Neighborhood environment, healthy aging, and social participation among ethnic minority adults over 50: the case of the Turkish-Speaking community in London

ABSTRACT

Social participation has been recognized as an important component of healthy aging. At the same time, research has identified the central role of the neighborhood environment in determining healthy aging and social participation in old age. However, there is a paucity of research exploring the everyday lives of adults over 50 from ethnic minority backgrounds in relation to social participation and place. This paper focuses on the experiences of social participation among the Turkish-speaking community in north London. We undertook 48 semi-structured individual interviews and five community mapping workshops with 17 participants, all with people over 50, in London between March and November 2017. We supplemented these activities with 13 interviews with professional participants as coordinators of Turkish/Kurdish community associations. We thematically analyzed these interviews and mapping workshops and identified three interconnected themes: “feelings of security in the neighborhood,” “density and diversity,” and “proximity to ethnic amenities” to explain participants’ social participation patterns within the context of their neighborhood. The findings articulate the pathways through which personal characteristics and perceived identities intersect with the physical, social and cultural environment of the neighborhood to shape opportunities for social participation among Turkish-speaking adults over 50.

KEYWORDS:

• healthy aging
• neighborhood
• social participation
• ethnicity
• place

Introduction

Social participation as a concept has received significant attention in the environmental and social gerontology literature, exploring the social and relational aspects of participation, alongside the role of the environment or setting in supporting aging-in-place and engagement for older people (Scharf & Keating, 2012; Warburton et al., 2013). The social participation of older adults is seen as an important dimension of healthy aging-in-place and supporting positive roles, fulfillment and engagement in old age (Holmes, 2011; Levasseur et al., 2010; Sirven & Debrand, 2008). Increased social participation in older adults is associated with improved cognitive skills (James et al., 2011), reduced risk of functional disability (Gao et al., 2018), and increased life expectancy (Rueda-Salazar et al., 2021). Research has also linked social participation with lower levels of social exclusion, loneliness and isolation (Goll et al., 2015).

There are various definitions of social participation in old age in the literature (Hashidate et al., 2021). Much research has attempted to define the concept based on the nature of activities undertaken in the community by older adults. For example, Donnelly and Hinterlong (2010) conceptualize the social participation of older adults into two categories of informal and formal social participation. The former includes activities with family, friends, and neighbors that provide emotional and instrumental assistance to support daily living and the latter is defined as involvement in social and religious organizations. In other research, formal social participation has involved membership in pre-defined groups such as faith-based organizations whereas informal social participation has comprised occasional and casual social contact with others (Dehi Aroogh & Mohammadi Shahboulaghi, 2020). Buffel et al. (2014) review the social life of older adults living in medium-sized cities in Belgium and identify informal social participation as one which includes leisure activities undertaken in public space including: “visiting a restaurant/pub/café; going to the theatre; shopping; walking or biking” (p. 4).

Social participation has been classified based on levels of involvement of older adults with others in the community. Levasseur et al. (2010) present a six-stage model of social participation among older adults that encompasses a range of passive to active interactions with others from walking in the neighborhood to volunteering and civic activities. Bukov et al. (2002) established a hierarchy of older adults’ contribution to the community, distinguishing between collective, productive, and political forms of social participation based on the resources that are required for people to participate. Although Bukov et al. (2002) hold that participation in political and productive forms of participation is associated with higher levels of wellbeing, other studies have reported mixed results (Baeriswyl & Oris, 2021; Bath & Deeg, 2005).

Social participation has gained popularity in aging-in-place research in recent decades (e.g., Ferreira et al., 2018; Lager et al., 2015; Woolrych et al., 2021). Much of this work has focused on the immediate neighborhood as the location or setting where older people spend a significant amount of time in old age, and which therefore form important environments for healthy aging (e.g., Kemperman et al., 2019; Tao et al. (1742-1760), 2021; Wiles, 2005; Yen et al., 2009, 2012). In this regard, research has investigated the role of the physical environment of a neighborhood in creating opportunities for social interaction among older adults (e.g., Lee & Tan, 2019; Sugiyama & Thompson, 2007; Sugiyama et al., 2009; du Toit et al., 2007). Living in barrier-free and walkable physical environments with adequate meeting places have been identified as being important in determining higher rates of social participation among older adults (Gardner, 2011; Leyden, 2003; Rogers et al., 2012, 2013; Wood et al., 2010).

Individuals’ perception of the social environment of the neighborhood is equally important in their negotiation of access to social participation in the community (Latham & Clarke, 2018; Levasseur et al., 2015). Research has identified barriers to social participation at the neighborhood level, such as structural inequalities arising from ageism and exclusion (Rozanova et al., 2012), lack of opportunities to support preferred identities in old age (Goll et al., 2015) and perceived safety of the neighborhood (Walker & Hiller, 2007). Others have explored the role of the physical environment in mediating relational aspects of participation in old age, for example, the ways in which home and neighborhood can support the development of interdependent relationships for older people, and in enabling aging-in-place (Clark et al., 2020; Woolrych et al., 2021). Here, how older adults navigate the everyday context of community is critical in determining healthy aging outcomes across urban, social and cultural contexts (Woolrych et al., 2022).

