Multicultural food events – opportunities for intercultural exchange and risks of stereotypification

ABSTRACT

Events based on food from various cultures are often promoted as multicultural and as opportunities for establishing insights into other cultures. They are also highlighted as springboards for recently immigrated food entrepreneurs and as spaces for labour market integration. However, with such events often having underlying social agendas and sometimes being free of charge, such aims risk being undermined. Generally being linked to minority cultures, food events also risk leading to exotification where individuals are made into symbols of multiculturalism, which consolidates the idea that cultural diversity is an offer for an ethnic majority to enjoy. This paper aims to open a critical debate on multicultural food events by exploring barriers to inclusion and the influence of prejudice. Criticism aimed at misuses of multiculturalism in relation to food events and tourism is used as a theoretical lens for the analysis of two types of food events. The findings illustrate how shallow interpretations of multiculturalism still influence tourism products and reinforce the norms they claim to counteract. Thus, tourism stakeholders need to gather critical insights about the influence of white hegemonies, whilst recognising the effect of their own bias.

KEYWORDS:

• Multiculturalism
• food events
• intercultural exchange
• stereotypes
• inclusive tourism

Introduction

Food events promoted as multicultural are a common feature in many countries. They can be organised on a smaller scale by private often social entrepreneurs or supported by local authorities as part of larger official events, such as food markets during city festivals (Duffy et al., 2019). Such events can be interpreted as reflections of our contemporary multicultural societies, and as they often contain co-creative activities between host and guest, they are seen as presenting opportunities for intercultural exchange (Hassanli et al., 2021; Walters et al., 2021). Furthermore, multicultural events are claimed to contribute to social inclusion and a sense of community for immigrants (Hassanli et al., 2021; Walters & Jepson, 2019). Thus, they adhere to the concept of inclusive tourism (Scheyvens & Biddulph, 2018; Zapata Campos et al., 2018).

However, there are several challenges embedded in the idea of multicultural events. For instance, as multicultural food is generally linked to minority cultures (Hage, 2000), as well as to notions of the novel and the exotic, these events risk leading to ‘othering’ during their execution and through media reporting (Walters et al., 2021). Instances appear where event organisers from minority groups are made into stereotypical bearers of their home culture or of multiculturalism (Essed, 1996), rather than talented chefs and entrepreneurs. Furthermore, these events risk consolidating an idea that multiculturalism is an additional spice offered by minority groups, that is there for the majority to enjoy (Hage, 2000). Scholars see this as a ‘misguided’ and shallow interpretation of multiculturalism (Rothenberg, 2000, p. 61), and state that events promoted as multicultural tend to increase the gap between a we who value the multicultural offer, and a them who contribute to this value (Hage, 2000). One reason for this is that policy makers, the event industry and the research community lack understanding and avoid issues of race, racism and ethnicity, and that minority groups are therefore affected by white hegemony (Fletcher & Hylton, 2018). According to Fletcher and Hylton (2018), as contemporary society and its events are tainted by prejudice, aspects of equality and diversity need to be given attention to reveal the influence of white supremacy; they further state that this needs to be a responsibility that stretches from researchers to event organisers and visitors. Therefore, the call from Scheyvens and Biddulph (2018) to develop frameworks for critical discussion on the inclusion of marginalised groups is crucial for the development of socially sustainable event practices.

The aim of this paper is to open up critical and constructive debate on multicultural food events and to lay the foundations for actionable strategies. The purpose is to explore barriers to inclusion in multicultural food events, particularly those influenced by human prejudice. This is done through the analysis of two types of food events taking place in Sweden, in which the authors were actively involved as action researchers. Criticism aimed at a misuse of multiculturalism in relation to food, food events and tourism is used as an analytical lens, and the marginalised groups in the case studies are newly arrived immigrants and food entrepreneurs.

Main text

Theoretical framework

Multiculturalism has its roots in the concept of cultural pluralism (Wickström, 2015) and is discussed and debated in numerous disciplines, including post-colonial studies, cultural and diversity studies, anthropology, social psychology and political science (Colombo, 2015). It emerged in western democracies in the 1970s, with Canada, Australia and Sweden being early examples of nations adopting multicultural policies. This was a time when the ideals of homogeneous nation states, the assimilation of immigrants and the development of so-called ‘universal’ values took a turn towards legal and political recognition of diversity (Colombo, 2015; Kymlicka, 2010). It was also a response to previous undemocratic and illiberal hierarchical ideologies, such as colonialism, open racial discrimination, segregation and the deprivation of indigenous and minority rights (Kymlicka, 2010; Wickström, 2015). The emergence of multicultural policies was also due to global migration, and an increase in transnational agreements and co-operations resulting in many countries’ populations becoming more and more diversified (Essed, 1996; McGoldrick, 2005).

Scholars (e.g. Colombo, 2015; Kymlicka, 2010) recognise three strands of multiculturalism. The first focuses on the rights of indigenous peoples (e.g. regarding land and language rights). The second places an emphasis on the end of discrimination against minority groups (e.g. through governmental representation), and the third relates to migrants and multicultural citizenship (e.g. rights to bilingual or mother tongue education). All strands further aim to hinder stereotypification and the spreading of prejudice regarding minorities, and to instil respect for cultural diversity. Based on the three strands, Kymlicka (2010) sees multiculturalism as a human rights movement with the intention of constructing fair and inclusive models of democracy and citizenship, based on the notion of human equality.

