Experiences of men in the minority: understanding men’s sense of belonging studying primary education, nursing and social work in higher education

ABSTRACT

Male students are in the minority in nursing, social work and primary education university programmes leading to professional recognition. This article explores the experiences of men studying on these professional programmes in Higher Education (HE) in the United Kingdom. A phenomenographic methodology was used to explore male students’ conceptual understanding of their education experience. The findings suggest these students can struggle to ‘fit in’ across four conceptual categories (i) Forming Relationships; (ii) Standing Out and Singled Out; (iii) Confronting Gendered Expectations; (iv) Developing Careers. These categories are discussed in relation to the notion of a sense of belonging in HE enabling considerations of similarities and differences across male students’ experiences. All participants conceived their education experience as pervaded by gendered experiences which intersect with age, sexuality and choice of profession. Most male students in the study found ways to develop a sense of belonging within university life and to fit in socially but representational and communication practices meant that most had experience of exclusion, particularly during placements. Male primary education students experienced a greater sense of belonging within their peer group aided by greater numbers of males on the programme. We conclude that partnership working between university, placement staff and students is required to raise awareness, challenge and not perpetrate stereotypes in order to provide inclusive, supportive environments for male students in the minority.

KEYWORDS:

• Men
• undergraduate students
• sense of belonging
• nursing
• primary education
• social work

Introduction

In European Union and OECD countries there is evidence of the reversal of the gender gap in education with more women than men now attending and graduating from Higher Education Institutions (HEIs) (Bowles and Brindle 2017; EIGE 2020; Vincent-Lancrin 2008). Recent United Kingdom (UK) reports draw attention to reduced satisfaction of male undergraduate students with lower retention and attainment rates (Hillman and Robinson 2016; Office for Students OfS 2018; Universities UK 2018). In degree programmes leading to professional recognition, such as nursing, social work and primary education, the gender-gap is wide with male students constituting the minority. This article explores the experiences of men studying on these professional programmes in one post-1992 university in England.

Hearn (2020) argues that gender inequalities in HE reflects gender power relations in wider societies and institutions. The low proportion of male students in nursing, social work and primary education mirrors gender segregation in the labour market meaning men and women are unequally distributed in certain professions (Kriesi and Imdorf 2019). For example, nursing, social work and primary education are commonly perceived as ‘women’s professions’ due to their association with caring and nurturing (Johnston and Bradford 2022; Schaub 2015). In England, 11% of registered nurses are male (NMC 2021). Males constitute 16.9% of registered social workers (SWE 2023); approximately 20% of adult social workers (Skills for Care SfC 2018) and 13% of children and family social workers (Department for Education DfE 2022); 24.2% of all teachers in England are male (Department for Education 2022) and 14.1% in primary schools (children aged 5–11 years) (EPI 2020).

The proportion of men studying healthcare, social work and primary education remained constant between 2016–2019, approximately 20% for subjects allied to medicine such as nursing; education 23%; and 36% for social studies which includes social work (HESA 2020). In practice the proportion of male students studying sub-sets of these subjects, social work, primary education and nursing, tend to be lower and students often find themselves wondering ‘where are all the men?’ (Johnston and Bradford 2022, 757). Research on the experiences and under-represented male students in these subject areas has emerged in several countries, for example, for social work (see Ganson, Gould, and Holcomb 2020 in Canada; Labra et al. 2018 in Chile); and primary education (see Mills, Martino, and Lingard 2004 in Australia); and nursing (see Powers et al. 2018 in US, Liu et al. 2022 in China).

There is evidence that men studying these subjects experience some challenges (Buthelezi et al. 2015; Schaub 2015; Thornton 2010). For example, they are less likely to complete their course and report lower levels of satisfaction with university life (Furness 2012; Roth and Coleman 2008; Thornton 2010). Few empirical studies have compared male student experiences from more than a single student group, with the exception of Schaub’s, 2015 literature review and secondary quantitative analysis exploring the experiences of male social work students compared to nursing and education students, and Johnston and Bradford’s, 2022 qualitative study of male students on ‘care-based’ programmes including social work and primary education.