Although there has been significant progress in the fields of environmental and social gerontology regarding understanding of social participation, there is a lack of research investigating experiences of ethnic minority older adults living in communities and neighborhoods. The literature does point towards the many different mechanisms through which the environment can support or hinder the social participation of ethnic minority older adults such as language barriers (e.g., Diwan, 2008; Hossen, 2012), perceived racism (Salma & Salami, 2020), absence of communal resources to support ethnic groups (Buffel & Phillipson, 2011), and other personal and social factors. In addition, ethnic minority older adults are more likely to live in areas with higher rates of poverty and deprivation (Garner & Bhattacharyya, 2011), where many lack the necessary public infrastructure for social participation such as meeting places, parks, and green spaces (Jones et al., 2009; Kweon et al., 1998; Levasseur et al., 2011; Morenoff & Lynch, 2004; Ward Thompson et al., 2016; Woolrych et al., 2021). Moreover, social problems such as crime, incivilities, and disorder in deprived areas often restrict the access to opportunities for social participation (Lai et al., 2019; Scharf et al., 2005; Smith, 2009).

Contributing to the theoretical and knowledge base on healthy aging and social participation, there has been little research exploring the intersections between healthy aging, social participation, and neighborhood environment among ethnic minority groups. This paper aims to fill that gap by exploring the experiences of social participation in various neighborhoods among Turkish-speaking adults over 50 aging in north London. This paper is informed by the following research questions: how is social participation experienced by Turkish-speaking adults over 50 living in communities in north London? How do perceptions of the physical and social environment influence forms of participation? What are the implications of these patterns of social participation on healthy aging among Turkish-speaking adults over 50 in north London? Understanding these dynamics and the mechanisms through which neighborhoods support and hinder adults’ social participation is especially important in the context of the current COVID-19 pandemic, restrictions in travel, and older adults’ increased dependency on their neighborhoods for social support (Portegijs et al., 2021).

Introducing the case study

Most scholars divided the Turkish-speaking community in London into three groups of Turkish Cypriots, Kurdish Alevis, and mainland Turks (Atay, 2010; DAngelo et al., 2013; Enneli et al., 2005). However, these three groups are not homogeneous and can be divided further by ideological and political sub-cultures such as “leftists, radical Muslims, nationalists, etc.” (Dedeoglu, 2014, p. 72). Although the migration of these three groups has assumed different patterns over time, political unrest and economic crises in the home-land have been the main motivation for the migration of the majority of the community (Simsek, 2012). From a chronological viewpoint, Turkish Cypriots were the first group to arrive in the UK, followed by the Turks from mainland Turkey, and finally the Kurdish community (Dedeoglu, 2014; Sirkeci, 2017).

According to Taylor (2009), the earliest arrival of Turkish Cypriots to the UK goes back to the 1920s. However, they arrived in much large numbers during the 1950s and 1960s, in the time of increased “colonial immigration” (p. 24). Another extensive flow of migration of Turkish Cypriots to Britain happened after the Turkish invasion of Cyprus and the partition of Cyprus in 1974. At the end of the 1970s, the number of Turkish Cypriots in Britain was estimated to be around 40,000 (Atay, 2010), but the majority returned to the island (Oakley, 1987).

Mainland Turks’ migration patterns to Britain assumed different pathways and trajectories than Turkish Cypriots. The first phase of migration of mainland Turks started in the late 1960s and early 1970s. During this period, many skilled workers came from Turkey to the UK to work in the textile industry, usually single men who were later joined by their wives and children (Mehmet-Ali, 2001). The political events of the 1970s and 1980s¹ in Turkey opened a new chapter of migration of Turks to the UK in the shape of political migration and asylum seeking of young educated people who established their socio-political networks in the UK (Dedeoglu, 2014; Simsek, 2012). After the 1980s, Turkish people used their networks and kinship relations to migrate to Britain (Simsek, 2012).

Kurdish migration to the UK started in the 1980s as a result of political conflict between the PKK (Kurdistan Worker<apos;>s party) and the Turkish state. From the late 1980s many Kurdish people living in villages in south and south eastern Turkey were displaced and fled to the UK and other European countries (Dedeoglu, 2014). While a significant number of Kurdish migrants from Turkey came as students or with business visas, many others sought political asylum in Britain (Simsek, 2012). Until the beginning of the 1990s, over 90 percent of Kurds in the UK were employed in the textile industry. However, with the collapse of the industry in the late 1990s, Kurds, like other Turkish-speaking communities living in the UK, had to find employment in other sectors such as food and catering (DAngelo, 2008).

The employment of Turkish-speaking immigrants in the textile industry led to the concentration of the community in certain areas of London (Aytaç et al., 2011). In the early days of migration, the majority of the Turkish Cypriots lived in central parts of London, including Camden and Islington (Simsek, 2012). After the 1960s, there was a shift in settlement patterns from central London to the northern parts of the city towards the Haringey and Hackney boroughs (Oakley, 1987), largely due to the housing shortage after World War II (The National Federation of Cypriots in the UK, 2019).