Criticism against misuses of multiculturalism

The above-mentioned objectives of multiculturalism have been criticised for not being achieved, and many efforts are claimed to do the opposite, to further exclude and stereotype minorities (Kymlicka, 2010). The criticism emerged in the 1990s, and ever since, debates about a backlash, a fall and a failure of multiculturalism have circulated in research, politics, the media and other public forums (Alibhai-Brown, 2001; Alibhai-Brown et al., 2006; Colombo, 2015; Kymlicka, 2010). The criticism partly comes from right-wing extremist sentiments in several European countries, where multiculturalism is linked to immigration and interpreted as a threat to a coherent national identity and unity (Alibhai-Brown, 2001; Kymlicka, 2010; McGoldrick, 2005). However, criticism is also raised by scholars, professionals and activists engaged with feminism, anti-racism and other anti-discrimination efforts. Such criticism targets simplified versions of multiculturalism, which are claimed to steer away from conceptions of human rights and challenges connected to socio-economic inequalities, instead leading to a promoting ‘a feel-good celebration of ethno-cultural diversity’ (Kymlicka, 2010, p. 134).

A second common criticism is that multiculturalism is not genuinely embedded in core political discussions, and that multicultural efforts have not led to real changes in organisations or institutions. Rather, it has been located on the outskirts, included mainly during special occasions and events, in what can be seen as ‘charitable gestures’ (Alibhai-Brown, 2001, p. 54; Alibhai-Brown et al., 2006; Essed, 1996). In other words, taking British schools as an example, Say Mitchell (cited in Alibhai-Brown et al., 2006) states that even though the existence of a diversity of cultures may be highlighted through thematic events (e.g. during Black History Month), carnivals and other celebrations, curriculums remain narrow in terms of whose histories are included, and top-level staff remain homogeneous. Issues connected to workplace discrimination are also prevalent in other settings. For instance, individuals from minority groups risk being ethnified in their workplaces and made into representatives of their ascribed ethnic group, employed mainly to contribute to the multicultural composition of the organisation and seen as possessing mainly cultural competence (Alaraj et al., 2018; Essed, 1996; Gruber, 2015; Hage, 2000). Thus, they are differentiated from colleagues of the majority group who are not made subjects of their ethnicity. Furthermore, staff that are ethnified may be sought after as they can be made responsible for educating colleagues in cultural matters. However, they may find it difficult to get their actual professional competence acknowledged, thereby ending up in marginalised or subsidiary positions, as ‘outsiders within’ (Hill Collins, 1986, 1999). In such cases, the organisation’s actions rather contribute to the reproduction of ethnic hierarchies, as hiring ‘agents of diversity’ is not enough to make the organisation multicultural (Gruber, 2015, p. 120, authors’ translation). Such actions thus only lead to surface level changes and are used as excuses for not having to alter the organisational structure in any substantial manner, as the diversity agents can be used to illustrate that the organisation already works with diversity (Ahmed, 2012; Hill Collins, 1999).

Another stated purpose of multiculturalism is respect for diversity. This may make it possible for minority groups to claim space for their cultural practices (Hage, 2000). However, scholars (e.g. Essed, 1996) also problematise how this can lead to an excessive focus on difference. Highlighting different ethnicities and cultural attributes may reproduce the logic of classification present during colonial times (Azar, 2006), as well as risking opening peoples’ cultural identities up to public scrutiny. Such openness may not lead to increased understanding, but rather create stereotypes consisting of narrow and static interpretations (Essed, 1996) where minority groups are seen as homogeneous and uniform, without internal differences (Azar, 2006).

The above discussion illustrates a major challenge with multiculturalism, namely that it has and continues to be interpreted and practised in narrow and superficial ways. However, stating a fall or failure is inaccurate, as migration and the demographic changes in society it has led to mean that we are already (or have for quite some time been) living in a multicultural reality (Alibhai-Brown et al., 2006; Hage, 2000; Kymlicka, 2010). Rather, Hage (2000) proposes, multiculturalism needs to be reconceptualised and we must recognise the fundamental difference between valuing or celebrating diversity at a distance and acknowledging that we are all diverse and included in the multicultural concept. Thus, scholars call for a deeper and more sophisticated approach to dealing with diversity (Alibhai-Brown et al., 2006; Hage, 2000). Achieving this requires critical reflection on the reasons why multiculturalism remains on the surface level. A shallow understanding is based on a lack of knowledge regarding the historical and contemporary political situations of minorities, and ignorance of how structural racism and white hegemony still influence contemporary society and its organisations (Fletcher & Hylton, 2018; Mawani, 2004). According to Essed (1996, p. 24), it is problematic that the ‘status quo of the dominant culture is neither questioned nor contested’ and that issues of racism rarely come up for discussion in multicultural efforts. Essed further notes that a lack of knowledge about racism means that only the shamelessly offensive and obvious racist statements and actions are recognised as problematic, while implicit acts remain unacknowledged. Thus, there is a need to establish ‘abstract knowledge’ (Essed, 1996, p. 48) of racism to avoid stereotypification and ethnification.

