Informational Sources, Social Media Use, and Race in the Flint, Michigan, Water Crisis

Abstract

Safe, clean water is necessary for health and well-being. Water issues affect minority and vulnerable populations at disproportionate rates, including the poor and racial and ethnic minorities. An investigation of the relationships of race, social media use, and informational sources during the municipal water crisis in Flint, Michigan, reflects an instrumental view of communication and uses and gratifications theory in this study. Data from 208 Flint residents in 2016 indicated that African American respondents favored interpersonal networks and resources and were more likely than other racial groups to obtain current information about the water crisis via Instagram. Preferred channels and sources to receive additional crisis information varied on the basis of race.

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Keywords:

• Informational Sources
• Social Media
• Uses And Gratifications Theory
• Water Crisis

Access to safe and sanitary water is necessary to maintain health and well-being. When access to water is compromised, health, socioeconomic status, and levels of poverty are affected (Centers for Disease Control & Prevention [CDC], 2016). Such matters affect vulnerable groups at disproportionate rates, including the poor, disabled, and racial and ethnic minorities (de Chesnay & Anderson, 2016; Nsiah-Kumi, 2008; Spence & Lachlan, 2016). Disproportionate impact on vulnerable populations was evident in the Flint, Michigan, water crisis.

The city of Flint switched its water supply from Detroit Water and Sewage Department (DWSD) to the Flint River in April 2014, which triggered a water contamination crisis (Masten, Davies, & McElmurry, 2016). Following the switch, the city experienced numerous cascading effects and emergent risks (e.g., De Smet, Lagadec, & Leysen, 2012). On February 17, 2017, the Michigan Civil Rights Commission (MCRC) released a report concerning the presence and role of systemic racism leading up to Flint’s crisis, as well as in the crisis response and recovery efforts. Specifically, the MCRC concluded that Flint’s economy, housing practices and policies, environmental relevancies, and Michigan’s emergency manager laws all played a role in the water crisis, and that “led to disparate racial outcomes” (Michigan Civil Rights Commission [MCRC], 2017, p. iii).

Health effects arising from Flint’s water contamination crisis have been significant. Failure to treat the city’s new water supply from the Flint River appropriately may have allowed microbial contamination into the municipal water system. Although some Flint residents were using point-of-use (PoU) water filters in their homes to reduce exposure to lead and disinfection-by-products (e.g., trihalomethanes), the filters were not designed to reduce the risk of exposure to microbial contamination. Health issues included the effects of lead contamination in drinking water, as well as an associated outbreak of Legionnaires’ disease, skin rashes, and shigella (Hanna-Attisha, LaChance, & Sadler, 2017; Zahran et al., 2018; Zahran, McElmurry, & Sadler, 2017). The conditions of Flint’s water supply and system were “conducive to biological growth and the propagation of Legionella in the distribution network” (Masten et al., 2016, p. 25).

Issues within and surrounding the Flint water crisis were further complicated by inadequate communication. Infrequent communication across agencies, such as the Michigan Department of Environmental Quality (MDEQ) and the Michigan Department of Health and Human Services (MDHHS), occurred, “and when it [communication] did occur, the default position was to conclude that the health problems were not related to the water supply switch—rather than to assume that the problems might be related to the switch” (Flint Water Advisory Task Force, 2016, pp. 5–6).

Flint’s water crisis has led to a wide range of health, political, economic, and social issues for Flint residents. Although Flint switched back to DWSD water supply on October 16, 2015 (CNN, 2017; State of Michigan, n.d.), lingering problems with the water quality, water system and infrastructure, health risks and concerns, social justice, and organizational and governmental roles surrounding this crisis exist. Risk and crisis communication practices (or lack thereof) by officials and pertinent organizations compounded problems surrounding the ongoing water crisis. Because this crisis is slow-moving and fraught with numerous health risks and emergent information, risk and crisis communication are important elements for crisis response and recovery. However, there are diverse publics within Flint (e.g., see U.S. Census, 2016). Preferences for message structure and content, preferred message channels or media, and preferred spokespeople and communicators vary as a function of the target population(s) and their demographic characteristics. Crisis (and risk) communication is most effective when it matches these preferences.

The purpose of this study was to determine the relationship of race to media uses and informational sources during the ongoing municipal water crisis in Flint, Michigan. This study was grounded in an instrumental view of communication and uses and gratifications theory (UGT) (Katz, Blumler, & Gurevitch, 1974). Below, we first highlight research concerning crisis communication, social media within the context of crises, race, informational sources, and media uses. We explore how UGT can inform crisis communication practices. Following the review, we present hypotheses and methods of investigation. Finally, we present and subsequently discuss our findings in relation to extant research, theory, future research, and we identify limitations.