According to the Greater London Authority (GLA, 2009), over the past two decades there has been an outward movement in the distribution pattern of the Turkish Cypriot community from North London to outlying areas such as Essex and Hertfordshire. Today, the three London boroughs of Hackney, Haringey, and Enfield host the largest numbers of the three groups of the Turkish-speaking community in the UK, in neighborhoods characterized by a high residential concentration of British non-Whites and relative deprivation compared to other boroughs in London and England (Enneli et al., 2005; King et al., 2008; Yarker, 2020).

The Turkish-speaking community is generally concentrated in the east of the boroughs of Enfield and Haringey and the west of Hackney. The ward with the highest concentration of Turkish-speaking residents is Edmonton Green, located within the Enfield borough of London (DAngelo et al., 2013) which is considered as one of the most deprived areas in England according to the latest Index of Multiple Deprivation (score: 2,557 out of 32,844) (English IMD, 2019).

We chose Turkish-speaking adults over 50 as the focus of the research as they are among the most disadvantaged groups of ethnic minorities living in the UK, ranking high on indicators of deprivation such as welfare dependency, language barriers, and limiting chronic health problems (DAngelo et al., 2013). Challenges in accessing mainstream services and activities have exposed members of the community to high risks of social isolation (Hussein, 2013; Oglak & Hussein, 2016). The Turkish-speaking community has a strong cultural tradition of depending upon familial support to navigate old age yet their experiences in relation to healthy aging and social participation have received less attention. They lack visibility in terms of aging and place research as a group.

Data and methods

The data and methods employed to capture participants’ experiences included semi-structured individual interviews and community mapping workshops. In the first stage of the research, we undertook a total of 48 semi-structured individual interviews with Turkish-speaking adults aged 50 and above residing in north London² (average age: 64), capturing individual experiences of aging in place and social participation. The questions revolved around participants’ daily routines, social networks, and attitudes towards their neighborhoods. We recruited participants via various methods: (i) Advertising and flyers posted in the local community; (ii) Recruitment via local gatekeepers and community groups; and (iii) Snowball sampling where participants were asked to identify others within the community who it would be beneficial to interview.

We recruited adults 50 years and above who self-identified as being Turkish or Kurdish from Turkey or Cyprus. We chose 50 years as the minimum threshold for inclusion to ensure that the voice of the “young-old” were included in the research, and to determine future priorities for the ageing population. The location for undertaking the semi-structured individual interviews with Turkish adults over 50 included: the private home of participants, places of worship, community centers, Turkish/Kurdish associations and cafes/restaurants.

In addition to Turkish-speaking adults over 50, we interviewed 13 professionals acting as coordinators and managers of Turkish/Kurdish community associations whose familiarity with the community (and knowledge of providing services and supports for Turkish-speaking adults over 50) provided additional insight into the opportunities and barriers to healthy aging and social participation. The length of the individual interviews with people and professionals varied from between 21 minutes to 54 minutes (average: 32 minutes)

At the second stage of data collection, we conducted five group community mapping workshops involving 17 Turkish-speaking adults over 50 to establish collective understandings of place and community in relation to aging. Each workshop included three to six participants living in the same neighborhood or borough of London. Participatory mapping has been used as a tool with adults over 50 to better articulate their place-based needs within the context of home and neighborhood and to support asset-based approaches to aging-in-place (Fang et al., 2016). Participants were recruited through: (i) those who participated in the first stage of the study; and (ii) re-advertising and re-recruiting via local networks and flyers distributed in the local community. We asked participants to identify assets and barriers within their neighborhoods and identify the places important in their daily lives through annotating a map. In all community mapping workshops, the first part of the workshop centered on identifying physical aspects of home and community in relation to healthy aging; the second part reflected on social and community aspects of aging in the neighborhood including safety, neighborly relationships and access to amenities and facilities. We provided materials, including pens and post-it notes, for participants to annotate the maps as the conversation developed. The mapping workshops lasted between 45 to 67 minutes in duration (average: 57 minutes).

All community mapping workshops took place at Turkish/Kurdish associations who provided facilities for the researcher and were the most welcoming to the researcher and responsive when approached to be involved in the research. We conducted the first workshop in a residential tower where a number of Turkish adults over 50 resided. The second and third workshops took place in the London Alevi Cultural Centre and Cemevi in Hackney, the fourth workshop at the Turkish Cypriot Cultural Association in Hackney, and the final workshop at the Enfield British Alevi Federation.

Table 1 provides an overview of the sample of Turkish-speaking adults over 50 from the individual interviews and community mapping workshops.

Table 1. Sample of people over 50 involved in individual interviews and community mapping workshops based on mean age, gender and place of residency.