Criticism towards multicultural efforts in a tourism, event and food context

Tourism and events often appear as examples in critiques of multicultural efforts (Alibhai-Brown, 2001; Colombo, 2015; Hage, 2000; Kymlicka, 2010; Mawani, 2004; Ommundsen, 1999). For instance, Mawani (2004) argues that the moving of totem poles from their original land to public parks in Canada, due to their stated value to national and international visitors, commodifies indigenous culture and makes certain types of totem poles into signifiers for all native peoples in the country. Furthermore, the accompanying information (e.g. on signs and at visitor centres) provides a simplified image of native histories whilst glorifying the acts of settlers, which provides a false imagery of an unproblematic history. Thus, multiculturalism, through tourism in this case, is argued to contribute to new forms of colonialism and a glossing over of old as well as new issues (Mawani, 2004). As another example, Ommundsen (1999, p. 40) criticises the heavy focus on cultural difference in the Australian tourism industry, where tourism tends to be ‘ruled by the code of the exotic’. Minority and aboriginal cultures are signified as authentic, traditional and non-modern. Ommundsen claims that multiculturalism is attached to all events organised by minority groups, which limits the interpretation of multiculturalism and ascribes the majority with neutrality. Using the notion of multiculturalism in the Australian tourism industry, Ommoundsen further states, has turned multiculturalism into a celebration that serves the discourse of nationalism, without seriously addressing issues of cultural difference. Lastly, she poses the question of what meanings will be attached to multiculturalism and diversity if it continues to be ‘relegated’ to ‘the language and practices of the tourism industry’ (Ommundsen, 1999, p. 41). Such a question is important to incorporate into the tourism discourse, where issues connected to multiculturalism and cultural diversity are not yet fully recognised. This, and similar criticism of events and festivals, signals concerns about shallow interpretations of multiculturalism. However, it also illustrates a general negative view of tourism as an industry where important issues are not addressed and critical conversations are not held. In other words, tourism is currently not seen as an arena for reaching holistic inclusion (Scheyvens & Biddulph, 2018). Tourism initiatives may even divert attention from the real needs and challenges experienced by marginalised groups. Such interpretations of tourism also go in line with the view of food events as contributing to a commercialisation or a neoliberal form of multiculturalism (Kymlicka, 2010; Veresiu & Giesler, 2018). According to Veresiu and Giesler (2018), neoliberalism leads to diversity being seen as taken care of by the market, which in turn means that multiculturalism can be removed from the political agenda. They argue that a commodification and marketisation of multiculturalism, through cheerful markets, events and festivals, makes it easy to steer away from conversations about the need for systemic change, the redistribution of economic power, or issues connected to the inequalities experienced by minorities.

It is easy to celebrate the goodness of multiculturalism and the acceptance of diversity through food (Grey & Newman, 2018). Coming together over food can function as an entry point to other cultures, and make you curious to learn more (Cederberg Gerdrup, 2014). However, there is a risk that the food cultures of minorities are used by organisations and nations to represent themselves as ‘cosmopolitan and tolerant’ (Lu & Fine, 1995, p. 539). Grey and Newman (2018) argue that gastronomic multiculturalism can turn into gastronomic colonialism and thus increase inequalities, if the focus is placed only on marketable and profitable cultural attributes, and not on the connection between food systems, political inclusion and the social and economic situations of minorities. Heldke (2001) states that certain foods being marketed as belonging to a minority culture have led to people of the majority culture claiming the right to judge the extent to which minority foods are authentic. Furthermore, multicultural events and celebrations, as they tend to display only a few ‘safe’ ethnic markers that are often already well known and accepted, such as food, music and clothing (also referred to as the 3S model of multiculturalism – samosas, steel drums and saris – in Alibhai-Brown, 2000), risk portraying minority cultures as consisting of static and permanent identities or as exotic spectacles (Colombo, 2015; Hage, 2000; Kymlicka, 2010). A related aspect is brought up by Hage (2000, p. 117) who, through a food festival in Sydney, exemplifies how multiculturalism is marketed as an ‘an offer’ that is to be exposed to a white gaze. Festivals, carnivals and other events labelled ‘multicultural’ often only include minority cultures, which contributes to the idea of minority cultures as enrichments that are there for an ethnic majority to consume (Alibhai-Brown, 2001; Hage, 2000)

The tendency to continuously make use of food events and festivals as a bad example of shallow multiculturalism also needs recognition. Innes (2006) reacts to the general view of food, food culture and cookbooks as being culturally unimportant, disregarded as influential, and as cementing cultures into static images. Innes takes the example of cookbooks and recipes being trivialised, arguing that the reason for this is that they are historically connected to the female and domestic realm. Innes argues, for instance, that cookbooks and recipes can spread information about cultures that remain unaddressed in other domains (such as school curricula). She also states that cookbooks have been used to minimise the notion of difference as they often illustrate similarities between food cultures and highlight the commonness of international influences on most food cultures. Furthermore, the example of Chinese chefs in the US illustrates how cookbooks have been used as means to counter stereotypes regarding Chinese foods as being exotic, strange or inedible, and how they can highlight minority food cultures as eligible contributors to national culture (Innes, 2006). Other cookbook examples include Cederberg Gerdrup’s (2014) travels through Sweden’s second largest city, in which she discusses food cultures with people living in the city. The cookbook contains, apart from recipes and information about numerous food cultures, insights into immigrants’ difficulties in obtaining jobs that fit their educational level and field, as well as highlighting the devotion, skill and knowledge embedded in cooking. Another example is Alsaidan’s (2019) combination of the cookbook format with the story of her initiative to start a women’s cooking cooperative. She used food as a tool for creating a network in which unemployed immigrant women, often without education, increased their psychological well-being, gained confidence and became part of a social and professional network.