Review of Related Scholarly Literature

Crises are low-probability, high-consequence events that disrupt routine, induce high levels of uncertainty, and threaten not only the achievement of high priority goals but also well-being (Sellnow & Seeger, 2013). Crisis and risk communication are necessary components of crisis management, response, and recovery. The aim of crisis communication is to create shared meaning between the sender(s) and affected individuals, groups, communities, and organizations. Whereas crisis communication focuses on the current situation and what is known, as well as what is unknown, risk communication involves messages about probabilities of harm occurring in the future; such messages tend to be personal in scope and suggest specific protective actions (Sellnow, Ulmer, Seeger, & Littlefield, 2009). Inasmuch as all crises involve risk, it is important to avoid dichotomizing crisis communication and risk communication. It is also important to note that crisis and risk communication may take many forms and be disseminated via many different outlets, including social media.

Social Media and Crisis Communication

Social media are important to crisis and risk communication (Austin, Fisher Liu, & Jin, 2012; Sellnow & Seeger, 2013). Social media can facilitate effective crisis and risk communication, because these platforms deliver messages quickly, reach large numbers of people, and have the ability to support listening and dialogue with publics (Veil, Buehner, & Palenchar, 2011). Therefore, they have potential to aid crisis and risk communication efforts. Veil et al. (2011) offered 11 recommendations for incorporating social media into official and organizational practices concerning crisis and risk communication. For example, governmental agencies and other responding organizations used social media to communicate with publics and professional stakeholders during the 2014 California drought. In this case, social media served as a positive factor in overall communication efforts (Tang, Zhang, Xu, & Vo, 2015). Social media also played a prominent role in disseminating crisis and risk communication during the 2009 Red River floods and 2009 Oklahoma fires. Specifically, Twitter users were more likely to retweet information that was originally tweeted by (local) media and traditional service organizations (Starbird & Palen, 2010). Social media are not only important to official and organizational communication efforts surrounding crises but they are also important at the individual level.

Individuals experiencing a crisis also turn to social media. When faced with risk or crisis, social media provide users opportunities to check in with family and friends, acquire information quickly, and confirm or rebut crisis-relevant information (Austin et al., 2012; Sellnow & Seeger, 2013). Sharing information via social media during times of crisis can contribute to informing others included in a person’s interpersonal and social networks and, thereby, facilitate information dissemination and acquisition. Issues can arise, however, when rumors or misinformation are shared. Although this may occur via both social media and traditional media, the decentralized nature of social media may further create greater opportunities for rumors and misinformation (Sellnow & Seeger, 2013).

Social media have demonstrated utility for crisis and risk communication at the individual, organizational, and official levels. Traditional media, such as radio and television, are also important during crises and should not be discounted. Some users may favor traditional media for certain types of information. It is appropriate, therefore, to explore the ways publics use media to address their informational and communication needs during crises. This exploration will help officials and organizations craft crisis and risk communication activities that increase effectiveness. Such understanding is important because, as UGT suggests, individuals are active decision-makers when it comes to using and consuming media (Blumler & Katz, 1974; Katz et al., 1974). Individual decisions concerning media use and consumption fulfill different needs and wants (i.e., gratifications). Specifically, media use(s) in crisis contexts can function to gratify an individual’s desire to decrease levels of uncertainty and become better informed about the crisis, health-related risks, etc. (Houston et al., 2015; Lev-On, 2012; Macias, Hilyard, & Freimuth, 2009). These media uses and gratifications can, in addition, facilitate informed decision-making for crisis-affected individuals. It is also important to recognize that media uses and informational needs can vary on the basis of demographic characteristics, including on the basis of race.

Race and Crisis Communication

Values, attitudes, beliefs, experiences, and demographic characteristics play a role in individuals’ preferences and uses of informational sources and media. Race is an important demographic characteristic to consider when developing, disseminating, and evaluating crisis and risk communication because it affects perceptions of risk and message relevance (Atkinson, 2014; Bourque et al., 2012). For example, Lachlan, Burke, Spence, and Griffin (2009) determined that hazard (i.e., the technical assessment of risk) was perceived to be the lowest among African Americans displaced by Hurricane Katrina, but they reported the highest levels of outrage (i.e., the cultural assessment of risk). When hazard is perceived to be high, it is more likely that an individual will engage in protective actions. Assessments of an individuals’ perception of a hazard and perception of risk can and do correlate with the receipt and decoding of crisis and risk communication messages. As Lachlan, Burke, et al. (2009) noted, the receipt and decoding of such messages differed as a function of race—a finding that is important for crisis and risk communicators when developing and disseminating messages. Similarly, Quinn, Kumar, Freimuth, Kidwell, and Musa (2009) reported that higher income and higher levels of education—which are typically associated with White populations—have been associated with lower perceived personal consequences relating to health risk.