	Number of participants	Mean age	Gender	Borough (Hackney)	Borough (Enfield)	Borough (Haringey)	Area of residency (other)	Place of Origin^3
			male female					Turkey Cyprus
Individual interviews	48	64	16 32	14	21	3	10	32 14
Community mapping workshops	17	−^4	6 11	3	8	6		15 2

All interviews and community mapping workshops were conducted in Turkish, recorded, transcribed and then translated to English. Our initial analysis of the data collected through community mapping workshops and semi-structured individual interviews involved application of Braun and Clarkes (2006) six-stage model of thematic analysis (Yazdanpanahi & Hussein, 2021). The initial thematic analysis of the data had revealed social participation to be one of the main explanatory concepts of healthy aging. For this research, we reviewed the generated codes and sub-themes around social participation and renamed them based on their relation with the physical and social aspects of the neighborhood. We analyzed the transcripts and developed, shaped, and labeled the themes.

We obtained approval from the Institutional Review Board of Heriot-Watt University. We provided the interview subjects written information consent forms, accommodating for those with language difficulties and low levels of literacy. All participants were made aware of the nature of the research, the extent of their involvement and how data would be collected, processed, and made available for publication. All participants were informed of the right to withdraw from the study at any time. We did not offer any incentives to the participants of the semi-structured individual interviews. However, due to the more labor-intensive nature of the community mapping workshops and greater time commitment required, we offered a £10 gift card to each participant in the community mapping workshops.

Findings

We identified three interconnected themes as critical in understanding social participation and healthy aging in the community: feelings of security in the neighborhood; proximity to ethnic amenities; and neighborhood density and diversity.

Feelings of security in the neighborhood

Generally, north London, particularly Edmonton in Enfield and Tottenham in Haringey were perceived as areas with high rates of crime. Perception of safety was a subjective experience dependent on participants’ gender, living conditions (alone or with family), and their actual experiences of crime. The quote below from a female participant living alone demonstrates how feelings of insecurity limit participation in social activities in the neighborhood to certain times of the day:

“ … I cannot go anywhere in the dark because of fear of crime. In the past, I had a car and I used to go outside after dark, but since I have sold it, I cannot go anywhere after dark.” (Female, 57 years old, living alone, 37 years in London, Tottenham, Haringey)

Feelings of security in the neighborhood were also highly dependent on participants’ perception of the security of their home. Feeling safe at home was linked to mental wellbeing in the narratives of some participants, hindering or contributing to their social participation in the community:

“This flat is good place for aging. I think that I have fallen in paradise because I feel secure here. When I was living in Angel Corner, a thief entered my house and it had very negative psychological impacts on me. I became sick and for a long time I did not go outside. I imprisoned myself at home. I was so scared there … ” (Female, 53 years old, married, 5 years in London, Edmonton, Enfield)

Although for the above participant moving to a building with better security measures had improved her sense of security, the incident of crime at home had a long-lasting effect on her perception of the community and daily activities in the neighborhood:

“Many times, when I was withdrawing money from ATM, I noticed a man on a motorcycle maneuvering behind my back. Many times, I have returned home without withdrawing money in fear of being his victim.” (Female, 53 years old, married, 5 years in London, community mapping workshop 1, Edmonton)

Similarly, other participants explained their personal experience of being exposed to crime in the neighborhood and how these feelings influenced their experience of living in the area:

“They stole my money when I was in ASDA, I saw a young man fleeing, and then I noticed that he had stolen my money, £50. He hit me on my knee when he was running … ” (Female, 68 years old, married, 44 years in London, community mapping workshop 1, Edmonton)

Fear of crime also restricted the social life of a number of participants who often depended on others to accompany them when walking in the neighborhood after dark. This decreased their involvement in religious, social, and community-related forms of participation:

“In Ramadan I go to a mosque for Talavi prayer. I am afraid to go outside in the dark, my grandchild used to take me to the mosque in the evening. She/he prayed too. It is a little hard to get there. I can only go in the mornings. It is hard to go there after dark. I am afraid of going outside in the dark on my own.” (Female, 81 years old, living alone, 51 years in London, Edmonton, Enfield)

The nighttime economy (pubs, bars, casinos) played a significant part in contributing to perceptions of insecurity which adults over 50 were keen to distance themselves from:

“ … There is a casino down there … (a few years ago) I had recently moved to the area then and did not know that there is a casino in the corner. There were 10-15 men gathering in front of it, when I saw them, I was terrified. They sensed that I was afraid of them. They started to laugh loudly and I was so frightened that I walked faster and fell down. After that, I swore that I will not go anywhere at night.” (Female, 81 years old, living alone, 51 years in London, community mapping workshop 1, Edmonton)

The quote above indicates the negative influence of male-dominated space on the sense of safety and feelings of security among female members of the community, reinforcing the importance of gender in the perception of and interaction with the neighborhood environment.

