliberative-polling/ (accessed April 12, 2018).

63. Edna F. Einsiedel, Erling Jelsøe, and Thomas Breck, ‘Publics at the Technology Table: The Consensus Conference in Denmark, Canada, and Australia’, Public Understanding of Science 10, no. 1 (2001): 83–98.

64. African Media Barometer: The First Home Grown Analysis of the Media Landscape in Africa: Tanzania 2015 (Windhoek: Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung), http://www.fesmedia-africa.org/uploads/media/AMB_Tanzania_2015_01.pdf (accessed April 12, 2018).

65. African Media Barometer, 34.

66. Davis, Kingsbury, and Merry, ‘Indicators as a Technology of Global Governance’.

Additional information

Funding

This work was supported by the Department for International Development.

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