The study reported in this article focuses on three professional programme areas which include mandatory practice placements and lead to professional recognition: primary education, nursing, and social work. Interest in these areas arose following a review of data for the pilot subject level Teaching Excellence Framework in 2018–19 (Office for Students OfS 2018) and for departmental Athena Swan applications (Athena Swan aims to improve gender equality in HEIs (AdvanceHE 2020). Departmental data from both nursing and social work programmes reflected the national trend for male students, with lower attainment, satisfaction and retention rates. However, this was not reflected in data for students on the primary education programme.

The research aimed to understand the experiences of male students who form a minority group on nursing, social work and primary education undergraduate professionally regulated degree programmes; and to identify and explore any variations in experiences between male students from different professional programmes.

A sense of belonging and higher education

This study employs the concept of a ‘sense of belonging’ to frame findings our findings and offers a novel contribution by applying this to men studying in the minority. In HE students’ sense of belonging is associated with engagement, success and retention (Ahn and Davis 2020; Masika and Jones 2016). The concept of a ‘sense of belonging’ is complex, and multi-dimensional with little consensus across disciplines on a definition (Dost and Mazzoli Smith 2023). From a psychological perspective a sense of belonging is a human need, essential for self-actualisation and achieving one’s potential (Maslow 1968) and important for mental and physical wellbeing (Baumeister and Leary 1995; Hagerty et al. 1992). It be defined broadly as students’ feelings of being accepted, valued, encouraged and included into a group or community by their peers, teachers and institutions (Goodenow 1993; Strayhorn 2019; Thomas 2012). The literature suggests two ways of conceptualising a sense of belonging, in HE. First, it is based on relationships; on the development, existence and quality of interpersonal connections and interactions which are lasting, significant, and repeated (Baumeister and Leary 1995; Hagerty et al. 1992). The quality of relationships between students, staff, and peers are essential. A sense of belonging not only develops from relationships to place, environment, and university itself, but also to the geographical location and surroundings (Ahn and Davis 2020; Hagerty et al. 1992). Second, a sense of belonging is regarded as being a member of a group or community (Hagerty et al. 1992; Tinto 2012). Membership is often based on similarities amongst participants, feeling connected to others based on trusting and supportive relationships (Dost and Mazzoli Smith 2023). Fernández et al., (2023) and Reay et al., (2009) define a sense of belonging as ‘fitting in’ associated with feeling included and valued. Members understand the norms and the formal and informal rules (Tinto 2012) and perceive similarity and inclusion within organisational culture (Dost and Mazzoli Smith 2023). Currant (2020, 25) suggests the notion of ‘fit’ can be used is used to express membership, acceptance, comfort, and environmental, cultural and common-identity group elements.

Research indicates there are challenges in HEIs for students from under-represented groups in developing a sense of belonging (Currant 2020; Fernández, Ryan, and Begeny 2023; Goldberg, Beemyn, and Smith 2019). As Fraser (1997) suggests, minority groups are often included social interactions in marginalised ways due to social status (gender, race, ethnicity, disability for example). Fraser refers to this as ‘non recognition’ or misrecognition; a process whereby groups can be rendered invisible through authoritative representational and communicative practices (Fraser 1997, 14). Misrecognition can prevent participation as full members of social interaction (Fraser 2007). Recognition of under-represented groups through representation (e.g. in the staff and student body) and communication (e.g. in language and textbooks) can encourage cohesion and inclusion which is important to fostering a sense of belonging (Dost and Mazzoli Smith 2023).

A sense of belonging more recently has been linked to perceptions of authenticity, of being able to express oneself and one’s social identity within HEIs (Fernández, Ryan, and Begeny 2023). Structural inequalities, organisational cultures, stereotypical representations, and discrimination can constrain students’ expression resulting in alienation, exclusion and being perceived as an outsider (Ahn and Davis; Dost and Mazzoli Smith 2023). Students may develop strategies to reframe their isolation, developing counter-spaces and forming sub-groups which draw similar social identities and bonds (Dost and Mazzoli Smith 2023; Fernández, Ryan, and Begeny 2023). Sub-groups are enacted in various spaces, on and off campus, in academic and social spaces (Ahn and Davis 2020; Tinto 2012); in formal and informal teaching and learning spaces on campus as well as placement work in vocational spaces (Ahn and Davis 2020); in social activities as well as within families and other wider social networks beyond university (Dost and Mazzoli Smith 2023).