Case description and methodology

Case studies

The empirical part of this paper is based on two case studies of food events conducted in Sweden, in which the authors were actively involved. The cases are chosen partly due to the authors having access to the social enterprise that was responsible for the food events in case one and to the local entrepreneurs who were active in case two. Both cases exemplify small-scale events organised by social entrepreneurs acting with a societal purpose, which is an organisational form that is common for multicultural food events.

Case one consists of several food events organised by a work integration social enterprise (WISE). The enterprise uses community-based tourism as a model for sustainable tourism and socio-economic development in a suburb of Sweden’s second largest city. Their aim is to contribute to a positive and diversified image of the area, which has gained a bad reputation, partly through local media reporting. During 2016–2019 the enterprise managed a labour market integration course for immigrants, aimed at the tourism industry. Participants taking the course were introduced to the tourism labour market, the basics of service and hospitality, sustainability and other subjects related to tourism. They were also assigned to come up with a concept for, plan and conduct a food event where they were to come in direct contact with customers. During the events, hosts (i.e. course participants and managers of the social enterprise) and guests cooked food together according to themes such as ‘Eri-food’ (Eritrean dishes) and ‘Four seasons’ (Arabic food with dishes inspired by the seasons). Another event was a Christmas market for which participants prepared and sold bags of assorted cookies with associations to Syrian, Congolese and Swedish food cultures, accompanied by recipes and stories about the traditions connected to the cookies.

Case two is a food event conducted in a small village in Southwestern Sweden in 2019. The village has around 1500 inhabitants, formerly housed several thriving industries and is currently the location of several craft and design educations (preparatory and university level). The student body is highly international, as people from all over the world apply to the courses. Furthermore, residents born in other countries count for around 20% of the population. Thus, the village can, like many other places in Sweden and around the world, be seen as multicultural in its composition. The idea of hosting an event came from the authors, motivated by their wish to explore the opportunities and challenges of events that aim to embrace diversity. Local entrepreneurs were asked if they were interested in developing a food event that reflected the multicultural composition of the village, in collaboration with the researchers and a project assistant (who lived in the village). The idea was also that the event would lead to new collaborative formations and business opportunities for the entrepreneurs. Two brainstorming and planning workshops were held, which resulted in the event Midwinter Solstice, held in a community park on a December evening. It was free of charge and guests were treated to warm apple cider with references to the English tradition of Wassailling (a festive winter ceremony in apple orchards where Wassaillers dip pieces of bread in spiced apple cider and place it in the apple trees to bring the cider spirit back into the trees, birds then carry the spirit to all the other trees, which improves pollination for the following year) on arrival. They were then able to tuck into Syrian foul (hot beans) and they could try grilled saffron buns (eaten at Christmas in Sweden) and strong Arabic coffee. The event was marketed as an opportunity for people in the village to meet during the coldest and darkest time of year and to celebrate the coming of brighter days.

Gathering of empirical material

In case one, the authors were connected to the labour market integration course as action researchers, which implies active participation (Lewin, 1946; McTaggart, 1994). Thus, apart from observing programme activities (eight occasions in total), they also acted as tutors, teaching in tourism and designing food events in collaboration with the participants and the enterprise managers (38 occasions in total). One cycle of the course lasted for four months, and the authors followed a total of five cycles between 2017 and 2019. Furthermore, open-ended interviews with six participants were conducted, and reflective meetings with course organisers were held continuously. To ensure validity and reliability in the interviews, the same interview guides were used throughout. These contained questions related to the interviewees’ perception of tourism and the tourism industry before and after taking the course, and their experience (positive as well as negative) of engaging in the planning and execution of food events. Questions related to multiculturalism, cultural diversity and intercultural exchange were included in cases where this did not come up automatically in responses. The interviewees were selected to include both men and women and to cover all course cycles.

In case two, the authors were similarly engaged as action researchers in the creation and planning of the event. During the actual event, in collaboration with the project assistant, they observed and conducted eight formal and 15 informal interviews with visitors. The questions inquired about the general experience of the event, how they experienced the multicultural theme, and whether and how they experienced a sense of intercultural exchange. All observations and informal interviews were documented during the event and written down in detail the same day. In addition, seven participants answered an online survey during the event, with similar questions to those in the interviews. Before the event, interviews were also conducted with the participating entrepreneurs, and an evaluation session was held after the event with the same entrepreneurs. To support the discussion in the evaluation session, participants were asked to rate the quality of different aspects of the event, such as theme, activities, interaction, intercultural exchange, atmosphere, food and drink, composition of actors and communication. In addition to this, the project assistant was active as an organiser of a local event series focusing on food from different food cultures and took observation notes from events held within this series, which contributed to the empirical material.