UGT suggests that receivers of risk and crisis messages may receive, interpret, and use information in different ways, depending on their specific needs and desired gratifications. UGT suggests that “media use is selective and motivated by rational self-awareness of the individual’s own needs and an expectation that those needs will be satisfied by particular types of media and content” (Ruggiero, 2000, p. 18). The satisfaction of needs is relevant to crises in that affected publics must recognize their crisis-related informational needs to make decisions about media use. Crisis and risk communicators will be more successful if they understand the different racial groups they serve and the ways they use information to fulfill needs during a crisis. Understanding preferred information sources and media for various racial groups is important, too.

Highlighting the differences among demographic characteristics, such as race, is not for purposes of segmenting individuals in different audiences. Rather, to the contrary, it is for the functional purposes of identifying “the most needed messages and means for targeting those messages” (Spence, Lachlan, & Griffin, 2007, p. 548). For example, survivors of the 2005 Hurricane Katrina had different levels of crisis preparedness and information-seeking behaviors based on race (Spence et al., 2007). African American survivors were more likely to seek information about shelters and evacuation than other races. Racial minorities also valued interpersonal networks more than nonminority populations. African Americans, in particular, were less likely to use the internet as a form of information seeking. It is surprising that there was no difference in the use of television between African American survivors and White Hurricane Katrina survivors. However, media uses can evolve and change over time, in different crisis contexts, and with different populations. Such evolution and change are especially salient with social media uses.

Social media evolve rapidly in form and use. Use of social media among certain populations and within certain contexts also varies. Much of this variation can be linked to media users’ demographic characteristics, needs, and desired gratifications (Blumler & Katz, 1974; Katz et al., 1974; So, 2012). For example, during the 2009 and 2011 floods in Jeddah, Saudi Arabia, YouTube, Facebook, Al-Saha Al-Siyasia, and Al Arabiya were used to send messages about damage from the floods, what happened, issues of responsibility, criticisms of the government’s response, and for emotional expression (Al-Saggaf & Simmons, 2015). Online sites and social media platforms can gratify users’ desire to communicate with interpersonal networks. This notion is especially relevant among groups of people that may be excluded from or weary of official discourses surrounding crises, such as racial minorities (Al-Saggaf & Simmons, 2015; Al-Saggaf, 2006). Social media can also serve as places to gratify affective release. Twitter was used heavily during the 2011 Arab Spring, especially as the protests escalated. The number of affective releases sent to users’ interpersonal networks also increased as the protests escalated (Papacharissi & de Fatima Oliveira, 2012). Social media, therefore, can be used in crisis contexts to connect individuals to their interpersonal networks, which are top informational sources for minority populations (e.g., Spence, Lachlan, & Griffin, 2007). In addition to different reasons for (social) media uses during crises, research has suggested that different racial groups may prefer different informational sources.

Typically, African Americans and many other minority populations value interpersonal networks as informational sources more so than majority populations (Fothergill, Maestas, & Darlington, 1999; Spence et al., 2007). Furthermore, local experts are preferred by minority groups for receiving health and crisis communication because minority group members perceive these individuals as more approachable and integrated within their communities (Spence, Lachlan, Westerman, & Spates, 2013; Tardy & Hale, 1998). Valuing interpersonal networks and local experts as preferred informational sources may be problematic when health, crisis, and risk communication fail to facilitate such preferences. This lack of facilitation may lead to perception of low risk, lack of perceived relevancy, and/or information that unfairly privileges dominant cultures (e.g., White) (Wilbur, Chandler, Dancy, Choi, & Plonczynski, 2002). Thus, crisis and risk communicators should identify and utilize knowledgeable, credible, and trustworthy informational sources that are community based as a way to reach minority groups (Clarke & McComas, 2012; Liu, Bartz, & Duke, 2016).

