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Paedagogica Historica
International Journal of the History of Education
Volume 50, 2014 - Issue 4: Anarchism, texts and children
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Articles

Counter from the cathedra: Democratic School Workers Association redefining teachers’ political agency in Finland 1973–1989Footnote

Pages 533-553 | Received 01 Jun 2012, Accepted 25 Feb 2014, Published online: 04 Jun 2014
 

Abstract

Finnish school teachers are unlike their colleagues in many countries, for their ethos and skills have traditionally formed the basis for a profession which has been very loyal to the state and to the changing educational ideologies of the government. Critical historical periods of wars and social revolutions have, however, produced – to a small degree – different kinds of tendencies. This article discusses the political agency of comprehensive and upper secondary school teachers by looking at a particular point of rupture in the Finnish “master narrative” of a neutral and impartial teacher image. As an example of a counter-narrative, the paper presents a small leftist teacher association called the Democratic School Workers Association (Demko) which existed between 1973 and 1989. Demko’s manifesto texts are analysed with the help of A.J. Greimas’ actantial model in order to find the possible kind of political agency that is constructed for teachers. The analysis shows a major change between the 1970s and 1980s. The early Demko narrative draws from the vocabulary of the neo-leftist student movement, inviting progressive teachers to join the “common struggle”. Demko aims at lobbying the more established political actors, whereas individual agency is shackled by the ideals of monolithicity and unanimity. In the 1980s, along with the fading of societal radicalism, Demko’s narrative evolves into a more polyphonic space for identity debates. Political agency is transferred from the collective to individuals who are supposed to critically reflect Demkoian ideals against their everyday praxis. All in all, Demkoian narrative is interpreted as having enriched the gamut of “possible discourses” in the era of the early Finnish comprehensive school. With its distinctively socio-political orientation, Demko tested the boundaries of the political agency of Finnish teachers.

Notes

1 Cathedra is a Latin word for the chair or throne of a bishop. It is the symbol of the bishop’s teaching authority and thus can also be used to refer to a teacher’s authoritative position in a school and classroom, as well as to his/her physical position in front of the students (which, in the old days, often meant standing on a podium).

2 The Teacher 46 (1973), 2.

3 The Finnish context can be described as depicting a mild (or Scandinavian) version of the Hobbesian social contract. In the field of schooling, the strong polity model has meant adopting a “statist” line of development. See John Boli, New Citizens for a New Society. The Institutional Origins of Mass Schooling in Sweden (Oxford: Pergamon Press, 1989), 57–8.

4 Up to the 1970s over 80% of all educational professionals were state-employed, and in 1980 the figure was almost 90%. See Risto Rinne and Arto Jauhiainen, Koulutus, professionaalistuminen ja valtio (Turun yliopiston kasvatustieteiden tiedekunta. Julkaisusarja A: 128), 358.

5 The article concentrates on elementary school teachers and makes only cursory comments on secondary school teachers (i.e. subject teachers). This is due to socio-historical changes being, in the Finnish case, in many ways crystallised in elementary school teachers’ work: secondary school teachers’ education has been academic for much longer than that of elementary teachers and, moreover, their work has not been subjected to as much debate as elementary schooling, which has been regarded as socio-politically critical. See Esko Kähkönen, Opettajankoulutus Suomen koulunuudistuksessa v. 1958–1978: yleissivistävän koulun opettajien koulutuksen järjestelyt ja tavoitteet (Oulu: Oulun yliopisto, 1979).

6 Rinne and Jauhiainen, Koulutus, professionaalistuminen ja valtio, 205–7, 212; Osmo Lampinen, Suomen koulutusjärjestelmän kehitys (Helsinki: Gaudeamus, 2003), 40.

7 Finland became independent on 6 December 1917.

8 Education for teachers of small children was removed from church control in the 1860s. After this, primary school teachers were educated in private or state-funded, boarding school-like seminaries which were characterised by Christian moral codes, patriotism and strict discipline.