The action research approach used in both cases meant that the authors gained first-hand insights into what the actors involved actually did, and were not limited to interpreting only what people said during interviews or responded in questionnaires. The approach thereby enabled a deep and situated understanding of the situation at hand (Blomberg et al., 1993; Blomberg & Karasti, 2013; Houtbeckers, 2017). With that said, such an approach also implies that the researchers’ own values and world views, including possible prejudices regarding culture and ethnicity, influenced the course in case one, and the design of the food events in both cases. Yet again, it was through the active involvement and subsequent analysis of this involvement that such, often implicit, prejudices, could be revealed. Thus, action research acted as a means of highlighting prejudice that may also be present in society. Lastly, given the multicultural composition of stakeholders, in both cases, it is likely that some information was lost in translation during interviews and discussions, even though a translator was used when needed (e.g. during preparation for the event and in the evaluation session for case two).

Analysis of results

Abductive reasoning (Dubois & Gadde, 2014) and the integration of first-, second- and third-person practice (Coghlan & Shani, 2021) allowed for analysis throughout the action research process. The first-person position meant that the authors’ own thinking and learning, being involved in practice while alternately reading literature, gave ideas for second-person inquiry and analysis, which manifested itself through continuous reflective discussions between researchers (authors), between authors and course managers (in case one), between authors and project assistant and entrepreneurs (in case two), and between authors and interviewees (and the results from the survey). The first and second-person dynamics, together with the criticism raised in the literature about shallow interpretations of multiculturalism, made it possible to identify instances of inclusion and exclusion, instances in which the design of the events was influenced by the prejudices of the authors or other stakeholders involved, and instances where the events counteracted the criticism. The outcome is actionable third-person knowledge, which can be used by researchers and practitioners, including those not involved in the actual cases (Coghlan & Shani, 2021).

Results and discussion

Multiculturalism during special occasions or a multicultural organisation?

In case one, which involved participants in the course for labour market integration, events such as Eri-food could at a first glance be interpreted as yet another celebration of multiculturalism that stays at surface level, as Hill Collins (1999) claims. It could thus be seen to confirm the tendency to showcase multiculturalism on special occasions, outside of normal routines (Alibhai-Brown, 2001; Colombo, 2015; Hage, 2000; Hill Collins, 1999; Kymlicka, 2010). However, if we look more closely at the layout and aims of the course, as well as the overall management of the social enterprise, a more complex picture emerges.

In the course, participants learned about the tourism industry through theoretical and practical sessions, where the main practical element was the planning and execution of a food event. Before the event, the participants were asked to suggest dishes that they were already familiar with, and which connected to the food of their home cultures. The literature criticising shallow interpretations of multiculturalism reveals concerns about such actions leading to people being valued mainly for their cultural expertise, whilst their professional skills remain unacknowledged (Ahmed, 2012; Alaraj et al., 2018; Alibhai-Brown, 2001; Alibhai-Brown et al., 2006; Gruber, 2015). However, since the participants were involved from the start and were partly responsible for the concept development, planning and execution of the events, other skills were also valued and practised. For the event based on Arabic dishes and the four seasons, one participant was tasked with taking care of bookings while another planned and arranged the table decor, which tied to the theme. Another task that participants took on was to welcome the guests, present themes and food, and act as hosts. This meant that their professional organising and service skills, in combination with their cultural knowledge, were important for the events to be successful. Most participants said that the food events were valuable, as they created a situation where they were in a professional situation and came into direct contact with customers. Also, as the social enterprise is part of the tourism industry, cultural expertise (e.g. on food cultures) cannot be interpreted only as cosmetic, as is often the case in critical studies (Alibhai-Brown et al., 2006; Hage, 2000). Multiculturalism was not simply added to provide excitement and spice, as many tourism products and organisations, regardless of cultural context, build their business on cultural attributes. Rather, for this enterprise, arranging multicultural food events mirrors the organisational set up of the social enterprise, which in itself is multicultural, as well as reflecting its aim to diversify the tourism industry by making minority food cultures part of the national tourism offer. The risk of the course participants being valued mainly for their cultural knowledge would also be high if they were only involved in a one-off event, as argued, for example, by Alaraj et al. (2018), Essed (1996), Gruber (2015) and Hage (2000). The aim of the enterprise was to establish a long-term connection with former course participants. Two participants who showed skill and initiative were employed by the enterprise after they finished the course. Both worked as language supporters in the following cycles, participating in development meetings about the course and the organisation, as well as taking part in food events arranged outside the course framework. They also acted as tour guides (the enterprise also arranges guided tours in the local neighbourhood) and did daily chores. One of them became a board member and presented the enterprise to external stakeholders and in recruiting new participants to the course. In this way, he became integrated into the organisation and took on a role that made it possible for him to participate in decision-making processes. The enterprise manager mentioned how his participation in numerous food events had refined his pedagogical skills and that he had been asked by event guests if he was a professional chef. Thus, the enterprise acted against the tendency to marginalise its new employees to subsidiary positions as ‘outsiders within’; Hill Collins (1986, 1999) and Gruber (2015) claim that this approach is important for building multicultural organisations.