Trust and credibility are important to understanding how race contributes to crisis and risk communication. Minority groups and vulnerable populations tend to exhibit lower levels of trust in governmental authorities (Cordasco, Eisenman, Golden, Glik, & Asch, 2007; Crouse Quinn, 2008; Karoub, 2016; Samilton, 2017). Minority groups and vulnerable populations also have higher levels of distrust in the medical community, which could heighten their desire to seek health information from other sources, such as social media (Blanchard et al., 2005; Corbie-Smith, Thomas, & St. George, 2002). However, some research has indicated that African Americans find health-related information on social media to be most credible when coming from a Caucasian. It is also important to note that African Americans, in the past, found health-related information on social media to be credible when originating from another African American, but not as credible as the information that originated from a Caucasian (Spence, Lachlan, Westerman, & Spates, 2013). African Americans have also reported higher levels of health-related response efficacy, which was unaffected by the ethnic identification of the social media message sender (Spence, Lachlan, Spates, & Lin, 2013). In light of extant research, the nature of the health-related information shared on social media may be more important to minority audiences than that of the sender’s race or ethnicity, especially if the information concerning health outcomes is germane to the particular racial and ethnic minority group (Spence et al., 2013). In sum, social media facilitate quick access to one’s interpersonal networks. Coupling this with the notion that minority groups have lower levels of trust in governmental authorities and the medical community, it may be that they use social media more than nonminority groups during crises.

Minority and vulnerable groups decode and respond better to crisis and risk messages when they are crafted and targeted toward them (Frisby, 2002). This information was important to consider in relation to the current project because Flint’s population is primarily African American and considered vulnerable. There are approximately 102,434 residents of Flint, Michigan, with 57% identifying as Black/African American and 37% as White (U.S. Census, 2010, 2016). The majority of residents live at or below the federal poverty line, with the average four-person household earning less than $25,000 annually (U.S. Census, 2010, 2016). In short, Flint is a city of vulnerable populations that have different sets of needs, informational preferences, and media uses (de Chesnay & Anderson, 2016; Nsiah-Kumi, 2008; Spence & Lachlan, 2016). Flint’s water crisis includes many health risks and cascading effects. As such, there is a high level of informational need. Residents want to understand how they and their family and friends are being or will be affected. Because crises adversely and disproportionately affect vulnerable groups, including the poor and racial and ethnic minorities, informational needs and subsequent media uses are likely to be high among African Americans in Flint (e.g., de Chesnay & Anderson, 2016; Nsiah-Kumi, 2008; Spence & Lachlan, 2016). African Americans may feel more inclined to gratify their need to reduce uncertainty and become better informed about the crisis and associated health effects through using particular media and informational sources.

Hypotheses

We derived the following four hypotheses to guide our inquiry on the basis of extant research, Flint’s demographic, and UGT:

H1:

African American respondents prefer interpersonal networks (i.e., family, friends, neighbors) for receiving information about the Flint water crisis to a greater extent than do other races.

H2:

African American respondents use social media more than other races for information concerning the Flint water crisis.

H3:

Non-White respondents want additional information about health effects and other topics related to the Flint water crisis at greater levels than do White respondents.

H4:

Non-White respondents want additional information about health effects and other topics related to the Flint water crisis from different channels and sources to a greater extent than do White respondents.

Method

We collected data by using a version of the Media Uses and Informational Sources survey once Wayne State University’s Institutional Review Board (IRB) granted approval. Previous versions of this instrument were used in other studies of disasters, including the September 11, 2001, attacks, Red River floods in North Dakota, and Hurricane Katrina (see Lachlan, Spence, & Seeger, 2009; Spence, Lachlan, Burke, & Seeger, 2007; Spence et al., 2006).

Prospects were approached at the Flint Farmer’s Market, as well as at state-operated bottled water Points of Distribution (POD) and were randomly selected for participation in the study. Surveys were conducted between June and November of 2016. Most respondents completed the survey on their own, but a small number asked one of the researchers to read them the survey items and record their answers. Responses were anonymous. Relevant programs in SPSS (version 24) were used in making statistical analyses for testing the research hypotheses.

Respondents indicated informational needs and preferences relating to specific disaster events. Items concerned media uses and preferences, including channels. The respondents also indicated their interest in receiving specific kinds of information, such as the safety of drinking, cooking, and bathing with the water; information about bottled water distribution and water filters; and short-term and long-term health effects. Five-point scales ranging from “strongly agree” to “strongly disagree” for individual items were used to record respondents’ (a) feelings about the crisis, (b) present information gaps surrounding the crisis, and (c) desire to receive additional information about specific crisis-related topics. Reliability analyses yielded coefficients (Cronbach’s alpha) of .79, .93, and .95 for the scales. Another five-point scale ranging from “never” to “always” for individual items was used to record where respondents obtained information about important events in the Flint community. The alpha coefficient was .64.