Methodology

Phenomenography is a well-established methodology in education (Han and Ellis 2019) and healthcare research (Stenfors-Hays, Hult, and Dahlgren 2013). It focuses upon the essence of experiences and the subsequent perceptions of the phenomenon, looking for similarities and differences in these conceptions (Hitchcock 2006; Marton and Booth 1997). Ontologically phenomenography sits within a naturalist paradigm, where it is assumed that the way to communicate about the world is through experiencing it (Sjöström and Dahlgren 2002). Therefore, the phenomenon, and those who experience it, are inter-woven and cannot be separated (Sin, 2010). Within an educational setting, phenomenographic researchers appreciate learning can vary depending upon the learning context, perceptions, and views (Ashwin and Trigwell 2006). The method presents variations in experience known as ‘the anatomy of experience’ derived from conscious awareness (referential) and the experiential (structural) (Marton and Pong 2005). These differences can be communicated and understood by others (Sjöström and Dahlgren 2002). Consequently, people may experience different aspects of a phenomena, or they may experience the same phenomena but in a different way.

Study participants

A purposive sampling strategy was employed as commonly used in phenomenography (Marton 1986). Email invitations were sent to all male students in nursing, social work, and primary education programmes at one post-1992 university in England. These university courses, particularly at post-1992 universities, attract high numbers of non-traditional, local students from working class backgrounds compared to some other universities in the UK (Reay, Crozier, and Clayton 2009). Twenty-five students volunteered (Nursing n = 6, Social Work n = 3, Primary education n = 16). Single profession focus groups of between 2 and 8 students were conducted. Two one-to-one interviews with male student nurses were carried out to accommodate volunteers unable to attend focus groups.

Data collection

Focus groups and one-to-one interviews are both acceptable methods of data collection in phenomenography (Sjöström and Dahlgren 2002). Focus groups offer the potential to access a group perspective through social interaction and a synergetic focus group method has the potential to support unsolicited conception through non-directive discussion (Russell and Massey 1994). Thus, while participants share experiences, the whole group can explore different conceptual understandings. The interview guide comprised of three broad questions: ‘Can you tell us about your experiences of being a male student within a female dominated course? ‘What attracted you to the profession?’ ‘What were your expectations of the course?’ Subsequent questions were introduced based on previous responses to explore similarities and differences in conceptualisation in greater depth. The researchers did not solicit disclosure on aspects of identity such as age, or sexuality, although in some cases these were mentioned by participants. Sjöström and Dahlgren (2002) expresses some reservation with the phenomenographic interview in association with understanding what the participants are trying to convey. Therefore, interviewers immediately interpreted responses before any further questioning. All interviews were held on campus and facilitated by male members of the research team (AM, DL). Interviews lasted sixty to ninety minutes and were digitally recorded.

Ethics

The study gained ethical approval from the university prior to commencement (Ref 17,957). British Educational Research Association (2011) ethical principles guided the study. Written information about the study was provided to participants emphasising the voluntary nature of involvement and the ability to withdraw at any point with no implications. The dual role of lecturer and researcher had the potential to cause conflict between a desire to collect data and the role of a lecturer in supporting students (British Educational Research Association 2011). Team members with no day-to-day contact with participants collected the data (AM, DL).

Data analysis

Phenomenographic analysis is iterative, aiming to identify differing conceptions of the phenomenon experienced (Linder and Marshall 2003). There is no singular method for phenomenographic data analysis, but in this case, the researchers drew upon seven steps proposed by McCosker, Barnard and Gerber (2004).

After verbatim transcription, all interview data were analysed consecutively. Detailed analysis starts with in depth reading of the transcripts (Familiarisation), followed by identification of representative statements to form patterns within the data (Condensation). Groups of statements are unpacked looking for similarities and differences (Comparison). Similar statements are collated (Grouping). Statements are then extracted and assigned descriptive categories (Articulating). Sets of categories are described linguistically (Labelling), and finally, sets of categories are contrasted to form ‘Categories of Description’ (Contrasting). The latter form a description of what is termed the ‘outcome space’ providing a way of looking at the collective experience holistically (Akerlind 2012). The ‘outcome space’ represents a range of possible ways of experiencing the phenomenon (Marton and Booth 1997).

Two members of the research team (SJ, LG) peer coded all transcripts as a method of strengthening trustworthiness of findings (Holloway and Galvin 2017). Detailed discussion of category and theme assignment followed amongst the whole research team.