Turning to case two, the organising group, like the social enterprise in case one, was multicultural in its composition. Since the event was designed around food and drink connected to Swedish, British and Syrian food cultures, it was based on the participants’ cultural competence (Alaraj et al., 2018; Essed, 1996; Gruber, 2015; Hage, 2000). To some extent it also connected to their professional skills (Ahmed, 2012; Alaraj et al., 2018; Alibhai-Brown, 2001; Alibhai-Brown et al., 2006; Gruber, 2015). One participant, who contributed the apple cider, linked it to the English tradition of Wassailing, which is part of his home culture. At the same time, it related to his skills in craftsmanship and education in wood-oriented design, as the cider came from his handcrafted apple press. Furthermore, an event guest remarked that multiculturalism should not be an add-on element to events, to create interest or a sense of novelty. Promoting multiculturalism, the guest claimed, should not be the reason for having the event; rather, it should be naturally embedded and integrated into the organisational fabric of the organisation(s) behind the event. The Swedish saffron buns at the event can be seen as representing such embeddedness: a natural component of a multicultural event placed in Sweden, which connects to the following paragraph.

Who is included in the multicultural concept?

Apart from the events organised by the social enterprise in case one, which focused on Eritrean and Arabic food cultures, events often included a mix of food cultures. One contained dishes such as kroppkakor (boiled potato dumplings common in certain parts of Sweden), fattoush and kanafeh (Middle Eastern salad and sweet dessert). The manager of the enterprise brought up the importance of building on similarities rather than pointing out differences, which meets the criticism of multicultural efforts that reproduce colonial classification and risk scrutinising people’s identity (Azar, 2006). This was visible, for example, in the preparations for a Christmas market where the (Swedish) course leader brought spices common in Swedish Christmas treats, such as cinnamon, ginger and cloves (used in the type of gingerbread commonly eaten in Sweden). This led to a discussion on the use of similar spices in dishes that the participants were accustomed to, such as spiced tea infused with cinnamon, ginger and lemon, coffee brewed through a cloth with ground cloves, and kahk cookies with a hint of anise, eaten during Eid. Discussions also revolved around using African print fabrics that contained colours common when decorating for Christmas in Sweden, for decorating the Christmas market stall. The conception that people in Sweden do not like sugar led to a discussion on popular chocolate and fudge sweets baked for Christmas in Sweden and whether mandazi (a snack common, for example, in some East African countries) tastes best with or without a sugar dusting. The food and drink sold at the Christmas market were spiced tea and a bag of assorted cookies containing mandazi, thumbprint jelly cookies, kahk and ma’amoul, with reference to Congolese, Swedish and Syrian food cultures. One participant mentioned that apart from understanding that she had a talent for baking after seeing her mandazi selling out at the Christmas market, she learned about how Christmas is celebrated in Sweden and the types of food eaten in connection to Christmas. Similarly, for the event in case two, the participants organising the event brought spices or pastries to which they had a personal connection, to kick-start the ideation. The items brought ranged from lebkuchen (a type of gingerbread common in Germany), carob spice (used in candy and sweet drinks), cinnamon buns (common in North America and northern Europe), and a tangy citrus sauce as an accompaniment to falafel.

The above description illustrates a move beyond ascribing multiculturalism only to minority groups or cultures, and towards acknowledging the fact that all groups and cultures add to diversity, and thus are included in the multicultural concept (Alibhai-Brown, 2001; Hage, 2000). Swedish food culture, which in a Swedish context connects to the majority, was thus not assigned a neutral position, a form of positioning that Ommundsen (1999) highlights as problematic. The comment by the enterprise manager in case one about focusing on similarities, and the discussions on the use of similar spices in different countries during the planning of the events, also indicates an understanding of the need not to place excessive focus on difference, as put forward by Essed (1996). However, one situation, where a British style cake (as proposed by one of the course participants) was not considered suitable for an event aiming to illustrate multiculturalism, indicates that there still occurred instances where products and attributes commonly connected to ‘western’ cultures were experienced as standing outside the multicultural (Ommundsen, 1999). Similarly, in case two, event guests commented that they perceived the presence of Syrian food culture as multicultural, indicating that it was the ‘non’ European food cultures that were interpreted as multicultural. This connects to the criticism of a desire to preserve a difference between a we who take the right to value multiculturalism and a them who are there to offer it (Hage, 2000).

Issues of packaging multiculturalism

A common procedure behind successful events and festivals is that they are packaged and branded in accordance with a certain theme so that visitors can easily identify what the event (and the organisation behind it) stands for. The theme tells them whether the event suits their preferences and is in line with their values and lifestyle. This may be a straightforward and ethically unproblematic process for most events. For example, the music festival Way Out West in Sweden is designed and branded to be in line with the founder’s values of social and environmental responsibility. Thus, all food is vegetarian, food and drinks are marked with levels of CO₂ emissions, no plastic plates or cutlery are used, non-alcoholic beverages are promoted, staff members are educated in how to prevent harassment and sexual abuse, talks are held on issues such as racism and food waste, and there is a 50/50 gender division in the artist line-up (Jutbring, 2017; Way Out West, n.d.). However, turning to the empirical cases in this study, a need to problematise the packaging and branding process emerges. Despite the statement by the enterprise manager in case one about focusing on similarities, events conducted during the course illustrates how the intention to package them into cohesive and marketable products, in some instances, led to an overemphasis on cultural difference, which, according to Essed (1996), is a common mistake in multicultural efforts. One of the authors, for example, wanted to move beyond what she perceived as classical Middle Eastern dishes, such as hummus and baba ghanoush, as this is something that many people have already tried. This raises questions regarding why food from cultures other than the majority culture are perceived as needing an element of novelty to be experienced as valuable in a market context. Furthermore, it raises questions regarding who the perceived customers are, and whether they are seen to belong to an ethnic majority wishing to enjoy a multicultural, and thus novel, offer (Alibhai-Brown, 2001; Hage, 2000). As Veresiu and Giesler (2018) point out, the marketisation of multiculturalism risks steering away from the inequalities experienced by minority groups. If saleable and profitable cultural attributes become the most important thing, minorities risk being marginalised (Grey & Newman, 2018), especially if the majority group takes the role of judge (Grey & Newman, 2018; Heldke, 2001).