Being an ethnic minority in the UK and experiencing feelings of exclusion from British society due to their distinct cultural and religious identity also contributed to feelings of insecurity when moving around the neighborhood. Some participants referred to their experiences of racial harassment and assault in the past that had created negative feelings towards their neighborhood and decreased their tendency to participate in activities that involved engagement with others in the community:

“I am afraid of walking alone in this neighborhood. When I first moved to this neighborhood I was attacked by thugs. I remember that my daughter was only two-months old and in my arms, we were sitting in a car. My husband entered a cafe to ask something. One of the drunken guys entered our car and tried to choke me by my scarf … Now our neighborhood is safe. But whenever I walk in the neighborhood and see such kind of guys, I feel stressed and frightened.” (Female, 63 years old, widowed, 20 years in London, Stock Newington, Hackney)

Yet despite feelings of insecurity among some Turkish-speaking adults over 50 within the neighborhood, existing cultural and familial relations often acted as a buffer against feelings of vulnerability. Here, the home played a crucial role in Turkish adults’ conceptualization of healthy aging as a setting where social relations and engagement with family, friends and neighbors were sustained:

“They prefer to stay at their home and be visited by their children in the evening. On weekends, all children and grand-children come to their parents’ home and eat a meal together … ” (Male, Coordinator of a Kurdish association)

Proximity to ethnic amenities

Besides access to ethnic goods and services, for some participants, especially those who were more isolated, Turkish shops had a social function and were important in maintaining a sense of attachment to the neighborhood. This notion of place familiarity was formed through perceptions of “being known” and “knowing others,” where maintaining face and the everyday interactions with place were central to feelings of being respected and valued:

“I want a house in my (previous) neighborhood, Islington. All Turkish restaurant owners know me there. All shops are familiar. I know some shopkeepers. When I go there, they help me … I am not friends with people in Islington, but I can have a chat with them. I know a Turkish barber there. They respect me whenever I go there.” (Male, 73 years old, living alone, 25 years in London, Hackney)

In addition to ethnic shops, places of worship such as mosques, Cemevi, and ethnic community associations played a significant role in the social life of the majority of interviewees. There were numerous associations belonging to the community in north London providing opportunities for both formal and informal forms of social participation such as volunteering, sharing meals, taking courses (including patchworking, yoga and Pilates, computer skills etc.,), attending religious and cultural events (e.g., religious ceremonies as part of Eid al-Fitr), and occasional excursions or travels.

These community associations were often demarcated along ethnic, gender, religious, and political lines of identity and were not always inclusive to all. Besides the aforementioned three general categories of the community that had their own ethnic, ideological and religious associations, further subdivisions inside the community added to the complexity of access to and use of these facilities.⁵ Nonetheless, for a number of participants who were living close to a community association or a place of worship that they felt comfortable using, membership in these organizations was an opportunity to connect to different forms of material (e.g., religious books) and non-material culture (e.g., norms, ideas, and beliefs):

“I like Cemevi because people who are my age are coming here and I can meet people with the same beliefs and ideas. I can access and read religious books here.” (Male, 69 years old, living alone, 18 years in London, Hackney)

For adults over 50 with limited English language skills and shrinking support networks, the association helped to develop a close set of friends and support networks, helping them to cope with negative life events such as loss of a spouse in old age:

“It is good that there is a place like Cemevi, can you see how many helpless older adults are sitting here. Many of them have lost their spouse (like me).” (Male, 87 years old, living alone, 25 years in London, Hackney)

For some participants, social wellbeing was strongly dependent on their community association and many wanted to live in close proximity to it, especially frailer older adults and the oldest old. The following participant discussed the importance of the community association in improving levels of mental well-being, yet not being close to the association and barriers to getting there made it challenging

“ … In the past I used to come here regularly when I was living near to here, but since I’ve moved, I am not able to come here whenever I want. Coming here changes my mood but I cannot come every day. I cannot come here alone. I lose my way … . a friend brought me here, today.” (Female participant, 75 years old, living alone, 23 years in London, Newham)

For some of the “young-old,” i.e., those defined as between the ages of 50 and 60, the perceived lack of community life and available places in the neighborhood for social activities was the primary reason for spending time in associations as the social activities on offer were often tailored to the “very old”:

“If there were a park near my house with some social activities organized there, it would become very nice … It is boring to sit here (in the association), all of them are very old. There is not anyone my age … ” (Male participant, 52 years old, living alone, 28 years in London, Dalston, Hackney)

In addition to associations, Turkish-speaking adults over 50 were also dependent on strong familial ties and intergenerational relationships, which acted as both a strong sense of social participation in its own right (e.g., family get togethers) and as a bridge into organizations and institutions (e.g., as a facilitator for social capital). Indeed, for many, the choices around aging in place and where to live were dictated by being in close proximity to family:

“I do not know other areas of London. Here, I stay with my daughter. She comes with me to my visits with the GP [general practitioner] and helps me with translation issues. She brings me here (association) … I prefer to live close to my children. If they move to other areas of London, we will move with them” (Male participant, married, 27 years in London, community mapping workshop 5, Enfield)

Neighborhood density and diversity

Participants were recruited from different areas of north London with various population densities and street layouts. Among the areas selected for the study, Edmonton Green had the highest urban density, and some areas such as the northern parts of Enfield the lowest. In terms of access to services and amenities, there were high levels of satisfaction with higher density areas especially among frailer older adults and those who were not able to drive.

