Bedouin teachers in non-bedouin Arab schools: alienation and attempts to adjust and fit in

Abstract

The aim of this study was to examine relationships between Bedouin Arab teachers and non-Bedouin Arab teachers from rural villages who work together in schools in northern Israel. These relationships were examined from the perspective of the Bedouin teachers. This qualitative research was conducted through in-depth interviews, as a means for identifying challenges faced by Bedouin teachers when attempting to become an integral part of the school staff. The interviews were conducted with 31 Bedouin teachers (28 women and three men) from Arab schools where the Bedouins are a minority, and who speak a distinct Arabic dialect that distinguishes them from the majority. The findings indicate that the Bedouin teachers are often offended and embittered by the condescending attitudes of the other Arab teachers towards them, as the Bedouins are clearly expected to conduct themselves and their work in line with the rules and codes of the majority. While the Bedouins, as with any typical minority group, resent this attitude, they make great efforts to adapt themselves to fit into the rural hegemonial space. In their strive to be accepted and become an integral part of the school, the Bedouin teachers often make a conscious effort to replace their unique dialect with that of the rural (Fellah) Arabic that is spoken in the school’s village – in an effort to be accepted by the staff, students, and parents.

Keywords:

• Bedouin teachers
• Arab teachers
• ethnic minority
• language
• power relations

Introduction

The Arab society in Israel is a human, cultural, and religious mosaic. The population is comprised of Muslims, Christians, and Druze Arabs, who live in rural villages and urban cities, as well as Bedouin Arabs, who live a unique lifestyle. Differences can even be seen between Bedouins from the south and those from the north of Israel in a range of aspects.

In the Arab education system, which is separate from the Jewish one, the teachers are of a range of religions, including Bedouin teachers. However, due to sociological and historical reasons, these Bedouin teachers are sometimes considered different and out of the ordinary. This article attempts to examine the relationships between the Bedouin Arabs and the rural Arabs from the north of Israel, through their shared work and encounters in schools and other education systems, mainly in villages, with a focus on teacher relationships. The study deals in such encounters from the Bedouin teachers’ point-of-view, and examines their relationships with the rural teachers. This research study focuses on the emotions of the Bedouin teachers and their ability to fit into the non-Bedouin framework. The main research tool employed in this study was in-depth interviews with male and female Bedouin teachers who teach at non-Bedouin schools. The findings are presented following an expansive review of the literature regarding Bedouins in Israel.

Bedouins in Israel

About 1.96 million Palestinian Arabs live in Israel today, comprising about 20% of all citizens in Israel. This minority group, which includes the Bedouins, remained in Israel after the 1948 war. Today, there are about 270,000 Bedouins in the South of Israel and about 100,000 in the north.¹ The Bedouin society has unique cultural, historical, and political characteristics. It is more authoritative, patriarchal, and traditional that other Arab populations, there is significant separation between the genders, and the division of labor between them is very clear. By modern standards, their collective codes marginalize and are harmful to women; for example, women are married off in line with the tribe’s interests, usually within the tribe (Abu-Rabia-Queder, 2008).

Great social and financial differences can be seen between the Bedouins in the north and those in the south of Israel – in most aspects of life, including education. For example, while polygamy is still customary in the south, it is much less common in the north (Rudnitzky, 2012). Most Bedouins in the north live in about 30 permanent towns, with the remainder living in mixed villages or cities, usually in discrete Bedouin neighborhoods (Kabia, 2018). In the south, the State housed the Bedouins in new permanent towns; about half of those who do not live in these towns live in unrecognized villages, without running water, electricity, or education systems. About 80% of the population in these villages live below the poverty line (Abu-Rabia-Queder, 2019).

Despite their efforts to become a part of the State of Israel, and despite some even volunteering to do their military service, many still suffer from exclusion within the country, a worrying financial status, very low financial levels in their villages, very low levels of income, and very high rates of unemployment. These harsh circumstances result in many Bedouins experiencing exclusion, alienation, and dissatisfaction. A feeling that the State has turned its back on them rather than addressing these issues. These feelings of deprivation weaken the alliance between the Bedouin population and the State – which in turn could affect the number of people who volunteer for military service (Abu-Saad, 2005).

The Bedouin education system

From kindergarten through high school, the education system in Israel is almost completely separate for Arab and Jewish children (yet this is not so in higher education institutions). This significant segregation impacts the achievements of Arab students, and offers insights into patterns of attitudes towards Arabs in Israel, due to differences in the allocation of manpower and resources to the Arab education system (Al-Haj, 1996; Gerby & Levi, 2000).