9 This shows an interesting inconsistency in the Finnish church–state relationship: at the same time that the Age of Enlightenment and the Reformation assisted the rustic population in absorbing nationalistic ideas, the Church emphasised loyalty and obedience to the authorities. See Hannu Suni, “Kirkko- ja kouluhistorian liittymäkohdat,” in Mikael Agricolasta opin ja tutkimuksen tielle (Suomen Kouluhistoriallisen Seuran Vuosikirja XLIV 2006), 164–78.

10 Sirkka Ahonen. Yhteinen koulu. Tasa-arvoa vai tasapäisyyttä? (Tampere: Vastapaino, 2003).

11 Marjo Vuorikoski and Mirka Räisänen, “Opettajan identiteetti ja identiteettipolitiikat hallintakulttuurien murroksissa,” Kasvatus & Aika 4 (2010), 63–81.

12 Furthermore, the state authorities have had the monopoly in accrediting teachers for primary schools, which in turn have been controlled by municipal authorities since the church lost its power over the educational system. See Hannu Simola, Osmo Kivinen, and Risto Rinne, “Didactic Closure: Professionalization and Pedagogical Knowledge in Finnish Teacher Education,” Teaching and Teacher Education 13 (1997): 879; Risto Rinne, Mistä opettajat tulevat? Suomalaisen kansanopettajiston yhteiskunnallinen tausta sekä kulttuurinen ja sosiaalinen pääoma 1800-luvun puolivälistä 1980-luvun lopulle (Turku: Turun yliopiston kasvatustieteiden tiedekunta, 1989); Hannu Simola, Paljon vartijat. Suomalainen kansanopettaja valtiollisessa kouludiskurssissa 1860-luvulta 1990-luvulle, Helsingin yliopiston opettajankoulutuslaitos. Tutkimuksia 137 (Helsinki: Yliopistopaino, 1995); Hannu Simola, “The Finnish Miracle of PISA: Historical and Sociological Remarks on Teaching and Teacher Education,” Comparative Education 4 (2005), 455–70.

13 For example, the school inspector system was abandoned with the transition to the comprehensive school and pre-inspection of school books in the 1990s (Simola, Paljon vartijat, 299; Vuorikoski and Räisänen, Opettajan identiteetti ja identiteettipolitiikat hallintakulttuurien murroksissa).

14 Michel Foucault, Discipline and Punish. The Birth of the Prison (London: Penguin Books, 1991), 102–3; Mitchell Dean, Governmentality. Power and Rule in Modern Society (London: SAGE Publications, 1999); Robert Doherty, “Critically Framing Education Policy: Foucault, Discourse and Governmentality,” in Why Foucault? New Directions in Educational Research, ed. Michael A. Peters and Tina Besley (New York: Peter Lang, 2007), 193–204.

15 Dean, Governmentality; Hannu Simola and Risto Rinne, “Koulutuksen laadunarvioinnin yhteiskunnallisten vaikutusten tutkimisesta,” Hallinnon tutkimus 25 (2006), 68–80; Vuorikoski and Räisänen, Opettajan identiteetti ja identiteettipolitiikat hallintakulttuurien murroksissa, 63–81.

16 Manuel Castells, The Power of Identity (Oxford: Blackwell Publishers, 1997); Hannu L.T. Heikkinen and Rauno Huttunen, “Opettaja ihmisenä ja ammattilaisena,” in Ihmisen näköinen opettaja, ed. Eila Estola, Hannu L. T. Heikkinen and Rauni Räsänen (Oulu: Oulun yliopiston kasvatustieteiden tiedekunta. 2007), 15–27.

17 Simola, The Finnish Miracle of PISA, 455–70.

18 This might be one reason for the Finnish tendency to use such contradictory concepts as “teacher profession” and “professionalism” quite easily and unproblematically.