The other author’s asking for dishes related to the participants’ home cultures during the planning of the events can be seen as an example of individuals from minority groups being ethnified (Alaraj et al., 2018; Essed, 1996; Gruber, 2015; Hage, 2000). This also ties to the criticism of ‘cultural identity becoming a public matter’ in multicultural efforts (Essed, 1996, p. 25). The development process behind the events is dependent on participants’ willingness to contribute with and share recipes and stories connected to their (sometimes assumed) cultural identity with fellow participants, course organisers and event guests. Thus, it is important to problematise the publicness of culture and to keep in mind that not everybody may want to share their cultural identity. Some participants contributed recipes and stories about dishes connected to their home cultures without being specifically asked to do so. Others did not, as they were not interested in cooking. Some asked if they could cook Swedish dishes with the motivation that they not only want to show off their own food cultures, but also to learn. For the food event in the second case study, the participating actors were already working with and/or selling the food and drink presented at the event. One participant, for example, who had recently immigrated from Syria, runs a catering business where she makes Syrian and other Arabic food (e.g. Syrian dolma and mini pizzas). Given that the event was held on a cold winter night this participant proposed to make a hot Syrian bean stew (foul). In other words, this food event did connect to the participants’ home cultures, although it also tied strongly to their existing businesses.

The above discussion indicates that even if all members of an organisation are included in the multicultural concept, prejudice may still be present and ethnification may still happen. Thus, there is a need to problematise the focus on difference and the market logic of novelty, working against the risks of stereotypification, exploitation and exclusion. Lastly, there is a need to broaden the image of who the customers are, and to question the tendency to visualise them mainly as members of a majority culture.

Interaction and time needed for intercultural exchange to occur

Like other events promoted as multicultural, as is exemplified by Hassanli et al. (2021) and Walters et al. (2021), one aim of the events acting as case studies in this paper was to create encounters between people, increasing cultural knowledge and intercultural exchange. The manager of the social enterprise in case one stated that in the course, learning went both ways between course organisers and participants. Furthermore, participants claimed that through the course, they learned about each other’s cultures and about common cultural attributes in Sweden. However, no participant said that they learned from guests at the events. This implies that reaching two-way learning and social inclusion of immigrant groups (Hassanli et al., 2021; Walters & Jepson, 2019) demands continuous interaction between people over a longer period. One participant mentioned that he felt he was being asked questions about his culture by guests during an event without there being any sharing in the other direction. The host being the one who cooks and provides the food or, when cooking together, instructs the guests, it becomes natural that it is the host who shares his/her food culture. The guests, on the other hand, have nothing to make it necessary for them to share theirs. Rather, them being involved in the cooking process may ignite further questions from their side. Thus, it is not possible to lay a foundation for intercultural exchange if it is only the guests who gain cultural insight. In a discussion about this, the enterprise manager pointed out that it is important to ensure that course participants do not have to share and should not feel pushed to tell stories that are considered private or personal, and that this should be communicated to both course participants and event guests. Thus, there is a need to problematise the roles given and taken by hosts and guests in such events. This demands a sensitivity on the part of the guests, and a will to share your own stories as well if the host shares his/hers.

Continuing the challenges of creating intercultural exchange, one of the co-organisers of the event in case two remarked that intercultural exchange is not something that occurs automatically. She noticed that some people came in groups and interacted mainly within their groups during the event. One thing that did cause interaction was when guests had to grill saffron buns over an open fire, as they had to spend some time there and actively prepare the food themselves. When you simply receive food, at a food stall, for example, you can then just leave directly, without any exchange. However, as one of the other co-organisers pointed out, what may occur during an event is an initial breaking down of borders between people. They may not actually interact during the event but may say hello when meeting each other in the supermarket later. This indicates again that a single event does not lead to intercultural exchange. Rather, it should be seen as one of many steps necessary for preparing the level field for intercultural exchange to happen.

Dealing with the criticism

Multiculturalism being adopted in the tourism industry is highlighted as problematic, and food events, festivals and other tourism efforts are often used to exemplify shallow interpretations (Alibhai-Brown, 2001; Colombo, 2015; Hage, 2000; Kymlicka, 2010; Mawani, 2004; Ommundsen, 1999; Scheyvens & Biddulph, 2018). Mawani (2004), for example, problematises how tourism ventures contribute to new forms of colonialism, glossing over old and new issues, while Scheyvens and Biddulph (2018) see the risk of tourism efforts diverting attention from more pressing issues that immigrants experience.