The Bedouins deal with even greater difficulties relating to education compared to the Arab society in general. While the entire Arab education system lacks adequate infrastructure, mainly in the classrooms, this is especially prominent in the Bedouin education systems in the north and south of Israel. Differences in academic achievements of Bedouin students compared to those of all students in both the Jewish and Arab education system can be seen as early as elementary and middle school. On the “Metizav” national standardized student assessment tests, their grades are consistently lower than those of students in the Jewish education system, and their dropout rates continue to rise (Abu-Rabia-Queder & Arar, 2011).

Changes have been made over the past decade to the education system in general, and the number of Bedouin students and academics has risen in the north and in the south. However, the Bedouin education system, especially in the south, is still the weakest in the country. Abu-Saad (2021) states that in 2018, in the Bedouin population in the south, only 36.8% of the high school students received their “Bagrut” matriculation certificate, compared to 51.4% in the Arab sector and 68.1% in the Jewish sector.

These low achievements and high dropout rates in the Bedouin society stem from a combination of a lack of social and financial resources, lack of physical infrastructure, lack of quality teachers, poor living conditions, and lack of motivation to learn among the Bedouin society, as a result of inadequate occupational opportunities and absence of identifying with the Israeli education system (Abu-Asbah et al., 2013).

Alkashala and Alsanah (2008) address the lack of democracy in the Bedouin education system, explaining that the student-teacher relationship, which is built on obedience, is a frightening and intimidating relationship that does not allow the students to express their opinions. The teacher is always right and students may not argue. This is conveyed through both physical and verbal violence, humiliation. Abu-Saad (2004) strengthens these claims, stating that the teacher’s image in the Bedouin school is one of authority, one that does not allow criticism or democracy; the teacher has the final say. Yet the hierarchal and stringent relationship within the school staff also limits the teacher.

To further understand this situation, the following section discusses this issue in line with the Social Identity Theory.

The social identity theory

According to the Social Identity Theory, social identities are defined as aspects of social categorization derived from people’s tendencies to belong to different social groups. The basis of this theory stems from experiments conducted by the social psychologist Henri Tajfel (1981), referred to as “Minimal Group Studies”, where creating a minimal division into groups – “them” and “us” – will suffice for creating a preference of the affiliated group over another. The researcher explained that people prefer their “ingroup” as they need to have a positive self-image, which can be achieved by preferring their own group over other “outgroups”. This is because people’s personal identity is related at least in part to the identity of the social group with which they are affiliated. It could be claimed that if this principle was seen in laboratory conditions, where the participants had no shared history or future goals, then in real life groups, with strong social ties, this phenomenon may be even more explicit and prominent.

The Social Identity Theory deals in complex real-world situations, especially cases of asymmetry in power relations between groups, such as the majority group versus the minority one. Studies show that not only do members of the majority group tend to prefer the ingroup, but so do some members of the minority group – perhaps in an attempt to become part of the stronger group (Brown & Wade, 1987). This phenomenon could be explained as belonging to the majority group with the better status significantly contributes to its members feelings of self-worth. On the other hand, belonging to the minority group with the lower status has a negative impact on the self-image and self-worth of its members (Ellemers et al., 1993).

The Social Identity Theory also claims that as people have a need for positive self-worth, members of the outgroup have difficulty living in a state of low self-image and negative self-worth; as such, they usually apply a strategy for removing themselves for the problematic situation and enhancing their self-worth. One such strategy is disconnecting themselves from the mother group and attempting to belong to a different group with a better status. An additional strategy is attempting to emphasize the positive elements of their group, or alternatively, identifying with outgroups with an even lower status (Turner & Brown, 1978).

Despite the range of possible strategies, the more common phenomenon in minority groups is becoming a part of the majority group – to avoid feelings of negative self-worth. Tajfel (1979) differentiates between four types of integration: (1) integration of the entire minority group to the point of inexistence; (2) the legitimate transition of a number of individuals to the majority group, who are then partially accepted; (3) transition that is accepted by the majority group, on condition that the individuals completely forgo their original group; and (4) adjustment of the entire group to the conditions set by the majority.

Following the original laboratory studies conducted by Tajfel (1979), more recent studies have employed the Social Identity Theory for financial gain – leveraging competition between groups for marketing certain products and encouraging local consumption (Lam & Ahearne, 2010; Zeugner-Roth et Al., 2015). Other studies have applied the theory to creating and enhancing professional identities, such as with nurses, who have constantly fought for their identity and status compared to the doctors with whom they work (Willetts & Clarke, 2013). Yet most studies that apply the theory have dealt in interactions between groups, especially those that are in competition or conflict. Studies on groups of students and on political parties in the United States confirm the assumptions of the Social Identity Theory regarding people’s preferences of their intergroup (Abrams, 1984; Kelly, 1988).