19 Vuorikoski and Räisänen, Opettajan identiteetti ja identiteettipolitiikat hallintakulttuurien murroksissa.

20 Hannu Simola, Risto Rinne, and Joel Kivirauma, “Abdication of the Education State or Just Shifting Responsibilities? The Appearance of a New System of Reason in Constructing Educational Governance and Social Exclusion/Inclusion in Finland,” Scandinavian Journal of Educational Research 46 (2002), 247–64; Hannu Simola, Osmo Kivinen, and Risto Rinne, “Didactic Closure: Professionalization and Pedagogical Knowledge in Finnish Teacher Education,” Teaching and Teacher Education 13 (1997), 877–91.

21 Molly Andrews, Shaping History. Narratives of Political Change (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2007), 1–2.

22 This is well shown in Jukka Rantala’s microhistories about teachers’ political ethos: see e.g. Jukka Rantala, “The Political Ethos of a Model Citizen – Ensuring the Correct Political Attitude of Elementary School Teachers During the First Decades of Finland’s Independence,” in Nordic Lights. Education for Nation and Civic Society in the Nordic Countries 1850–2000, ed. Sirkka Ahonen and Jukka Rantala (Helsinki: Finnish Literature Society, 2001), 153–74; Jukka Rantala, Suomalaisen opettajan poliittinen orientaatio (Helsinki: Työväen historian ja perinteen tutkimuksen seura, 2010); Jukka Rantala, Kansakoulunopettajat ja kapina vuoden 1918 punaisuussyytökset ja opettajan asema paikallisyhteisössä (Helsinki: Suomalaisen Kirjallisuuden Seura, 2002). See also Risto Alapuro, “Kuinka neuvoteltavia sosiaaliset suhteet ovat?” in 2000-luvun elämä. Sosiologisia teorioita vuosituhannen vaihteesta, ed. Tommi Hoikkala and Jeja-Pekka Roos (Tampere: Gaudeamus, 2000), 102–11; Martti T. Kuikka, “Opettajakuvan muuttuminen 1940-luvulta 1990-luvulle,” in Koulu ja menneisyys. Suomen Kouluhistoriallisen Seuran vuosikirja (Helsinki: Yliopistopaino, 1993), 104–21; Risto Rinne, Mistä opettajat tulevat? 185–6.

23 Simola, Paljon vartijat, 460; Rinne, Mistä opettajat tulevat? 185–6; Rantala, Suomalaisen opettajan poliittinen orientaatio; Risto Rinne and Arto Jauhiainen, Koulutus, professionaalistuminen ja valtio (Turku: Turun yliopisto: Kasvatustieteiden tiedekunta [University of Turku: Department of Education], 1988), 128)

24 One exception to this was the tricky transition to the comprehensive school system in the 1970s, which aroused juxtapositions between primary and grammar school teachers and led to a few (mainly local) strikes. See Antti Lappalainen, Elämäntyönä tulevaisuus. Opetusalan Ammattijärjestön juuret, synty ja kasvu (Helsinki: Otava, 1998), 261.

25 Risto Rinne, “Kansan kasvattajasta opetuksen ammattilaiseksi: suomalaisen kansanopettajan tie,” Kasvatus 19 (1988), 430–44.

26 The chief editor of The Teacher, Hannu Laaksola, suggests in his editorial from 1988 that, at the time, over 22% of teachers were members of various official committees in their municipalities (Laaksola, The Teacher 52 (1973), 2).

27 Eija Syrjäläinen, Veli-Matti Värri, Nelli Piattoeva, and Ari Eronen, “Se on sellaista kasvattavaa, yleissivistävää toimintaa – Opattajaksi opiskelevien käsityksiä kansalaisvaikuttamisen merkityksestä,” in Kansalaisvaikuttamisen edistäminen koulussa ja opettajankoulutuksessa, eds. Jukka Rantala and Jari Salminen (Helsinki: Hakapaino, 2006), 39–66; Mirka Räisänen,“Transformatiivisuuden säikeitä opettajapuheessa. Diskurssianalyysi opettajan yhteiskuntasuhteen rakentumisesta Opettaja-lehdessä,” Kasvatus 1 (2008), 6–19; Simola, Paljon vartijat, 13.