More than half of respondents were female and had children (see Tables A1 and A3). Nearly 40% of respondents were between 45 to 64 years of age (see Table A2). Furthermore, most respondents identified as White (see Table A4). This is not representative of the demographics in Flint according to the U.S. Census Bureau (2010, 2016), because the majority of Flint residents identify as Black/African American. Most respondents reported having a high school diploma or a General Education Development/Diploma (GED), and more than one-third were employed for wages (see Tables A5 and A6). For purposes of analysis, the “other races” categories consisted of American Indian/Alaska Native, Asian, Native Hawaiian or Other Pacific Islander, and “other,” because these categories from our survey demographic sheet did not have the minimal number of populated cells to run certain statistical tests; thus, they were collapsed into the larger category of “other races.”

Results

A series of one-way analyses of variance (ANOVA) served as the test of H1. The results indicated that African American respondents did not prefer interpersonal networks and resources, such as friends and neighbors, more than other racial groups did for information about important events in the Flint community F(3, 160) = 1.09, p = .36, η_p² = .02 (see Table B). However, there was a significant difference in African Americans’ preferences to turn to family members for information about events in the Flint community F(3, 155) = 3.28, p = .023, η_p² = .06. Bonferroni post hoc comparisons indicated a statistically significant difference between African American and White respondents only (p = .013).

Pearson chi-square analyses were used to address portions of both H1 and H2. African American respondents were not more likely than those of other races to obtain current information about the Flint water crisis from Twitter χ² (1, N = 205) = 2.22, p = .16, V = .14 (see Table C). However, African Americans were somewhat more likely to secure current information about the water crisis from Facebook χ² (1, N = 205) = 3.72, p = .054, V = .135. African Americans also used Instagram for current information about the water crisis more than other racial groups χ² (1, N = 205) = 6.81, p = .009, V = .182 (see Table C). More African Americans indicated that they received current information about the crisis more from Twitter (10.8%), Facebook (59.5%), and Instagram (13.5%), than White respondents—Twitter (5.6%), Facebook (43%), and Instagram (3.7%)—as well as at higher frequencies than other races’ use of Twitter (4.2%), Facebook (58.3%), and Instagram (4.2%).

African American respondents reportedly wanted to receive future, additional information about health effects and other topics related to the Flint water crisis at higher levels than White respondents (H3). The difference between these two groups was statistically significant. For example, African Americans wanted additional information about Legionnaires’ disease F(3, 193) = 3.89, p = .01, η_p² = .057 (see Table D). Bonferroni post hoc comparisons indicated that the only statistically significant difference was between African American and White respondents (p = .008). African Americans wanted additional information about E.coli F(3, 193) = 4.23, p = .006, η_p² = .062. Bonferroni post hoc comparisons indicated that the only statistically significant difference was between African American and White respondents (p = .006). African Americans wanted additional information about the possible source of lead contamination in the municipal water system, F(3, 192) = 4.21, p = .007, η_p² = .062, to a greater extent than did White respondents (p = .006), as indicated by Bonferroni post hoc comparisons.

In regard to H3, African Americans also reported relatively high levels of desire to receive future, additional information about soil as a possible source of lead contamination F(3, 190) = 3.74, p = .012, η_p² = .056 (see Table D). However, Bonferroni post hoc comparisons indicated that the only statistically significant difference was between African American and White respondents (p = .009). African Americans wanted additional information about dust as a possible source of lead contamination F(3, 192) = 4.87, p = .003, η_p² = .071, but Bonferroni post hoc comparisons indicated a statistically significant difference only between African American and White respondents (p = .015). African Americans wanted additional information about diet as a way to reduce lead contamination F(3, 190) = 5.22, p = .002, η_p² = .076. However, Bonferroni post hoc comparisons indicated that the only statistically significant difference was between African American and White respondents (p = .001). There were no statistically significant differences between “other races” and White respondents corresponding to the proposition of H3.

The final hypothesis (H4) focused on the preferred channels and sources for receiving future, additional information concerning the water crisis. The data varied among racial groups. African American respondents were significantly more likely than other racial groups to want information about the water contamination through face-to-face conversations χ² (1, N = 197) = 12.67, p < .001, V = .254, phone calls χ² (1, N = 197) = 4.53, p < .03, V = .152, and written notices or fliers χ² (1, N = 197) = 12.91, p < .001, V = .256, specifically written notices or fliers in respondents’ neighborhoods χ² (1, N = 197) = 11.28, p = .001, V = .239 (see Table E).