In a very relevant study, Levin and Sidanius (1999) compared between groups of Whites and Latinos in the United States, groups of Ashkenazim and Mizrachim in Israel, and groups of Jews and Arabs in Israel. Their findings offer a wealth of insights regarding social identity, whereby all groups prefer and identify with the outgroup, while depicting a negative attitude towards their ingroup. The findings also show that among the strong groups in the study (Whites, Ashkenazim, and Jews), the preference for the intergroup was much greater. Moreover, the stronger the groups with the lower status (Latinos, Mizrachim, and Arabs), the more negative their feelings towards the strong outgroup.

The Social Identity Theory offers an in-depth description of the phenomenon relating to relationships between minority and majority groups. Yet it remains within the field of the internal group’s self-image and preferences. However, when people prefer their own group, they also experience negative emotions towards the controlling group, feelings that could lead to hatred and prejudice. Other theories could complete and expand this picture, by also addressing such topics and supremacy and racism. To do so, in this study, I will employ the Postcolonial Theory.

Postcolonial theory

First and foremost, the term Colonialism refers to the controlling of land and natural resources; yet it also refers to controlling of public discourse, and of the thoughts and desires of natives. Above all, colonialism refers to cultural control that is morally justified as a humane act that strives to improve the natives’ circumstance, by enabling them to become a part of civilization. This type of control strives to humanize the savage, ensuring that native peoples become a part of the West while benefiting from the superior culture (Cesaire, 2000; Said, 1993; Wa Thiong’o, 2005).

Colonialists regard natives as lacking values, as animals even – who require domestication. For colonialists, such a perspective justifies their behavior towards others, at best treating them as slaves; at worst, completely ignoring and negating them. Finally, colonialists alienate the natives from their language and culture, in an attempt to make them forget their own history (Wa Thiong’o, 2005; Cesaire, 2000).

Said (1993) and Chomsky (2004) argue that colonialism is still alive and kicking, albeit in a somewhat different manner. While we may see less classical models of physical conquering and military ruling, colonialism in Western countries, especially the United States, is achieved through political and economic means, with the media playing a central role in this conduct.

Studies also examine colonialism in relation to racism within education systems, especially in higher education (Kolodner, 2018; McPherson, 2015), as well as within society and the establishment. As such, both the Social Identity Theory and other related studies provide a platform for the case study addressed in this research.

Language, identity, and stratification

In general, research studies on language tend to focus on aspects relating to speech and communications, and also examine associations between language and identify. Cameron (1995) claims that while all languages have the same grammatical and communicative value, there are manipulative powers that lead us to believe that some languages are “better” than others, that some languages are superior to others. Cameron also explains that groups promote different agendas and goals through control of language and discourse.

Bourdieu (1991) also claimed that language functions as a source of power, not just as a communications tool. People speak not only to be understood but also to be believed, obeyed, respected, and differentiated from others. Bourdieu also stated that at both the group level and the individual level, the value of language is equal to the value of its speakers, since languages are equal from a grammatical aspect yet not from a social one. Pennycook (2001) found a connection between language and politics, ideology, and race, and especially between language and identity, and social levels. For example, language plays a role in maintaining social inequalities and wrongdoings. Along the same lines, according to Michel Foucault, language mainly reflects society’s social balance of power. The strongest define reality through discourse by creating rules that control reality and establish their status within society. The strongest decide what is permitted and what is not, who belongs and who does not – what is true and what is not (Ball, 1990).

Amara (2017) continues along these lines, explaining that the role that language fills as a means of communication is not the single or main role. Language conveys content and is, in itself, content. In other words, people do not just convey and express thoughts, emotions, and expectations through language; they also apply language as a means for defining themselves and how they wish to be perceived by others.

Zack and Halabi (2000) found an association between language and identity. More specifically, they found that the Jewish Arab conflict is clearly reflected through language. The Hebrew language completely dominates the discourse in Jewish-Arab encounters in Israel, with no space for the Arabic language. An additional study found that when Arabic is present and recognized within the Jewish sphere, it impacts the emotions and status of the Arabs. For example, recognition of the Arabic language at an academic college of education in Israel greatly impacted the Arab students: their self-confidence increased, as did their connection to their national identity and pride in their identity – while simultaneously experiencing feelings of integration and belonging within their academic institution, combined with feelings of respect and appreciation towards the college that recognized their language, and towards the Jewish lecturers and colleagues who study with them (Halabi, 2018).

The term diglossia refers to the differences between the written and spoken language, yet some use it to compare between different languages within the same space, with regards to their status and power. In a study on diglossia in Switzerland between the local language and the higher German language, differences were seen between the two in favor of German (Hogg et al., 1984). Moreover, in a study on relationships between Arabic and French in Tunisia, findings indicate that the French speakers are more confident in themselves and in their ability to succeed in higher education compared to those who only speak Arabic (Sayahi, 2015). With regards to the Arabic language, diglossia can be seen between cities and villages in a given country, and even between different countries. The Egyptian Arabic differs from the Palestinian Arabic, as does spoken Arabic in all Arab countries compared to literary Arabic. As such, non-Bedouin students may have difficulty understanding some of the dialects used by Bedouin teachers.