28 Michel Foucault, Language, Counter-Memory, Practice. Selected Essays and Interviews (Oxford: Basil Blackwell, 1977), 200; Michel Foucault, Power/Knowledge. Selected Interviews and Other Writings 1972-1977 (New York: Pantheon Books, 1980), 35, 51–2, 131–3; Michel Foucault, The Order of Things (London: Routledge, 1989), 162; Sakari Heikkinen, Jussi Silvonen, and Hannu Simola, “Technologies of Truth: Peeling Foucault's Triangular Onion,” Discourse 20 (1999): 141.

29 Throughout the article, the notion of teacher refers not to a “carnal” being but to a discursively constructed phenomenon. See Foucault, Power/Knowledge, 35, 51–2, 122, 131–3, 199.

30 Chris Barker and Dariusz Galasinski, Cultural Studies and Discourse Analysis. A Dialogue of Language and Identity. (London: SAGE, 2001), 13.

31 Michel Foucault, The History of Sexuality. Volume 1 (London: Penguin Books, 1990), 93–6; Foucault, Power/Knowledge, 35, 51–2, 122, 131–3, 199.

32 Foucault, The History of Sexuality, 93.

33 Pierre Bourdieu, Outline of a Theory of Practice (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1977), 167–70; see also Simola, Paljon vartijat, 8–10.

34 Peter Dahler-Larsen, “The Political in Evaluation,” Studies in Educational Philosophy 3 (2002), 1–12.

35 Algirdas Julius Greimas (1917–1992), a Lithuanian structuralist and founder of the Paris School of Semiotics, derives his methods and narrative grammar from Vladimir Propp and from Levi-Strauss’ commentary on Propp. By performing a reduction of Propp’s actants and functions, Greimas derives a still further simplified model of narrative structure, a mythical actantial model (see Figure ), which helps to perceive linkages and relationships between actants (i.e. subject, object, helper, opponent, sender and receiver). See Algirdas J. Greimas, Strukturaalista semantiikkaa (Helsinki: Gaudeamus, 1980); Eero Tarasti, Johdatusta semiotiikkaan: esseitä taiteen ja kulttuurin merkkijärjestelmistä (Helsinki: Gaudeamus, 1990), 32–3.

36 The concept of actant is a theoretical notion referring to a place and a position in the actantial model. An actor, on the contrary, is a concrete agent occupying the place of an actant, thus different in every narrative.

37 Pekka Sulkunen, “Todellisuuden ymmärrettävyys ja diskurssianalyysin rajat,” in Semioottisen sosiologian näkökulmia. Sosiaalisen todellisuuden rakentuminen ja ymmärrettävyys, ed. Pekka Sulkunen and Jukka Törrönen (Tampere: Tammer-Paino, 1997), 47.

38 Algirdas J. Greimas, Maupassant. The Semiotics of Text: Practical Exercises (Amsterdam: Benjamins, 1988).

39 Between 1986 and 1989 the journal was published under the name A & O: School – Education – Culture (A ja O: Koulu - kasvatus – kulttuuri). Here, for the sake of clarity, only the name The School Worker is used.

40 Only manifesto texts are analysed since the purpose is not to chart the diversity of discourses present within the data but to concentrate on the official discourse of the organisation. Thus, interpretations that are made here cannot be generalised as depicting the narratives (let alone individual “experiences”) of just any Demko member. Instead, they reflect the discourse of the cadre and/or the most active members of the organisation.

41 Matti Rinne, Suomen opettajain liitto 1893–1973 (Helsinki: Suomen Opettajain Liitto, 1973).

42 Kyösti Kiuasmaa, Oppikoulu 1880–1980. Oppikoulu ja sen opettajat koulujärjestyksestä peruskouluun (Oulu: Pohjoinen, 1982), 173–96; Rinne and Jauhiainen, Koulutus, professionaalistuminen ja valtio, 180.