Analysis resulted in development of a set of four categories of description forming the ‘outcome space’ and reflecting the various ways participants conceptualise their experiences. 1) Forming Relationships; 2) Standing Out and Singled Out; 3) Confronting Gendered Expectations; 4) Developing Careers. According to Marton and Booth (1997), the relationship between categories of conception within the outcome space best is demonstrated within a hierarchical structure as shown below with ‘fitting in’ as the overarching theme.(Figure 1)

Figure 1. Outcome space.

Findings

We discuss the notion of students’ conceptual understanding of fitting in (or not) in relation to the conceptual framework of a sense of belonging in the discussion section. Here we present the analysed data and the four identified categories of description with selected examples of participants’ words to represent experiences (Lingard 2019).

Category 1: forming relationships

Forming relationships with peers was seen as an important part of university life. Some male students found it difficult to relate to their female peers because of stereotypical gendered talk.

I have never been so informed about make up. Eyelashes. Lipsticks, on a daily basis. Nursing Student 3

Being unable to participate in conversations lead to feelings of isolation and exclusion for some. One participant reported exclusion from social events, resulting in loneliness.

… I’ve struggled making friendships. I didn’t make a solid friend. You know, to go out after work - you know, the pub, drinking, or… at that point I did seriously break down. Nursing Student 1

With help from a supportive male academic, the student felt able to continue on his course.

… I was still in a bad state and sort of broke down almost in the class again. A male lecturer pulled me to the side and said ‘If you ever need support, male to male … ’ He explained where his office was, gave me his email. Nursing Student 1

Primary education students had a different experience of forming social relationships possibly due to the greater number of male students on their programme. This resulted in a stronger friendship group with organised activities such a football.

We got a little group of all men. And we just booked a football court and had a kick around after uni a few times. Education Student 2

Gender intersected with age in the development of relationships for some. Nursing and social work students discussed age more frequently than students from primary education, perhaps because there were more older students amongst those students. They sought friendship with students of similar age (men or women) as they had more in common. They also reported less interest in the traditional university student experience of socialising and going out with fellow students.

I’m not here to make new friends, grow up and have my formative years. I’ve done all of that. I’m here to learn and get my degree. Social Work Student 2

All these young girls. I’m 44. I just feel like the father of the class. Nursing Student 4

Mature male students felt uncomfortable with the age gap between them and some female peers. Making friends with much younger women felt inappropriate. Education students seemed happier with their ability to form social relationships with men and women compared to the nursing and social work students.

Category 2: standing out and singled out

Being in a minority, male students found themselves more visible to the lecturers and peers. This had both positive and negative implications. Negatively, they reported the content of some learning made them uncomfortable. Learning about women’s health could be made more awkward by academic staff announcing male students would not understand the issues.

When a female lecturer has talked about a sort of … You know, sensitive things, … they suddenly say, ‘sorry, that might have been a bit awkward for you’. Nursing Student 6

Male students felt pressured to provide the ‘male voice’ to represent their gender. Yet, conversely they felt intimidated and criticised for their opinion.

My voice was singled out by any sort of issue. If I brought up a male issue within the class I got shot down. Nursing Student 4

If I want to share something, I’ve got 20 women glaring. Social Work Student 1

The education students seemed better equipped to deal with this context and were more positive and comfortable offering their views. They viewed it as part of an inclusive approach which recognised diverse views rather than being singled out.

… when we do give feedback it’s like a different point of view to what they’re normally used to. Education Student 8

Students from all three professional groups experienced gendered stereotypes and language in their learning and teaching materials. Textbooks and teaching materials tend to show photographs of women.

… if you look on the back of the nursing textbook, it’s three female nurses. Every book I’ve got for nursing has all females being nurses, there’s one male. Nursing Student 3

Students often said being a minority meant lecturers were likely to know them by name when they may not know all the female students. Students also heard a predominance of feminine pronouns from lecturers.

The lecturer is always referring to a teacher … they’ll say ‘she’ all the time. Education Student 6

The instructor knows I’m in the class, and they’ve come in and said, ‘Morning, ladies’. And then gone … ‘Oh, and [Name]’. Nursing Student 1

All participants felt isolated on placement. They found their female peers ‘stick[ing] together’ at breaks. Primary education students felt unwelcomed by the lack of facilities in schools for men, such as changing rooms and toilets. Another student reported walking into the school staff room and feeling uneasy because of his gender.