Methodology

For this study, I asked the following research question: How do Bedouin teachers fit into non-Bedouin Arab schools in the north of Israel? The study was conducted using the phenomenological qualitative method. Qualitative research strives to understand the subjects via their actions and experiences, by penetrating their day-to-day worlds that shape and determine the day-to-day reality in which they live (Tsabar Ben Yehoshua, 2001). This approach focuses on understanding meanings related to actions, interpretations, and phenomena that have taken place (Shkedi, 2003). The phenomenological approach in qualitative research examines a certain phenomenon through the people who have personally experienced it, based on their subjective reports. The data is gathered through in-depth interviews (Creswell, 2007).

The study included 31 participants: 28 female and three male Bedouin teachers who teach at schools in non-Bedouin or mixed Arab villages. Of these teachers, 12 teach at elementary schools, nine teach at junior highs, and 10 teach at high schools. The participants, aged 24–53, all held a bachelor’s degree and a teaching certificate. Seven also held a master’s degree. Twenty-two lived in Bedouin villages, while the remainder lived in mixed villages or in the city of Nazareth. The participants were recruited through the snowball method, as is customary in this type of research (Atkinson & Flint, 2001). At first, I approached teachers that I knew personally, who then referred me to other teachers; the final participants were those who were suitable for the study and who agreed to participate. The aim of the study, as presented to the Bedouin teacher participants, was to examine their degree of integration into the non-Bedouin schools where they teach, as well as the challenges that they face and their coping mechanisms.

In-depth, open-ended interviews were applied in this study, enabling mutual researcher-interviewee discourse. Such in-depth interviews are used to produce meanings that are of importance to the interviewee –for understanding how other people experience and understand certain occurrences (Shkedi, 2003).

The interviews were conducted by the researcher of this study, a non-Bedouin native Arab. The interviews, which were conducted in spoken Arabic, were recorded, and later transcribed and translated into English for research purposes. Each interview lasted about an hour and only included the following opening leading question: How do you feel at the school where you teach as a Bedouin teacher in a non-Bedouin school? The questions and answers that followed emerged naturally as the interview evolved. Next, the findings were analyzed as a means for extracting the unique meanings and essence of the researched experience (Creswell, 2005). The open inductive coding method was applied to categorize the collected materials (Bogdan & Biklen, 1992). In summary, after gathering the material, I conducted in-depth reading of the interviews and then performed an initial categorization process, until reaching satisfactory division of categories.

The study was conducted in full compliance with strict professional and ethical guidelines. When I first contacted the interviewees, I presented them with the research topic. Most were happy to take part in the research. Before embarking on each interview, I presented the participants with an explanation of the interview. They were also informed about the process of the study and how their input would be used. Anonymity was also ensured, and as such, pseudonyms are used throughout this research paper. The interviews were recorded with the interviewees’ permission and then transcribed.

I reiterate that I am a rural Arab, as I have mentioned before, and the interviews took place in a rural setting. In other words, the Bedouin interviewees adapted themselves to me just as they do in the schools where they teach. I was aware of this issue when conducting the interviews and I tried to avoid falling into the same majority-minority relationship between rural Arabs and Bedouins. Nevertheless, I consider that some aspect of this relationship may have appeared in my relationship with the interviewees and hope that it did not have a strong impact on the material I gathered during the interviews.

Findings

The analysis conducted in this study led to the emergence of three main themes that express the experiences and coping mechanisms of the Bedouin participants in their quest to overcome identity-related conflicts when working with non-Bedouin teachers, principals, students, and parents – as a sub-minority within the Arab minority in Israel. The following sections present the three central themes: language, physical appearance, and cultural-social patronization.

Theme 1: I speak “Bedouin” – The Bedouin dialect as a barrier to developing a feeling of belonging

The Bedouin society is described as a sub-group within the Arab minority in Israel, and as such is treated as a minority group. Bedouin teachers report having difficulty adjusting to the rural Arab schools where they teach, as they are a minority among the educational staff. Their main difficulty is their language and unique dialect. Asmahan, a female teacher, explained that on her first day at school, the other teachers immediately recognized that she is Bedouin: “In the teachers’ room, I started talking to some of the teachers and now and again used a Bedouin word. They would look at me and ask: ‘Are you Bedouin?’”. Asmah, another female teacher added: “When I first started teaching at the school, I encountered difficulties and problems because of my language and accent.” As Jamila said: “Some parents complained to the principal, saying that their children don’t understand my language, so she made me use the rural language.” Duaa also explained: “The other teachers and the principal commented about my language… and so did some of the parents. They had an opinion about the language… The parents said that they are concerned and they want their children to acquire the rural language, not my language.”