The discussions in the sections above indicate that this critical approach in research is crucial, and that the exploitation of cultural attributes should be acknowledged. On the other hand, always labelling tourism and food events as bad examples of shallow multiculturalism is a misconception. Food events can still, just as Innes (2006) claims regarding cookbooks, counter stereotypes about minority food cultures, highlight them as eligible contributors to national culture and reduce ideas of food connected to minority cultures as strange or inedible. As an example, the project assistant involved in case two recalls a food event within the series arranged by one of the local entrepreneurs, in which she took part as an organiser. Participants reacted to the coffee-cheese (a snack taken in northern Sweden where cheese is dipped in coffee) that was served as being weird before tasting it and learning about the traditions behind it. This dish caused curiosity, followed by a discussion between the person presenting the food and event guests. If this happens in combination with other more long-term initiatives, such as education, there are possibilities for individuals to gain access to networks and to increase their confidence and psychological well-being (Alsaidan, 2019), as was the case for some former course participants in case one. There are also organisations that do not simply design food events and festivals as one-off celebrations to showcase the fact that they pay attention to diversity. Rather, as the enterprise in case one illustrates, they integrate it into their organisational fabric.

Thus, this study questions the tendency in critical research to commonly use food events and food culture as examples of multicultural efforts gone wrong, without any deeper analysis of the event or the organisation behind them. Gastronomic tourism that addresses multiculturalism should not be immediately disregarded as shallow, naive or counterproductive, without further examination, but should be approached with a greater critical awareness in general, by proponents as well as opponents. Scholars need to fully explore the background, reasoning and ways in which the notion of multiculturalism is integrated in each particular case. Investigations and reports on multicultural efforts in tourism need to be analysed from multiple viewpoints, as there may be a greater nuance than what is portrayed by the commonly used ‘good’ or ‘bad’ stories that are often seen in literature. Furthermore, as case one in this study shows, even a small organisation can develop a deep understanding of multiculturalism while there can also be opposing elements. It is therefore important not to give one-sided descriptions of good and bad cases but to show both the opportunities and the difficulties.

Conclusions

Criticisms of food events, festivals and other tourism efforts as shallow interpretations of multiculturalism are referred to in this and a range of other studies. While this paper strongly highlights the risks of misusing multiculturalism as a concept, it also builds on Scheyvens and Biddulph’s (2018) recognition of the need for frameworks that foster critical but also constructive debate. It identifies content important for such frameworks, which can be utilised towards an integration of critical awareness in the tourism industry and research practice.

First, if multicultural efforts are to become established as sustainable and just and if we are to challenge dominant power relations and address stereotypes in any significant sense, tourism stakeholders, in particular those of a majority culture, need to take responsibility and develop a higher level of sensitivity, and scholars need to approach the analysis and reporting of multicultural efforts in a more nuanced manner. Thus, such efforts should adhere to the following:

• integrate the notion of diversity into the organisational fabric of individual tourism organisations, and the understanding that everybody (customers as well as staff) is included in the multicultural concept. This also places responsibility on the tourists and event guests and indicates a need for event planners to make guests aware.

• take the criticism aimed towards multiculturalism into account and move beyond shallow interpretations (Alibhai-Brown et al., 2006; Hage, 2000). This includes acquiring ‘abstract knowledge’ (Essed, 1996, p. 48) of racism, and nuanced and critical insights into historical and contemporary discrimination of minorities.

• recognise the influence of white hegemony and acknowledge the risk of (our own) prejudice affecting product and organisational development.

Second, contemporary societies are complex, and working towards social sustainability cannot be based on the efforts of a single stakeholder, field or industry. Nor can a tourism event on its own achieve integration or transform the notion of multiculturalism from being valued as an enrichment by minorities to being interpreted as involving all groups in society. Based on the findings and discussion in this paper, the authors encourage a holistic approach. Tourism belongs to a larger system, and the role of tourism in this system needs to be continuously and critically discussed within and outside the immediate industry. In other words, tourism stakeholders on all levels, from the private, public and academic realms, need to work strategically against issues of structural discrimination and stereotypification. This demands, amongst other things, long-term inter- and trans-disciplinary collaborations, in which actionable strategies for both practice and research can be developed in the intersection between pragmatism and criticality. Such collaborations need to aim for practical as well as scholarly outputs, as well as reaching beyond actors traditionally engaged with tourism to include, for example, scholars with expertise in ethnic and migration studies and public stakeholders engaged in areas such as integration. Further studies are also needed of larger scale organisations in other geographical settings that, like this one, explore challenges and opportunities with multicultural efforts simultaneously.

Acknowledgements

The authors wish to thank the managers of the social enterprise and course participants in case one, and the participating entrepreneurs and project assistant, Alice Hultdin in case two.

Disclosure statement

No potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).

Additional information

Funding

This work was supported by Mistra Urban Futures: [Grant Number ES/N005945/2]; Formas: [Grant Number FR-2018/0010].

Notes on contributors

Helena Kraff

Helena Kraff works as a Senior Lecturer and researcher in Embedded Design at the Faculty of Fine, Applied and Performing Arts, University of Gothenburg. As a design researcher, she engages in research on collaborative and inclusive tourism practices. She has published in journals such as Place Branding and Public Diplomacy, Social Enterprise Journal, The Design Journal and Journal of Co-Design.

Eva Maria Jernsand

Eva Maria Jernsand is a Researcher in Marketing at the School of Business, Economics and Law and the Centre for Tourism, both at the University of Gothenburg, Sweden. Her research interests revolve around learning, inclusiveness and co-creation in place branding and destination development. Eva Maria has published in journals such as Place Branding and Public Diplomacy, Tourism Recreation Research, Social Enterprise Journal and Action Research Journal.