43 Ibid., 34, 51–56, 365; Aimo Tammivuori, Sata vuotta opettajien ammattijärjestötoimintaa. (Helsinki: OAJ, 1986), 348; Lappalainen, Elämäntyönä tulevaisuus, 41, 261.

44 Aimo Tammivuori, Sata vuotta opettajien ammattijärjestötoimintaa, (Helsinki: OAJ, 1986), 223–225.

45 Antti Lappalainen, Elämäntyönä tulevaisuus. Opetusalan Ammattijärjestön juuret, synty ja kasvu. (Helsinki: Otava, 1998), 204.

46 Lampinen, Suomen koulutusjärjestelmän kehitys, 168.

47 Juhani Pehkonen, Toimintaa vai imagon rakentamista. Raportti OAJ:n sisäisestä järjestökuvasta ja jäsenten työmarkkinapoliittisista asenteista (Tampere: Tampereen yliopisto: Politiikan tutkimuksen laitoksen tutkimuksia 108 [University of Tampere: Research Series of the Department of the Political Sciences, Report no 108], 1990), 15.

48 Jyri Lindén, Opettajuuden sosiaalinen rakentuminen. Näkökulmia opettajan ammatillisuuteen, autonomiaan ja identiteettityöhön (Lisensiaatintutkimus, Tampereen yliopisto, 2002), 122; Räisänen, Transformatiivisuuden säikeitä opettajapuheessa.

49 The “popular front” government ruled all the way to 1983 apart from an phase between 1971 and 1975; see Jorma Kalela, “Hyvinvointivaltion rakentaminen,” in Suomalaisen yhteiskunnan poliittinen historia, ed. Ville Pernaa and Mari K. Niemi (Helsinki: Edita, 2005), 210–2.

50 “Radicalisation” was, however, very mild and non-violent in Finland.

51 Visa Heinonen, “Kultainen 60-luku,” in Suuret ikäluokat, ed. Antti Karisto (Tampere: Vastapaino, 2005), 156.

52 Even the political Centre supported transition in the name of regional equality. In fear of being pigeonholed as fully reactionary, the Right decided not to cross the transition. See Sirkka Ahonen, “From an Industrial to a Post-Industrial Society: Changing Conceptions of Equality in Education,” Educational Review 2 (2002): 173–81; Olli Poropudas and Vesa Matti Volanen (ed.) Kohti asiantuntijayhteiskunnan koulutuspolitiikkaa (Helsinki: Kirja kerrallaan, 2003), 21.

53 Martti Siisiäinen, Suomalainen protesti ja yhdistykset. Tutkimuksia yhdistyslaitoksen ja protestijaksojen suhteesta suurlakosta 1990-luvulle (Helsinki: Tutkijaliitto, 1990); Martti Häikiö, Suomen lähihistoria. (Helsingin: Helsingin yliopisto: Lahden tutkimus- ja koulutuskeskuksen oppimateriaaleja 10 [University of Helsinki: Research and Training Centre of Lahti, Instructional Material no 10], 1991).

54 Teen Union united the students at secondary level in the comprehensive school and the students of the upper secondary schools; see Siisiäinen, Suomalainen protesti ja yhdistykset, 64; Esa Sundbäck, Suomen ylioppilaskuntien liitto ja suomalaisen opiskelijaliikkeen muutoksen vuodet 1968–90. SYL-julkaisu 2/91 (Jyväskylä: Gummerus, 1991), 16–17; Heinonen, Kultainen 60-luku, 156; Häikiö, Suomen lähihistoria, 57–8.

55 Siisiäinen, Suomalainen protesti ja yhdistykset, 60; Sundbäck, Suomen ylioppilaskuntien liitto ja suomalaisen opiskelijaliikkeen muutoksen vuodet 1968–90, 63.