Bassam, a male teacher, expanded on this issue: “Our accent is stronger. We accentuate certain letters and we also have our own special words that not everyone understands. The principal, who is also Bedouin and even served in the army, asked me to speak ‘Fellah’. Raada added: “I don’t even use my Bedouin dialect when I talk to Bedouin students at school, even if they’re my relatives.” Samara also spoke along the same lines: “The principal asked me to only speak in the Fellah language. His excuse was that [understanding my dialect] is especially difficult for special education students. I was offended. I felt that I was being disrespected. My language of part of who I am. It’s my identity.”

Bedouin teachers who teach at mixed village schools also reported encountering difficulties due to their dialect – even if there were Bedouin students at the schools. As Rayna explained: “At the school where I work, I had to change how I talk with the other teachers, and even with Bedouin students. The others aren’t pleased if they hear me talking to a Bedouin student in our dialect.” She then added: “During tests when I’m supervising the students and I use our own language, they make comments.” Mo’in added: “The principal asked me to speak ‘Fellah’ even though I was teaching a small class with only eight special education students. And five of those students were Bedouin.” Sawsan added: “There is another Bedouin teacher at the school. When we’re alone, we speak Bedouin, and that makes me happy. I feel relaxed. I feel like I’m at home. But when other teachers are around us, she asks me to ‘speak regularly’”.

Not all the Bedouin teachers were bitter about being asked to speak “Fellah”. Some felt that they should embrace the language that is used at the school, in order to succeed in their work – as it helps them become an integral part of the school and instills in them a feeling of belonging. Doing so also enhanced their relationships with the teaching staff and students, and decreased their difficulties. As explained by An’am: “I speak the students’ language so that they understand me. What can you do? They’re young and they’ve never heard the Bedouin language before.” Dalya added: “At my school, they make us keep all the values and customs, including the language, and that’s their right.”

On the other hand, some teachers expressed their anger against this demand made by the school’s reality or management. Marva, for example, said that other teachers belittle her and try to imitate her, because she does not dare use her natural language: “Sometimes other teachers try to talk like Bedouins and laugh at my language. It’s very embarrassing and upsetting.” As Nadia said: “I teach at a mixed school and live in a mixed village where the students are exposed to my language. Why do I have to express myself in the language of the majority?” Some teachers found a solution to this issue. Manal said: “I found a way to talk to my students in the Bedouin language, yet lightly and without emphasizing certain letters, so that everyone understands.” Avtahel said: “In the classroom, I simply used the [classical] al-fuṣḥá Arabic language that is common among all Arabs.”

Differences in opinions could be seen in interviews between teachers who were born and raised in Bedouin villages and those who were born in mixed villages. The former reported greater difficulties and obstacles at the onset of their work in the Arab village schools. In their opinion, their integration and adjustment at the school was less than that of the teachers who were born in mixed villages. Manal, who was born in a mixed village, said: “I don’t have language difficulties like my friend does. She’s from a Bedouin town and she’s always only spoken Bedouin. But not me. I’ve always spoken with the people in the village.” Samach added: “I was born in a mixed village. I grew up there and got married there and worked there. So being a Bedouin hasn’t been an obstacle for me. If someone has a problem with Bedouins, that’s their problem.” Ranya added: “As I’m from the village where I teach, it’s very easy for me to talk in the majority’s language.”

Lama said: “I don’t only experience exclusion at school. It starts in the neighborhood and seeps into the school and the entire village. That’s why I don’t use the Bedouin language. Akbal, who grew up in a mixed village, said: “When I was at elementary school, I was ashamed to use the Bedouin language at school.” Hadaya explained her choice to refrain from using the Bedouin language, saying: “Using a different language than everyone else makes me feel like I don’t belong.” Lama offered a slightly different explanation: “I didn’t use the Bedouin language because people don’t respect Bedouins, and I wanted to be respected.” Moreover, Saluua said: I grew up in a mixed village and I teach at a mixed school. In class, I use the regular [Fellah] language. At first, if a student relative tried to speak to me in Bedouin, I would ignore them. Now I try to talk to Bedouin students in the Bedouin language, and they reply in rural Arabic.”

As explained, Bedouin teachers in non-Bedouin rural schools report feeling a lack of belonging and difficulty adjusting from a language point-of-view – which is the main characteristic of Bedouin society. As explained by Anam: “I try to talk ‘Fellah’ at school as much as possible, but sometimes Bedouin words slip into what I’m saying. That’s when the ridicule and scorn begin. It’s very painful.” Jasmin also added: “When I use Bedouin words that begin with a heavy guttural letter, the kids start to laugh at me.” Hayam also explained: “Sometimes, teachers try to imitate me and speak in Bedouin, but it’s always offensive.” One of the teachers said that they need to adapt themselves to the school’s needs, mainly from a language point-of-view. As she said: “As a Bedouin teacher in a non-Bedouin school, I have to adapt myself especially to the language, so that the students can understand me and to create a coherent and tight relationship between myself and my students.” Akbal also explained: “It took me a long time until I adopted the Fellah accent. I worked very hard on it.”