Implications and Discussion

Results are broadly consistent with prior research findings, suggesting that racial and ethnic minorities typically use interpersonal channels and social connections as informational sources more so than nonminority demographics, such as individuals who identify as White (Spence et al., 2007; Spence & Lachlan, 2016). The data suggest the importance of race as a critical factor for crisis and risk communication practices. However, there were also important nuances within the results that suggest areas in need of future research.

Results pertaining to H1 were mixed. African American respondents were not significantly more likely than other racial groups to turn to interpersonal networks and resources, such as friends and neighbors, to acquire information about important events in the Flint community. Yet, more so than White respondents, African American respondents indicated a preference for family members as sources for information about important events in the Flint community. Other research has suggested that racial and ethnic minorities—as well as other vulnerable populations—often seek information from those in their interpersonal networks during times of crisis, than from other groups (Spence et al., 2007; Westerman, Spence, & Van Der Heide, 2012). Our findings may be explained by the fact that minority and disenfranchised communities often distrust governmental authorities and spokespersons handling crises, because a lack of trust can hinder crisis-affected publics’ acceptance of crisis and risk communication messages (Cordasco et al., 2007; Crouse Quinn, 2008; Eisenman et al., 2004; Karoub, 2016; Samilton, 2017). Such distrust was especially evident in Flint, because minority and vulnerable populations were affected more by the water crisis than other populations (e.g., MCRC, 2017). This distrust may explain the results pertaining to H1.

Contrary to our proposition in H2, African American respondents were not more likely than other races to obtain current information about the Flint water crisis from Twitter. African American respondents were only somewhat more likely to acquire such information about the water contamination from Facebook; however, the use of Facebook did not meet our established criterion for rejecting the null hypothesis (p ≤ .05). These results were unanticipated because previous research indicates that Twitter users are more likely to identify as Black/African American (27%) compared to White (21%) or Hispanic (25%) (Duggan, Ellison, Lampe, Lenhart, & Madden, 2015). With the ability for social media platforms to evolve and change at rapid rates, perhaps this finding suggests such evolution and change, as well as how it has trickled down to affect the user demographics of social media platforms. However, our data indicated that African Americans used Instagram for current information about the water crisis in Flint more so than other racial groups. There is very little evidence-based research within crisis and risk communication regarding the use of Instagram for crisis-relevant messages. Examining how Instagram functions during times of crisis deserves future inquiry.

The little research involving the use of Instagram during times of crisis that does exist suggests that it may be a useful channel due to its growing popularity; its ability to engage publics; and its ability to support visual imagery and graphics (Guidry, Jin, Orr, Messner, & Meganck, 2017). Instagram has not been fully adopted or implemented by crisis and risk communicators, responder agencies, or even by companies that are not involved in crisis response but use social media as a public relations tool (Guidry, Messner, Jin, & Medina-Messner, 2015). Those involved at the Pew Internet and American Life Project (2013) reported that “Some 57 percent of Instagram users visit the site at least once a day (with 35 percent doing so multiple times per day)” (Pew Internet and American Life Project, 2013, n.p.). Furthermore, Instagram (2018) has over 800 million monthly active users, which makes it twice as large as Twitter in monthly active users (Fiegerman, 2017). Instagram is primarily a visual-based platform, and some research has indicated that visual images tend to evoke more public engagement than text-only messages, making Instagram perhaps even more important for vulnerable populations impacted by crisis (Abbott, Donaghey, Hare, & Hopkins, 2013). Future research should explore the function of Instagram during crises, its user base, its utility to support crisis and risk communication messages, and if outcomes from Instagram crisis messages differ from those associated with other types of social media crisis messages (e.g., Facebook and Twitter).

In almost every category pertaining to health effects and other topics related to the Flint water crisis, African American respondents wanted additional information at higher levels than White respondents (H3). This finding may indicate a lack of information disseminated and/or that dissemination was not occurring through the preferred medium(s) of African Americans. Such a finding may also indicate that African Americans distrust governmental authorities and officials handling the dissemination of this information, which may, in turn, have affected their desire to receive future, additional information (Cordasco et al., 2007; Crouse Quinn, 2008; Karoub, 2016; Samilton, 2017). Minority groups and vulnerable populations may require individualized approaches to message dissemination in crises, especially as related to health information. Minority groups and vulnerable populations in general have been found not only to distrust governmental authorities but also the medical community (Blanchard et al., 2005; Corbie-Smith et al., 2002). Distrust of the medical community can be a hindrance in crises that are associated with severe, longitudinal health problems, such as lead contamination and poisoning. As such, there is a need for continued, longitudinal research concerning the health effects associated with Flint’s crisis because they are longitudinal in nature and may not be fully manifest among those affected until much later after the initial time of exposure (e.g., Hanna-Attisha et al., 2017). These issues can be further complicated by minority groups’ and vulnerable populations’ lack of health care or insurance.