56 Due to the lack of a history, review or archived materials, all facts concerning Demko are gathered from the journal The School Worker.

57 Since Demko has not been studied to date, and since very few archived materials are available, additional background information has been collected by interviewing three former Demko activists via telephone and e-mail. This particular piece of information regarding the background of Demko activists comes from Jussi Onnismaa (interviewed on March 17, 2009), a former Demko member and the chief editor of the bulletin. Onnismaa recalls most of the members being primary school teachers, but there were also kindergarten teachers, arts teachers, subject teachers and adult educationalists.

58 “Taistoism” refers to a pro-Soviet tendency in the Finnish communist movement in the 1970s and 1980s. The Taistoists were an interior opposition group in the Communist Party, named after their leader Taisto Sinisalo, whose first name means “a battle”. Sinisalo’s supporters constituted a party within a party, but pressure from the Communist Party of the Soviet Union prevented the party from formally splitting. Although sometimes identified as “Stalinists”, this was not a central part of the group’s orthodoxy.

59 SW 3/81, 45. Direct citations from the data are marked in this paper with a code that tells the name of the bulletin (SW=School Worker), volume, year and page number.

60 The concept of “corporatism” (or “neo-corporatism”) refers to a system where state economic policy is negotiated between the state, the employers and the trade unions. Labour market organisations in Finland have had quite a strong influence on state legislation, especially since the Second World War.

61 SW 1/1973, 10, 2.

62 SW 1/1973, 1; SW 4/1974, 3; SW 4/1974, 3; SW 4/1988, 3.

63 SW 3/81, 45.

64 Information from The People’s Archives (Kansanarkisto), August 24, 2010. Due to the lack of archived material, there are no particulars concerning the actual circulation.

65 A “cadre” is in origin a Leninist concept used to describe a body of devoted communists who spend the majority of their free time organising their party. The concept was also used by the Finnish “Taistoists”, referring to the most active members of the group and its inner circle.

66 Information from Jussi Onnismaa (interviewed March 17, 2009), an ex-Demko member and one of the chief editors of The School Worker.

67 SW 4/1986, 2.

68 SW 1/1973, 1.

69 OK = Secondary School Teachers’ Union (Oppikoulunopettajien liitto); SOL = Finnish Teachers Union (union for elementary school teachers; Suomen opettajien liitto).

70 SW 1/1978, 2. Underlinings exist in the original text.

71 SW 5-6/1975, 16.

72 SW 4/1974, 3.

73 SW 1/1973, 1.

74 SW 1/1973, 1.

75 E.g. SW 4/1974, 3.

76 This refers to specific structures, especially to the so-called “level courses” which functioned as mechanisms of sorting students into “unequal routes” (see e.g. SW 1/1973, 3; SW 5-6/1975, 2). The system of level courses was in use until the beginning of the 1980s. The parents of each child could, at the upper levels of comprehensive school, choose between three levels of courses for their child in specific subjects (such as maths and languages) with the help of a teacher’s evaluation. Level courses were not just a pedagogical tool; they actually narrowed down students’ possibilities for further studies, producing educational “dead ends”. See Jouko Kauranne, “Omaleimaistamisen mahdollisuudet Suomen kansa- ja peruskouluissa maamme itsenäisyyden aikana,” in Itsenäinen suomalainen koulu. Suomen kouluhistoriallisen seuran vuosikirja XXXV [Independent Finnish School. Annual XXXV of the Association of the School History] (Saarijärvi: Gummerus Kirjapaino, 1997), 33.