You walk into a staff room and they just go silent. ‘Oh no, it’s a man…’ Education Student 1

Category 3: confronting gendered expectations

All male participants reported problems ‘fitting’ into practice settings and having to confront gendered expectations (socially constructed attitudes of others about how men should behave and act). This meant they encountered judgement from others in relation to their skills and abilities because they were men. In both academic and practice settings, the assumption was that male students required less support than female peers.

… I do get that feeling that it’s like… Oh, he’s a guy. He’ll be alright. Social Work Student 1

Nursing students were summoned when physical strength was required (lifting patients) and were mistaken for doctors.

I don’t really think they see the [university] badge. They just assume because you’re male [you’re] in charge and that you know what’s going on. Nursing Student 5

However, two student nurses used gender stereotypes to their advantage when forming professional relationships:

… when there’s builders about, I can talk like a builder. Nursing Student 6

They [clinical area staff] might feel reassured that a male is there. Also, the technical side, a lot of people assume that you know how all the machines work. Nursing Student 3

Male students from primary education were not expecting to behave differently to their female peers who were encouraged to take on nurturing roles.

I think we shouldn’t feel uncomfortable about a child wanting to give a male member of staff a cuddle. Female members of staff just do it with the children. We seem to get taught, like… if they’re trying to hug you, you have to push them off. It’s uncomfortable… Education Student 1

Students were confused regarding their position when working with vulnerable adults and young people. In some cases they were actively discouraged from working with certain clients due to potential safeguarding issues, thus limiting their education exposure.

… we started discussing who I would be working with, they said, you won’t be working with any females, because of safeguarding. I shouldn’t be on the placement if that’s their view. It’s going to restrict my learning. Social Work Student 3

If I was a female, they wouldn’t have said, oh, you’re not allowed to work with males. Nursing Student 4

All participants were aware of the risk of accusation of inappropriate behaviour with vulnerable people and children. Sexual impropriety was alluded to but not vocalised; students understood the external societal attitudes regarding men’s behaviour towards children (and women and girls). All participating students felt uncomfortable with the perceived stigma and were confused about appropriate caring actions in policy and practice.

… It’s like guilty until proven innocent; Like, you feel ashamed to give a child a hug or something. Education Student 6

As a child nurse, I can imagine there’s more stigma being a man there … . These claims that people can put against you that can damage your future’ Nursing Student 1

… girls who would come up to you who were seven or eight. and wanted to give you a hug … . I personally felt really awkward around that’. Social Work Student 3

The students were mindful of policies in practice settings and discussed the need to develop strategies to protect themselves. Two students described seeking support from members of staff, yet information was unclear.

… If I interact with a woman, I get another member of staff to come and help…. I’m not going to put myself in a predicament that’s going to cause me to then have a criminal record. Nursing Student 6

… it kind of undermines you, you go and get someone else, and they walk straight over, and pick them up, and they stop crying. Then the kid will have a perception of you of not having that nurturing. Education Student 11

Category 4: developing Careers

Students on all three programmes understood their chosen professions had the potential for good career opportunities. Despite this, they were aware of the rhetoric that men ‘climb’ the leadership ladder quicker than women.

The lecturer said, ‘Oh well, because you’re a man, you’re going to have it easier in the job as well because you’re going to find it easier for promotions, because there’s not that many men in the job’. Nursing Student 2

‘The Practice Educator focused a lot on the hierarchy of social work being male. … she had a stigma against men because they were in the higher roles. She disregarded the fact that they might have been very good at their job. Social Work Student 1

Interestingly, the social work and nursing students were in no hurry to secure leadership roles as they perceived this would take them away from direct client contact which they enjoyed. The gendered labels of ‘sister’ and ‘matron’ in nursing served to exclude men or at least reinforce the inability of men to ‘fit-in’ to their chosen career.

Being a man in a female-orientated world, where you’re getting called sister and matron, I think that stands out anyway. The idea of that being a male nurse - and males becoming nurses - I think a lot of the older generation dislike it. Nursing Student 5

Students understood there were advantages to being a man in the minority. Education students conceptualised their career pathway differently to the nursing and social work students, embracing the view that men in primary teaching rise the career ladder more quickly than female counterparts.