Finally, the teachers reported feeling comfortable at work, feeling that they belong, after gaining control of the proper language. As explained by Hyam: “After being at the school for a few years, I feel more comfortable and it’s easier for me to communicate with the school staff and the parents and students because now I use the Fellah language in a more ‘effective’ manner. Finally, as added by Jamila: “Over the years, I began to gain control of the Fellah language, which decreases my difficulties and their teasing of me.” However, novice teachers exhibited difficulties relating to their adjustment and belonging.

Theme 2: “My appearance gives me away” – How Bedouins are recognized among the teachers

The interviewees stated that people in their surroundings are able to identify them as Bedouins even before they start talking, based on their physical appearance, even just by their physique. As Hyam explained: “I’m short, thin, and black. So even before I start talking, people know that I’m Bedouin.” Monir also said: “The teachers clearly saw that I was Bedouin because I am small and have black skin.” Jasmin also said: “Everyone knew I was Bedouin because of how I look, how I dress, how I arrange my head covering.” Hyam also added: “A Bedouin woman dresses modestly.” Finally, Monir explained: “A Bedouin man is seen as someone who takes care of how he dresses and makes sure he looks neat and tidy.”

However, this framing did not bother all of the teachers, and some were even proud to be seen as a representative of the Bedouin People: “It doesn’t bother me, I’m actually proud that I look like a Bedouin.” Hyam even said: “I have no problem with being recognized as Bedouin just by how I look, but it pains me that people laugh at the Bedouins.”

Unlike the proud teachers, however, some interviewees reported that as their physical appearance does not “give them away”, they are spared redundant difficulties and efforts at school and they experience greater feelings of belonging. Marva, for example, explained: “I’m proud of my physical appearance. I don’t look Bedouin and that helps me to be accepted by the staff and feel equal to them.” Duaa also emphasized this, saying: “My external representation doesn’t mark me as Bedouin and that’s good for me.” In this context, Maha compared between herself and another Bedouin teacher at the school, saying: “My friend, who’s also on the staff and we’re the only Bedouins [at the school], she often has difficulties at the school because she looks like a Bedouin in the way she dresses, looks, and behaves. The school is mainly Christian and the principal makes sure to preserve the Christian values and customs.” Hayam also addressed this issue, saying: “I feel different than the Christian teachers at the school. They dress less modestly and perceive me as an ignorant person, someone who doesn’t look or behave like everyone else. They see me as strange, as a Bedouin person in a Christian school.” Rada also added: “No one can judge me by my appearance. That’s stupid.”

When comparing between opinions of Bedouin teachers who were born in Bedouin villages and the opinions of those who were born and raised in mixed villages, differences were seen in their attitudes towards external appearances as a factor for identifying someone as Bedouin. As Saloa emphasized: “I was born, raised, and educated in a mixed village. I was obviously impacted by my surroundings and adopted the behaviors and dress codes of people in the village, not of the Bedouins… As I was born in a mixed village, I feel that I belong, because I behave and dress like people in my village. Not like a certain group.” She explained that there is a conflict between the two identities in mixed villages: “Bedouin people perceive other Bedouin people, who have changed their lifestyle and chose to dress differently that Bedouins, as bad people who have not preserved the Bedouin values. Wah also added: “Because I choose to dress more fashionably and less modest, Bedouins see me as strange, as belonging less to Bedouin society.”

Theme 3: “You managed to go out to work even though you’re a Bedouin” – Cultural-social condescending

All interviewees addressed the impact of the cultural and social values and customs on their work, as well as the prejudice against Bedouin society. As Jamila explained: “My difficulties are mainly the staff’s and parents’ prejudice against me. They see me as a representative of the Bedouins at the school.” Monir also said: “I don’t feel comfortable at school. One of the reasons is because I’m a Bedouin man.”

The interviewees conveyed that prejudice, labels, and stigmas weaken the status of the Bedouin teachers in non-Bedouin school and pose obstacles along their professional path. Duaa, for example, who teaches at a Druze school, believes that the educational staff perceive her as a weak Bedouin woman. As she explained in her interview: “I was surprised when one of the teachers said to me, ‘Well done for studying and going out to work even though you’re Bedouin.’” Huda also said: “People see Bedouin women as ignorant, weak, and uneducated.” Fadaa strengthened these words by saying: “People think that Bedouin women just sit at home raising children, cooking, and cleaning.” Indeed, one of the most common stigmas about Bedouin society is that it is patriarchal, with men controlling women. Mo’in explained that the teachers at the school where he works frequently remind him of this, saying: “With you Bedouins, the man rules and makes the decisions, and the woman cannot respond; and then you try to implement your culture in our school.” Samara also talked of this issue, saying: “There is constant ridiculing, jokes. When we’re planning a trip for the staff, they will often say, ‘You probably won’t go on the trip. Your husband won’t allow it.’”