77 E.g. SW 1/1973, 3.

78 KT 1/1973, 3.

79 SW 3/1974, 7.

80 SW 2/1975, 10; SW 5–6/1975, 2; SW 1/1977, 2.

81 SW 2/1974, 5.

82 SW 4/1975, 9.

83 E.g. SW spec. issue April 16, 1975, 3.

84 E.g. SW 1/1973, 1; SW 4/1975, 2.

85 SW 5–6/1975, 2.

86 SW spec. issue April 16, 1975, 2; SW 4/1975, 8.

87 SW spec. issue April 16, 1975, 2.

88 SW 1/1977, 2.

89 SW 5–6/1975, 4.

90 SW 4/1975, 9; SW 1/1977, 2.

91 SW 4/1975, 8.

92 See e.g. SW spec. issue April 1, 1975, 2.

93 SW 5-6/1975, 2.

94 SW spec. issue April 1, 1975, 2.

95 SW 2/1975, 10.

96 This vocabulary is very similar to that of political student organisations, especially The Socialist Student Union (Sosialistinen Opiskelijaliitto).

97 E.g. SW 1/1973, 8–9.

98 E.g. SW 1/1977, 11; SW 2/1975, 10.

99 SW 4/1976, 5.

100 SW 3/1981, 45.

101 SW 3/1981, 45.

102 SW 3/1981, 45.

103 SW 3/1981, 2.

104 SW 3/1981, 45–6.

105 SW 3/1981, 45–6.

106 SW 3–4/1980, 2.

107 SW 2/1983, 2.

108 SW 4/1988, 3.

109 SW 4/1987, 3.

110 SW 1/1980, 2; SW 4/1986, 2.

111 SW 4/1986, 2.

112 SW 4/1986, 3.

113 E.g. SW 1/1985, 2.

114 SW 2/1987, 2.

115 SW 3/1986, 3.

116 SW 3/1981, 45–6.

117 SW 3/1981, 45–6.

118 SW 1/1982, 2.

119 SW 4/1987, 3.

120 SW 1/1982, 2.

121 Documents revealing the existence of the VKTS were found by accident in 2004; see Erkki Aho, “Salaista koulutuspolitiikkaa kylmän sodan kuumina vuosina,” in Yhtenäisen peruskoulun menestystarina, ed. Kauko Hämäläinen, Aslak Lindström and Jorma Puhakka (Helsinki: Palmenia, 2005), 54–60.

122 Sakari Suutarinen, “Vapaan koulutuksen tukisäätiö – koulukasvatuksen, opettajankoulutuksen ja tutkimuksen näkymätön vaikuttaja 1973–1991,” Kasvatus & Aika 2 (2008), 29–52.

123 Michel Foucault, “Subject and Power,” Critical Inquiry 4 (1982), 780–1; Foucault, The History of Sexuality vol. 1, 96.

124 Matti Hyvärinen, Viimeiset taistot (Tampere: Vastapaino, 1994), 13.

125 Suutarinen, Vapaan koulutuksen tukisäätiö; Sirkka Ahonen, ”Kohti osallistuvaa koulukulttuuria,” in Näkökulmia aktiiviseen kansalaisuuteen, ed. Tuuli Ojanperä (Helsinki: Viikin normaalikoulun julkaisuja 2, 2006).

126 Tapio Suominen, Ehkä teloitamme jonkun (Hämeenlinna: Tammi, 1997).

127 Mirka Räisänen. Opettajat ja koulutuspolitiikka. Opetusalan ammattijärjestö ja Demokraattiset koulutyöntekijät -yhdistys peruskoulukauden koulutuspolitiikassa [Teachers and Education Politics. The Role of the Trade Union of Education in Finland (OAJ) and the Democratic School Workers Association (Demko) in Comprehensive School-Era Education Politics] (Tampere: Tampere University Press. Acta Universitatis Tamperensis 1920, 2014).

128 Anonymous, OAJ fakta (trade union leaflet July 2012).

129 Lampinen, Suomen koulutusjärjestelmän kehitys, 167–8; Pehkonen, Toimintaa vai imagon rakentamista. 15; Lindén. Opettajuuden sosiaalinen rakentuminen, 122.

130 Räisänen, Transformatiivisuuden säikeitä opettajapuheessa.

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