I want to become a PE lead. And I feel that without being stereotypical, I have an advantage being a male, and a PE specialist … But I feel like being a male is going to help me. Education Student 10

Discussion

Findings indicate that male participants across three programmes conceptualise their education in similar ways. All experience difficulties in ‘fitting in’; however, they did find ways to adapt. Participant conceptualisation of ‘fitting in’ resonates with theories of a sense of belonging in HE (Fernández, Ryan, and Begeny 2023; Reay, Crozier, and Clayton 2009). ‘fitting in’, according to Tinto (2012), is about student membership, relationships, involvement and support in a variety of settings. In this section we discuss how students understood their experiences of belonging in academic, practice, social domains as proposed by Ahn and Davis (2020).

Universities are gendered in ways that are described as masculine; the hierarchies, structures, language, symbols and images privilege males (Hearn 2020). Exploring experiences of under-represented men in certain programmes means acknowledging the social construction of males as a privileged and powerful group whilst also recognising their position as a minority group (Heinz, Keane, and Davison 2023, 135). This minority group of men is heterogenous in terms of age, sexuality and disability. Here we draw out some similarities and differences in men’s experiences of studying nursing, social work and primary education.

Academic environment

In the academic environment male students ‘stand out’, as hyper-visible which impacts on their sense of belonging. Social work and nursing students were particularly surprised at how few men there were on their courses; they felt uncomfortable when asked to speak in groups in class, felt singled out and in the ‘spotlight’. Male students are recognised within the literature as being treated differently to their female peers (Ganson, Gould, and Holcomb 2020; Powers et al. 2018). All three professions have embedded notions of caring and nurturing traditionally associated with femininity, which can prohibit men within some learning spaces through tacit discrimination and exclusion from conversations traditionally privileged by women (Labra et al. 2018; Powers et al. 2018; Younas et al. 2019). Male students are left feeling misunderstood and different to their female peers (Labra et al. 2018; Mistry and Sood 2015; Petges and Sabio 2020; Younas et al. 2019).

Conversely male students are misrecognised and rendered invisible by representational and communicative practices (Fraser 1997). Language is a key part of representation of groups so when lecturers ignore men with greetings of ‘morning ladies’, they feel unnoticed and unheard. This is furthered through curriculum design that uses female laden language (Younas et al. 2019) and feminised approaches to teaching, learning and gender bias in textbooks (Ganson, Gould, and Holcomb 2020; Petges and Sabio 2020). Hearn (2018) argues, that such language contributes to ‘othering’ of men; they begin to feel different or like strangers (Mistry and Sood 2015). Ganson et al. (2020, 6) suggest such practices and learning materials make men feel like ‘intruders’.

Being in the minority, lacking representation and relationships impacted on group membership and individual mental health. Male students report experiencing isolation and a lack of academic support (Ellis, Meeker, and Hyde 2006; Mistry and Sood 2015; Schaub 2015). Participants in this study felt lecturers held high expectations of male students. Indeed, Parker and Crabtree (2014) argue male students are expected to learn quicker and more independently than female peers. Most students sought sources of support through networks with peers and male staff. Students talked about the positive impact of this support when offered to them. O’Lynn (2004), Schaub (2015) and Younas et al. (2019) found male students prefer support from male mentors and educators to help build confidence through role modelling. According to Strayhorn (2019), a sense of belonging relies upon positive such relationships and with common bonds built on respect. Where there is limited support, this may have a detrimental impact on attainment and health.

Practice environments

Within placement, students are again hyper-visible as gendered stereotypes and expectations become more pronounced. For the first time during their studies primary education students found themselves the only male teacher in a space not always designed to accommodate them, as exemplified by the lack of male toilets facilities. Students learn how to fit in to a professional group whilst experiencing both negative and positive stereotyping (Ganson, Gould, and Holcomb 2020). Male student identities appeared complex, and fluid and their self-esteem and confidence affected the ways they managed their experiences, and their reactions to gender stereotyping. For example, while discussing placements with children, they developed their own strategies of dealing with discrimination towards them.

Representations of being male in a female-majority profession was central to participants’ conceptualisations of experiences because they stood out as male nurses, male teachers and male social workers. Their gender was seemingly inescapable, leading to contradictory responses. Representations and language associated with the professions matter and can perpetuate gendered differences (Powers et al. 2018; Whitford et al. 2020, 2020).