A number of interviewees expressed their anger towards the education system that casts doubt on their training and professionalism. As Rayna explained: “When I first started working at the school, I felt that I was less of a teacher, because the Bedouin students at the school where less experienced and less successful academically. I felt that I was their representative.” Maha added: “People think that we are accepted onto higher education with less requirements and more accommodations because Bedouins serve in the army.” As also explained by An’am: “Other teachers think that I’m less talented because I studied on a Bedouin track and because my brothers and husband served in the army.” Jada also expressed words along these lines: “At first, I felt that the teaching staff didn’t trust me… When I’m working, I feel like I’m constantly being watched and that’s stressful. They’re suspicious of our certificates and training as Bedouin teachers, because people think that the State makes accommodations for us. Because people know that I studied on the Bedouin track.”

As the Bedouin men serve in the Israel military, some people from the Arab sector perceived them as “traitors”. As expressed by An’am: “Teachers ask me about my husband’s work in the police force.” Marva also explains: “Teachers ask me if my brothers serve in the army.” Finally, Saloa explained: “Their main objection was that we serve in the army. Others perceive Bedouin people as simple; the State managed to trick them into serving in the army, promising them land in return for their service.”

Some interviewees expressed feelings of shame and pain towards such statements, such as Jada, who said: “It was very painful, but there’s nothing I can say. Some people are just like that. But it’s not my fault… Everyone is entitled to their own opinion. But I won’t send my son to the army. Huda said: “Teachers always remind me that I only got the job and got promoted because my dad works in the defense forces and is well-connected.”

A few teachers were not upset by such opinions, reporting that being Bedouin has no impact on their studies and integration at work. Dahash explained: “I graduated with honors and worked in the south for six years because of unemployment in the north… I studied, I sat exams, and I handed in papers. I achieved all of the acceptance requirements and was a university student like any other student. That has nothing to do with me being Bedouin or not.” Raada added: “I had to work very hard on myself to prove that this teacher from this society is educated and talented and outstanding.”

Some teachers felt the need to explain their social standing. Mona presented the reasons for the low socioeconomic status of the Bedouins in Israel, saying: “In the past, the Bedouins’ income was mainly based on agriculture and shepherding. Today this doesn’t provide a living so the Bedouins’ financial status changed.” Duaa explained the reasons behind Bedouin students’ learning and behavioral difficulties, saying: “In the past, Bedouin women didn’t study, so they couldn’t raise their children properly. Nowadays, this is very different. We have doctors, engineers, and teachers, and we will continue to progress.”

Some Bedouin teachers who grew up in mixed Bedouin and Fellah villages agree with the Fellah opinion of Bedouin society. They report financial, professional, and educational development among Bedouins who live in mixed villages compared to those who live in Bedouin villages. As Hayam explained: “Bedouin villages aren’t developed and they are still tied to the values and customs… I think that if I’d lived in a Bedouin village 25 years ago, I wouldn’t be a teacher or coordinator, because 25 years’ ago they’d marry the girls off at 15.” Maha said: “It’s easier for a Bedouin woman to develop financially, professionally, and academically if she’s in a mixed village rather than in a Bedouin village.” Finally, Leena said: “For many years, the Bedouin society was neglected, especially the education system. For many years, Bedouin villages were left on the shelf.”

Discussion

This study focused on the encounter between teachers from different sectors of the Arab population in Israel. While the majority were rural Arabs who live in the north of Israel, the minority was comprised of Bedouin Arabs. Members of the majority group tend to behave in a patronizing manner towards minority group members, expecting them to fit in with their codes and norms. As is typical of minority groups, the Bedouin teachers were upset by this behavior and made great efforts to try and fit into the hegemonial rural sphere. These findings are in line with a range of theories that deal in social identity, especially the Social Identity Theory (Ellemers et al., 1993; Tajfel, 1981).

The case examined in this study is also in line with previous studies (e.g. Ellemers et al., 1993; Turner & Brown, 1978), whereby the minority group employs the mechanism of comparing themselves to weaker groups, as a means for preserving their positive self-image. In general, the Arab population in Israel is a minority, and as such often suffers from patronizing and discriminating behaviors exhibited by the Jewish population.

In turn, the rural Arab minority, who feels inferior compared to the Jewish majority, “uses” the Bedouins as an escape route. In fact, they treat the Bedouins as the Jews treat them – as a means for rehabilitating their negative self-image. Moreover, despite the bitter feelings of most Bedouin teachers towards the condescending behavior of their rural counterparts, they attempt to fit in and become an integral part of the rural space, behaving in lines with local codes. This behavior is called adaptation (Tajfel, 1979).