In our investigation, African American respondents wanted to receive continued information about the water contamination through face-to-face conversations and written notices or fliers more so than White respondents and “other races” (H4). This finding is consistent with reports that minority groups and vulnerable populations tend to prefer interpersonal sources to receive crisis-related information (Spence et al. 2007; Westerman et al., 2012).

The results from our research also support the general propositions of UGT. Particularly, the respondents indicated their purposeful and intentional uses of media to receive and seek crisis-relevant information. These media seemed to help respondents become better informed about Flint’s crisis and related effects. It is possible that respondents’ self-awareness of their needs and the needs of those that they care for motivated their media use (Ruggiero, 2000). Although not explicated in our survey or specifically reported by respondents, it is possible that their use of media to become better educated about Flint’s crisis and related health effects satisfied additional needs for gratification. This need for gratification may include initiating and/or sharing retrieved information with others during social interactions and discussing the crisis and its health effects with family and friends (Katz et al., 1974). Future research could address whether, and if so, how, particular media satisfied respondents’ informational needs and query if gratifications previous to information seeking from certain media match the resultant gratifications.

Limitations

Our results should be interpreted within the context of several limitations. First, the sample, although random, was not representative of Flint’s population according to U.S. Census (2010, 2016). Second, as with most studies situated within the context of crisis and sampling from crisis-affected populations, there were numerous challenges with data collection, specifically regarding survey responses in the city of Flint. These issues included matters relating to coordination, such as those associated with federal, state, and/or local agencies and organizations; resident suspicion(s) about researcher motivations; and a seemingly general lack of interest in the research. The latter issue may be related to residents’ experience of “research fatigue” resulting from high numbers of researchers converging on the city following the onset of the crisis. Inasmuch as access was an issue, the sample may have been skewed to represent a more privileged and/or wealthier demographic group than what is actually present in Flint. There are also questions related to the reliability and validity of the survey questionnaire. Previous uses of the survey instrument have yielded data similar to those reported in this study, which suggests that the instrument is reliable (e.g., Spence et al., 2005, 2006; Spence et al., 2007; Spence, Lachlan, & Burke, 2008). Furthermore, issues of validity are, in part, addressed through the survey’s reference to communication processes and channels that are familiar to lay individuals and have clear referents, such as “face-to-face conversation,” “Facebook,” and “radio.” Further work is needed, however, to confirm validity and reliability on this instrument. Finally, during data collection when people received bottled at the water PODs, there was no requirement to supply identification. Requiring current government identification could be a barrier for some individuals and have compromised their access to safe, clean water; however, people stopping at the PODs were strongly encouraged to supply their local address to POD workers as a way to verify that they were Flint residents (e.g., Flint Cares, n.d.).

Conclusion

Flint’s water crisis will likely have lasting effects. In addition, because the severity and frequency of crises and disasters are projected to grow in the future, examining affected or potentially affected populations’ media uses and (preferred) informational sources is crucial to ensure aspects of health and safety. Although our results were broadly consistent with extant research regarding race, ethnicity, and media uses and (preferred) informational sources, a number of nuances were identified. Both the consistencies with extant research and nuances from our results highlight the importance of continued research in the field of crisis and risk communication as a consequence of the omnipresence of risk, growing numbers of crises and disasters, and the need to protect and uphold health, safety, and social justice for all individuals.

Acknowledgments

Research reported in this publication was supported by the National Institute of Environmental Health Sciences of the National Institutes of Health (NIH) under award no. R21 ES027199-01. The content is solely the responsibility of the authors and does not necessarily represent the official views of the NIH. The authors also thank the residents of Flint, Michigan, for taking the time to participate in our study.

Disclosure statement

No potential conflict of interest was reported by the authors.

Additional information

Funding

This work was supported by the National Institute of Environmental Health Sciences of the National Institutes of Health (NIH) under award no. R21 ES027199-01.