Male students are often stereotyped into certain roles on placements, such as heavy lifting, assisting with aggressive clients/patients, but they can also be denied access to certain patients (Ganson, Gould, and Holcomb 2020; Powers et al. 2018). Students reported being excluded from some practice learning experiences, such as providing intimate care and working with vulnerable clients for fear of accusations of sexual impropriety and inappropriate touching. Social work students were denied access, while nursing and education students seemed to develop their own strategies to protect themselves from accusations. The study findings support previous evidence suggesting male students lack support on how to manage these situations, leaving them confused (Meadus and Twomey 2011; Pollitt and Oldfield 2017; Schaub 2015; Thornton 2010).

A sense of belonging in HEIs has a vocational dimension where students connect their study and qualification with a commitment to a particular profession and career aspirations, yet this is an underexplored area in HE (Ahn and Davis 2020; Johnston and Bradford 2022). All study participants recognised they were entering a worthwhile career offering stability, security, and chance to positively influence the lives of others. In addition, being a man in the minority was seen by some as advantageous; not least because of the ‘glass elevator’ effect whereby men move rapidly into leadership positions (Jones 2008; Parker and Crabtree 2014). Men are positively stereotyped and privileged which can lead to greater opportunities, pay and promotion (Petges and Sabio 2020; Younas et al. 2019). Student nurses were often mistaken for doctors because they did not conform to expected gendered norm that nurses should be women. These messages that men would be managers was repeatedly communicated, reinforced, and perpetuated by lecturers, and placement educators, resonating with societal norms that aspiring to leadership positions was a more acceptable masculine trait (Jones 2008). Primary education students embraced their gender advantage in terms of leadership and promotion, while nursing and social work students aspired to working directly with patients and clients and considered leadership would remove them from this. Social work students heard suggestions from practice educators and lecturers that they would soon be managers, and they found these comments discriminatory. Such attitudes have also been noted in previous research (Parker and Crabtree 2014; Younas et al. 2019). Comments that maligned individuals or groups serve to contribute to a sense of exclusion rather than inclusion (Fraser 1997).

One recent report suggests that the standard naming of teachers by pupils is more positive for men than women as male teachers are commonly known as ‘sir’ which has connotations of a heroic, mythical knight figure in comparison with the diminutive ‘Miss’ for women teachers (Weale 2023). Being a ‘headteacher’ is perhaps preferable for men than the explicitly gendered ‘matron’ or ‘sister’ for leaders in nursing. Furthermore, Younas et al (2019), Petges and Sabio (2020) suggest, male nurses do not like being called ‘male’ nurses. Language can be contentious and contributes to a sense of belonging. A move to modernise and introduce more gender-neutral language seems overdue (Goldberg, Beemyn, and Smith 2019; Weale 2023).

Social relationships

Conceptualisations of ‘fitting in’ but also ‘standing out’ resonate with existing research regarding the importance of forming social relationships, and interaction for developing a sense of belonging (Ahn and Davis 2020; Baumeister and Leary 1995). However, being part of a social group and experiencing belonging has both positive and negative connotations. Students associate belonging with happiness, friendships and learning but it can also cause stress, alienation, and dissatisfaction (Ahn and Davis 2020). The social environment can be challenging for nursing and social work students, some are left feeling excluded from conversations and social events. For a couple of students, the isolation was too great, affecting their mental health and causing them to consider leaving. In both examples, the students needed help from academic and placement staff to either confirm their approach and/or to access university support services; but men are less likely than women to proactively seek support (ECU 2012).

Fraser (2007, 315) suggests that being excluded is worse than being ‘included but marginalised’, since those who are marginalised may experience a lack of representation and recognition, but they can still participate. Primary education students found it easier to form relationships within their peer group. Students develop strategies to reframe their isolation, developing counter-spaces and forming sub-groups which draw similar social identities and bonds (Currant 2020; Dost and Mazzoli Smith 2023; Fernández, Ryan, and Begeny 2023). Primary education students were able to do this which may in part, be due to higher numbers of male students in the primary education cohort, whereas male students in nursing and social work were a much smaller sub-set of the whole cohort with as few as one male in a tutor group.

In this study, social work and nursing students experienced higher levels of social isolation and had fewer social connections than the primary education group. The latter seemed less isolated and had a stronger sense of belonging to the university overall.