Nonetheless, higher density living was associated with problems such as overcrowding, the lack of social relationships between neighbors, and a lower reported sense of community, hindering opportunities for healthy aging in place and social participation among Turkish-speaking adults over 50. The dominance of private spaces over communal spaces and commercial activities over community places and activities were key features of this area. This led to low levels of social participation and a lack of community spirit in the neighborhood. The following quote from a female participant illustrates the latter point:

“Once I fell down but nobody came to help me … I stood up myself. This is another problem of our neighborhood; nobody helps you … ” (Female, 53 years old, married, 5 years in London, community mapping workshop 1, Edmonton)

A lack of social relationships and opportunities to get to know other residents in high-rise buildings was cited by a number of participants as a factor contributing to feelings of insecurity and perceived lack of community. Here, residents often passed each other in the corridor and exchanged civilities but there was a lack of meaningful interaction and “true” engagement:

“Unfortunately, there are no neighborly relations inside the building. I mean we do not know who enters and exits the building. When we see each other in the corridors, we say “hello, hello” but we do not share anything.” (Male, 69 years old, married, 18 years in London, Edmonton)

Besides inter-ethnic neighborly contacts, the lack of neighborly relations also extended to Turkish residents living in the building. The quote below from a participant, who was a professional in her mid-50s living in one of the high-rise buildings in Edmonton Green, makes this point clear:

“Turkish people living in this building only meet in the lift and say ‘hello’ to each other, their relationship is not very close. They are coming from different parts of Turkey.” (Female, 54 years old, founder of a private association, 14 years in London, Edmonton)

Although a lack of neighborly relations between Turkish neighbors living in the neighborhood was attributed to the heterogeneous structure of the Turkish community in London, another quote by the same interviewee highlights the lack of social gathering places in the neighborhood as contributing to this issue:

“ … there should be a meeting place there, too. This is our biggest shortage, the biggest … . Even once in a week, if we could have a meeting place it would be great. Unfortunately, there is not such a place.” (Female, 54 years old, founder of a private association, 14 years in London, Edmonton)

Other participants living in Edmonton Green reflected on the lack of local green spaces and places for recreation in the local area to support wellbeing:

“There should be a park very near to here, in my opinion. There should be a park that enables older people to go down there, breathe and spend their time. When they are inside the building, they are quite bored, they have to go down to change their mood but there is nothing downstairs except shops and crowds … ” (Female, 53 years old, married, 15 years in London, Edmonton, Enfield)

In some cases, over-crowding was regarded as a disadvantage of living in high-density areas for Turkish adults over 50. A number of participants living in the Edmonton area mentioned overcrowding in the Edmonton Green as a barrier to healthy aging in place:

“I do not think that Edmonton is a good place to age in. I am thinking about [moving] in the near future … because … it is really crowded. I would prefer a more peaceful area for my old age.” (Male, 51 years old, married, 25 years in London, Edmonton, Enfield)

The changing population of the area was associated with a decline in community lifestyles and values. The following participant reflected on the deterioration of the area, and lack of community pride in the upkeep of the neighborhood, which was often a deterrent to engaging in the community:

“The population has increased dramatically in the area. There are people from diverse backgrounds. There are people spitting on the ground, throwing their rubbish on the street, whenever I take the bus, I see many dirty things … it makes me nervous. There are very dirty people. From this viewpoint, I am not satisfied.” (Female, 57 years old, married, 30 years in London, Edmonton, Enfield)

Nevertheless, there was a desire to bring about positive change in the local community through coming together with other residents. The following participant highlighted the importance of inter-cultural support in old age particularly through creating opportunities to enable healthy aging-in-place:

“You can start to have dialogue with your neighbors and influence (improve) things in your neighborhood. For example, I would like to improve my relationship with my neighbors … for example as I get older, I would like to walk … or create a group to plan for a trip … ” (Male participant, 23 years in London, community mapping workshop 3, Clapton, Hackney)

For some participants, the diversity of their neighborhood was a positive aspect, reflecting the wider societal integration of different groups and highlighting the importance of changing communities over time in understanding aging in place. In the following quote, moving towards a more multicultural community challenged feelings of estrangement that many participants had previously felt living in the community:

“When I first came here from 83 till 87 … at that time, conditions were harder than now. There were not many ethnic minorities living here. I used to feel like a stranger. I was experiencing some problems in my neighborhood … since I had moved newly there. They did not want to accept us … But now I am comfortable. Our area is multicultural now. There are Chinese, Indians, Pakistanis, British, and Polish, Turkish [people] … It is multicultural. People feel more comfortable, now … .” (Male, 58 years old, married, 34 years in the UK, Essex)

These quotes point to the role of changing communities in the understanding of aging in place and the transient nature of place and belonging in the lives of older people. They also speak to the role of population density in attitudes to diversity. Participants living in less densely populated areas with better facilities were more likely to hold positive attitudes in relation to the diversity of their neighborhood.

Discussion

This research has enhanced the evidence base around aging in place for Turkish- speaking adults over 50, identifying the ways in which adults over 50 perceive the physical and social environment in relation to healthy aging and social participation. In establishing how social participation is experienced by Turkish-speaking adults over 50 living in a community in north London, we have demonstrated the dynamic and inter-related ways in which informal and formal forms of participation are expressed in relation to place. For many, social participation was experienced through engagement in cultural and religious associations involving a wide variety of activities, alongside informal forms of engagement, including playing cards, to more political forms of participation such as attending religious ceremonies. Thus, social participation was experienced in multifaceted and interconnected ways, suggesting that a rigid classification of participation is inappropriate to capture the heterogeneous and nuanced ways in which social participation is experienced for Turkish-speaking people over 50 (Dahan-Oliel et al., 2008; Greenfield & Marks, 2004; Leone & Hessel, 2015).