It is important to note that while both phenomena – the Bedouins versus the rural Arab minority, and the Arabs versus the Jews – are similar from a behavioral aspect, especially in relation to the language, there is a fundamental difference between the two. Jewish-Arab relationships are based on colonial behaviors, on Jewish supremacy, where the Arabs are treated as uneducated, foolish natives. These relationships are based on complete control of the Arabs, of their culture, narrative, language, and its speakers. These relationships are in line with analyses that are presented by postcolonial researchers Cesaire, 2000; Said, 1993; Wa Thiong’o, 2005).

The relationship between the rural Arabs and the Bedouin Arabs is of a completely different nature. There is no aspiration for control and suppression, and of course, we cannot speak about this relationship in colonialist terms. There are elements described in social psychology that relate to any majority-minority relationship, where the majority group tries to rehabilitate and strengthen its identity at the expense of the minority group. In the case of Jews vs. Arabs, the issue is political. There is an aspiration of control and suppression. In the case of the rural Arabs and the Bedouins the issue is social-emotional, and answers the needs of identity and reinforcement of self-image.

This complex relationship that emerged in this research study is most obvious with regards to language. Although the study only addressed Arab-speaking participants and colleagues, the Arabic language comprises numerous dialects and registers. Even in Israel, different dialects of Arabic are spoken across the country. One of the most prominent differences can be seen between the Bedouin dialect and the rural Fellah one, which is spoken by most Israeli Arabs and is considered to be of a higher register. The Bedouin dialect, on the other hand, is considered inferior. Indeed, the diglossia phenomenon can be seen here (Hogg et al., 1984).

In the study, the Bedouin teachers were forced to forgo their own dialect while adopting the rural language. Although this angered these teachers, they complied with this requirement in an attempt to fit in. Some teachers even justified this demand. It should be noted that the relationship between the two dialects is astonishingly similar to the relationship between Hebrew and Arabic. In encounters between the two, Arabic speakers are required to forgo their language and speak in the stronger Hebrew language. Even the given reasons are similar, i.e. the stronger population’s inability to understand the weaker population’s language (Zack & Halabi, 2000).

In the given case study, as with the encounter between Hebrew and Arabic, during chance encounters or at academic institutions, language poses an obstacle for the weaker party, who must adjust to the stronger one. Many Bedouin teachers stated that it was hard for them at first because of differences between their own language and the language that they were required to speak; yet over time, they adjusted, and doing so became easier. This finding is in line with reports of Arab students at Jewish academic institutions in Israel, where language poses an obstacle that can only be overcome with time (Halabi, 2018; Zack & Halabi, 2000).

Even before the Bedouin teachers speak, the rural teachers usually recognize them by their physique, clothes, and darker skin color. This is even harsher than differentiating between people by their spoken language, as treating someone according to their physical appearance borders on racism. While the Bedouin teachers can adapt their language to the rural dialect, they cannot alter their physical appearance even if they wanted to. However, in most cases they are proud of how they look and would not change their appearance, as seen in the interviews. It is hard to claim racism here, as both parties are of the same race, and even of the same ethnic group. Yet this serious phenomenon does contain certain racist elements, and at least from an emotional aspect, is similar to racism of Whites against Blacks in the United States.

Much has been written on racism against African Americans in the United States. Researchers stress that attitudes towards people of color, as a group and as individuals, impact their aspirations, their futures, and their options for realizing their dreams and potential (Aldana & Vazquez, 2020).

This study sheds light on an issue that has been neglected and overlooked for years – the inter-Arab relationship that is similar to the Jewish-Arab relationship. We have learned that majority and minority groups exist everywhere, as do power relations – and it is these that determine relationships between people. However, the results of the study should be addressed as reflecting the individual opinions of the 31 Bedouin teachers from the north of Israel who took part in this study. To complete the picture, future research could benefit from conducting a similar study in the south of Israel, and from including participants from outside the education system.

Disclosure statement

No potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).

Additional information

Notes on contributors

Rabah Halabi

Rabah Halabi is a Senior lecturer at The Hebrew University of Jerusalem and Oranim College. Halbi received PhD from The Hebrew University which focused on the identity of the Druze in Israel. Halbi specializes in education for multiculturalism, critical education, education and identity.

Notes

1 Central Bureau of Statistics (Hebrew): https://www.cbs.gov.il/he/mediarelease/Pages/2020/%D7%90%D7%95%D7%9B%D7%9C%D7%95%D7%A1%D7%99%D7%99%D7%AA-%D7%99%D7%A9%D7%A8%D7%90%D7%9C-%D7%91%D7%A4%D7%AA%D7%97%D7%94-%D7%A9%D7%9C-%D7%A9%D7%A0%D7%AA-2021-.aspx.