Mature students’ attitudes to university life differed from the more traditional younger students; across the three programmes they appeared less concerned with developing a sense of belonging based on university social life because they already had personal networks to depend upon. Mature students in all three programmes reported specific challenges forming friendships, especially with younger females. They tended to seek friendships with other mature students (male or female). Those in established personal relationships, or with families, were uncomfortable initiating relationships with female peers where there was a significant age gap. This reflects findings in other studies where the social acceptability of males can be questioned and stigmatised (Parker and Crabtree 2014) and men are seen as the source of suspicion and othered (Mistry and Sood 2015).

Gender also intersected with other characteristics in the social environment. In nursing, male students talked about being stereotyped as gay, with some fearing being perceived as gay (Roth and Coleman 2008) and teased regardless of their sexual orientation (Powers et al. 2018). Two men in nursing self-identified as gay, and they described adapting their social behaviour to topics of conversation, and demeanour depending on the context but neither divulged discrimination as a result of their sexuality which has been reported in previous studies (Powers et al. 2018). Students do react to social cues which act as social norms and change their behaviours, as Fernández et al., (2023, 6) suggest ‘being authentic can be costly’. Students who perceive a cultural match with their university and learning and social environments in terms of values, norms or cultural capital will experience a greater sense of social fit and belonging (Currant 2020; Fernández, Ryan, and Begeny 2023).

Conclusions and recommendations

This research provides a new perspectives on students’ conceptual understanding of a sense of belonging while studying in the minority at university. Previous research has explored men’s experiences of studying to become social workers, primary teachers and nurses and has also explored students’ sense of belonging at university in relation to minoritized ethnicities and working class backgrounds. This study, adds to this literature and demonstrates the challenges faced by men in the minority studying at university, highlighting the stereotypes they encounter in communication and representational practices in the academic, practice and social environments which affect the development of a sense of belonging and lead to inequity of educational experience.

Male primary education students appeared to have a greater sense of belonging compared to their nursing and social work peers. They experience belonging by forming social networks with other male students, aided by higher numbers of males on the course. By comparison, nursing and social work students expressed the greatest social isolation where male student numbers were small. However, a sense of belonging was not consistent across all spheres, even for the education students, as Fraser (2007) suggests it is possible to be included in groups and interactions in some areas and yet excluded from others. All students struggled to develop a sense of belonging during placements for example, frequently encountering stereotypes and gendered assumptions. We recommend universities work together with professional bodies to increase numbers of men applying for nursing, primary education and social work; and also work in partnership to understand and act on the challenges men experience on placement, for example, providing better information about supportive safeguarding practices.

Communication and representational practices were central to men’s sense of belonging and contributed to their (in)visibility, exclusion, or inclusion from learning and social spaces. Gender stereotyping was experienced across all three programmes and stereotypes are perpetuated by staff in learning spaces, through language and images. We recommend raising awareness amongst academic and professional staff of the exclusion and misrecognition experienced by male students, encouraging them to challenge gendered stereotypes and use inclusive language and materials in learning environments.

Our findings demonstrate that not developing a sense of belonging can lead to social isolation, mental illness and reduced satisfaction with university life. Good support systems, relationships and networks of peers, family, friends, and staff enhanced student’s sense of belonging. We recommend that universities proactively encourage the development of spaces where men can develop relationships, such as introducing mentoring and proactively referring male students to academic and pastoral support services where needed. Overall, a shift in societal cultures is required which goes beyond one university and three programmes if we are to improve men’s experiences and to increase numbers of male students studying social work, primary education and nursing. Academics, professionals and students are part of this culture shift and need to work in partnership, to raise awareness, challenge and not perpetrate stereotypes and provide inclusive, supportive environments for male students.

Limitations

This study focused on a small number of male students studying at one institution for a professional qualification, therefore the findings are only transferable to male students on similar programmes, although experiences may differ in other types of HEIs. The research is based on male conceptualisations of their experiences to answer the research questions. We did not observe men in situ nor did we ask academic or placement staff, or women students their views or experiences of men studying these programmes. We have acknowledged the diversity of male experiences however we did not ask explicitly about identity characteristics during focus groups. This means our discussion of intersectional experiences is limited and excludes, for example, ethnicity, disability and trans experiences.

Acknowledgments

Thank you to Professor Alison Steven and Dr Lucy Currie for helpful comments and discussions during the development of the article.

Disclosure statement

No potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).

Additional information

Funding

Funded by Northumbria University Vice Chancellor’s Diversity and Inclusion grant.