In capturing perceptions of the physical and social environment, this study has identified barriers and facilitators to participation and engagement for Turkish-speaking adults over 50 in north London. Through our participants’ accounts, feelings of insecurity were identified as the most important deterrent to participants’ presence in public spaces of the neighborhood, reducing levels of social participation and preventing many from undertaking essential daily errands such as grocery shopping and recreational activities in the community (Levasseur et al., 2010). Perceived insecurity in relation to urban space was partly explained by a lack of English language skills among the community, decreasing their sense of control and mastery over the environment (Pot et al., 2020), exacerbated by a heightened fear of crime and/or experience of being victims of crime in the past (Allik & Kearns, 2017). For example, previous experiences of crime significantly influenced respondents’ perception of their neighborhood and subsequent interaction with the environment as has been demonstrated in previous studies (Leone & Hessel, 2016; Parker, 2000).

Gender, perception of the aging body, marital status, and living arrangements of participants were also influential in determining levels of safety, patterns of social participation, and decisions around the type of activities that they should be involved in, with whom, and when. Female participants and adults over 50 living alone were more conscious in restricting their out-of-home visits to certain hours of the day, confining their leisure and recreational activities to the home domain and having a companion for undertaking essential activities within the community.

Fear of crime also included fear of racial harassment and attacks due to perceived visibility and possessing physical or social markers that made them distinctive from the majority population such as physical appearance, speaking Turkish, and religious practices. Such fears were stronger among some groups of female members of the community who adhered to the Muslim dress code. These findings suggest that interaction of personal characteristics and perceived identities shape individuals’ perception of the safety of their residential area (Crenshaw, 1989; Jackson, 2016; Zempi, 2020) and thereby opportunities for social participation and healthy aging in their neighborhood (Portacolone et al., 2018).

Nonetheless, individuals’ personal characteristics alone did not explain perceived safety and levels of social participation in the neighborhood. Previous research has demonstrated the important role of environments interacting with personal and group identities in shaping individuals’ perception of the safety of their neighborhoods (e.g., Ceccato, 2018; Donnelly, 1989; Min et al., 2021; Yates & Ceccato, 2020). Also, in this research, physical and social aspects of the neighborhood appeared to play a significant role in perceived security and safety among participants. Our analysis of the interviews revealed that feelings of insecurity were more prevalent in densely populated areas of north London. We found a lack of neighborly relations in high-rise apartments, negatively impacting adults’ sense of attachment to the neighborhood. Similarly, Allen and Watt (2022) found a link between high density living, weaker neighborhood relationships, and lower levels of place belonging and attachment, resulting from the absence of social spaces and contact zones within the community. In a study of the experiences of Dutch seniors in a multicultural neighborhood, Müller (2011) found that those who lived alongside, and engaged and interacted with ethnic minority groups were more likely to feel safe and less likely to express negative views about diversity.

High levels of population turnover, the changing nature of the area, and shifting composition of the population also contributed to feelings of lack of control over the environment, perceived insecurity, and negative impacts on sense of belonging (Allen & Watt, 2022). Similar findings are reported by Buffel et al. (2013) who studied belonging and place in deprived but rapidly changing neighborhoods in England and Belgium. Yet in response to changing communities, our participants highlighted the importance of collective solidarity and coming together as a community, particularly in terms of preserving the upkeep and maintenance of the neighborhood.

Research studying the impact of population change on older residents’ sense of belonging to the neighborhood have concentrated on White working-class residents’ experiences of neighborhood change after the arrival of new residents from ethnic minority backgrounds (Benson & Jackson, 2013; Buffel et al., 2013; Pinkster, 2016). The case of the Turkish-speaking community in north London presents a unique case for studying the impact of superdiversity (Vertovec, 2007; Wessendorf, 2014) on ethnic minority older adults’ social participation in the neighborhood. While for a number of respondents superdiversity was perceived to be associated with competition over resources, loss of control over the management of space, and lack of security, for others it was seen as an opportunity for engagement in a more diverse range of social activities in their neighborhood and sometimes as symbolic of a more accepting and thereby tolerant and safer society. Generally, participants living in more affluent and less densely populated areas were more likely to appreciate the diversity of their neighborhood despite not having had developed close relationships with their non-Turkish-speaking neighbors. This is consistent with findings of previous studies investigating aspects of superdiversity and inter-ethnic interactions in neighborhoods with varying levels of wealth and access to resources (Ruiz-Tagle, 2019; Tersteeg & Albeda, 2018).

The interviewees identified a lack of community places, walking routes, and parks as contributing to a lack of casual social interaction among residents in densely populated areas such as Edmonton Green (Schmidt et al., 2019; Veitch et al., 2022), thereby restricting opportunities for the formation of closer relationships in the neighborhood that negatively impacting trust and community cohesion (Kweon et al., 1998; Llopis Abella et al., 2020). In our study, the absence of social spaces had a negative impact on both inter-group and intra-group interaction with many participants pointing to a lack of neighborly relations between Turkish-speaking adults over 50.

Although the heterogeneous structure of the Turkish community in London played a part in preventing close bonds between Turkish neighbors, lack of proficiency in the English language among the majority of older members of the community meant that their social interactions mainly occurred within the boundary of their linguistic and ethnic group. In this sense, the availability of Turkish businesses in neighborhoods such as restaurants, cafes and Turkish barbers, played a significant role in providing opportunities for casual social interactions, especially for more isolated older Turkish adults with limited social networks (Gardner, 2011). The importance of community spaces points to the need for neighborhood planning and development to prioritize “third places” within the community that bring diverse residents together (Oldenburg, 1999).

Palmberger (2017) explored older Turkish adults’ social lives in Austria and identified the important role of cultural, religious, and political associations in helping to develop social ties and a sense of embeddedness among older Turkish migrants. Similarly, in this study, Turkish/Kurdish associations were crucial in forming opportunities for intra-group interactions and increasing levels of social participation among participants. However, the spatial concentration of community associations in north London posed challenges in terms of access for some members of the community living at a physical distance. The heterogeneous structure of the community also meant that not all associations held the same perceptions for all members of the community living in north London. For example, many associations and the social groups within them were centered around specific ethnic or political beliefs, to the exclusion of older adults who felt that they did not belong to the dominant social groups in the community (DAngelo, 2015). In addition, we noted different preferences for social interaction across age, education, and language backgrounds, suggesting that homogenous, one-size fits all interventions for Turkish-speaking older adults may fail to support their requirements to age in place.

In determining the implications of patterns of social participation on healthy aging among Turkish-speaking adults over 50 in north London, our research demonstrates the importance of working at the intersection of individual, social, cultural, and community identities (Carbado et al., 2013; Settles & Buchanan, 2014) in informing opportunities for social participation and healthy aging. Although we observed a lack of English language skills among many respondents, it did not restrict opportunities for all participants in the same way. Living in close proximity to ethnic amenities had a more important role in the wellbeing of participants with limited social networks, advanced age, and restricted mobility. However, access to these amenities was restricted by further subdivisions inside the community. The heterogeneous structure of the Turkish-speaking community in London and diverse preferences for social participation among the members of the community indicate the complexity of such identities, challenging the homogenized assumptions about categories such as age and ethnicity that scholars often use to frame the policy and practice landscape around social participation (Zubair & Norris, 2015). These findings not only support the need for an aging-in-place policy to pay closer attention to nuanced ways in which the intersection of identities influence perceptions of neighborhoods and experiences of social participation, but also how various socio-spatial settings and cultural associations can shape these perceptions and opportunities for social participation.

Lastly, the role of the family in supporting aging in place among Turkish-speaking adults over 50 cut across all themes in the research. For many participants, family was of critical importance in sustaining healthy aging and social participation, both through forms of social participation that happened within and through the family, and in acting as a “bridge” or link to social activities, amenities, and services within the community. Many family members supported participants in terms of moving round the community, as well as accessing physical and social settings within the neighborhood. At the same time, within the context of changing community environments and transient populations, the family often acted as a source of stability and continuity, providing an important source of place familiarity and identity for the participants.

Acknowledgments

We would like to thank all participants for their valuable contribution to this research.

Disclosure statement

No potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).

Additional information

Funding

This work was supported by the School of Energy, Geoscience, Infrastructure and Society, James Watt Scholarship 2015/16.

Notes on contributors

Melisa Yazdanpanahi

Melisa Yazdanpanahi is interested in researching the intersections of urban studies, gerontology, and public health. She holds a Ph.D. degree in urban studies from Heriot-Watt University.

Ryan Woolrych

Ryan Woolrych is a Professor in Ageing and Urban Studies and Director of the Urban Institute at Heriot-Watt University, Edinburgh, UK. His research interests include: ageing-in-place, housing and home and equality and social justice.

Notes

1. Political collision between Turkish right-wing ultranationalist groups and lefties escalated in the late 1970s that is identified as a “low-level war” in the political history of Turkey. The violence resulted in 5000 casualties but descended after the 1980 Turkish coup d<apos;>état until its re-eruption in 1984 (“Political violence in Turkey (1976–80),” n.d.).

2. Two participants lived outside of north London, one in east London, Newham, and the other in Essex County. However, due to the rich quality of the data, they were included in the data analysis.

3. Two of the participants in the semi-structured individual interviews were born in London.

4. Information about the age of participants in the community mapping workshops is not available since the agenda did not include private questions such as the age of the participants. Such information is only available for participants who were interviewed individually beforehand.

5. For example, not all members of the Alevi community are ethnically Kurdish and not all Alevi Turks/Kurds go to Cemevi due to different political affiliations. (For a more detailed discussion on the diaspora politics of the Turkish speaking community in the UK see Çakmak, (2018).