Appendix A Respondents’ Demographic Information

Table A1. Gender of Respondents

Gender	N	%
Female	125	60.1
Male	82	39.4
No response	1	0.5
Total	208

Table A2. Age of Respondents

Age	N	%
18 to 24 years	14	6.7
25 to 44 years	60	28.8
45 to 64 years	81	38.9
65 years or older	37	17.8
No response	16	7.7
Total	208

Table A3. Respondents With/Without Children

Children	N	%
Yes	136	65.3
No	65	31.3
No response	7	3.4
Total	208

Table A4. Racial Identity

Race	N	%
African American	74	35.6
White	107	51.4
Other races	24	11.5
No response	3	1.4
Total	208

Table A5. Highest Level of Education

Level of Education	N	%
Did not attend high school	2	1
Some high school, no diploma	11	5.3
High school graduate/diploma/GED	43	20.7
Some college credit, no degree	37	17.8
Trade/technical/vocational training	22	10.6
Associate degree	24	11.5
Bachelor’s degree	37	17.8
Master’s degree	22	10.6
Professional degree	3	1.4
Doctorate degree	6	2.9
No response	1	0.5
Totals	208

Table A6. Employment Status

Employment	N	%
Employed for wages	77	37
Self-employed	36	17.3
Out of work and looking for work	10	4.8
Out of work but not looking for work	3	1.4
A homemaker	13	6.3
A student	6	2.9
Military	1	0.5
Retired	58	27.9
Unable to work	15	7.2

Note. Categories were not mutually exclusive; therefore, totals exceed n = 208

Appendix B Race and Interpersonal Sources of Information About Community Events in Flint

Table B. Reported Interpersonal Sources of Information About Community Events: 1 = Never, 5 = Always

Questions	Race	N	Mean	Std. Deviation	Std. Error
Via friends and neighbors	African American	54	3.80	1.23	0.17
	White	83	3.43	1.24	0.14
	Other Races	17	3.71	1.11	0.27
	No Response	2	4.00	.00	0.00
	Total	156	3.60	1.22	0.10
Via family members	African American	58	4.09	1.10	0.14
	White	80	3.41	1.34	0.15
	Other Races	19	3.74	1.33	0.30
	No Response	2	4.00	1.41	1.00
	Total	159	3.70	1.28	0.10

Appendix C Social Media Use to Receive Current Information About the Crisis

Table C. Reported Sources of Current Information: 0 = Yes, 1 = No

Question	Race	N	Mean	Std. Deviation	Std. Error
Twitter	African American	73	0.89	0.32	0.04
	White	107	0.94	0.23	0.02
	Other Races	24	0.96	0.20	0.04
	No Response	3	0.67	0.58	0.33
	Total	207	0.92	0.27	0.02
Facebook	African American	73	0.40	0.49	0.06
	White	107	0.57	0.50	0.05
	Other Races	24	0.42	0.50	0.10
	No Response	3	0.33	0.58	0.33
	Total	207	0.49	0.50	0.04
Instagram	African American	73	0.86	0.35	0.04
	White	107	0.96	0.19	0.02
	Other Races	24	0.96	0.20	0.04
	No Response	3	1.00	0.00	0.00
	Total	207	0.93	0.26	0.02
Other [social media]	African American	73	0.96	0.20	0.02
	White	107	0.99	0.10	0.01
	Other Races	24	1.00	0.00	0.00
	No Response	3	0.67	0.58	0.33
	Total	207	0.98	0.15	0.01
Written comment	African American	73	1.15	0.77	0.09
	White	107	1.07	0.49	0.05
	Other Races	24	1.00	0.00	0.00
	No Response	3	0.67	0.58	0.33
	Total	207	1.09	0.59	0.04

Appendix D Desire to Receive Future, Additional Information About Health Topics Related to the Water Crisis

Table D. Reported Desire for Additional Information: 0 = Not at All, 4 = Strongly Agree

Question	Race	N	Mean	Std. Deviation	Std. Error
Legionnaires	African American	71	3.52	1.05	0.13
	White	100	2.86	1.47	0.15
	Other Races	23	3.43	1.31	0.27
	No Response	3	3.33	1.16	0.67
	Total	197	3.17	1.34	0.10
E.coli	African American	71	3.58	0.95	0.11
	White	100	2.95	1.41	0.14
	Other Races	23	3.52	1.08	0.23
	No Response	3	3.67	0.58	0.33
	Total	197	3.25	1.25	0.09
Possible source of lead contamination	African American	71	3.61	0.87	0.10
	White	99	2.98	1.41	0.14
	Other Races	23	3.52	1.12	0.23
	No Response	3	3.67	0.58	0.33
	Total	196	3.28	1.23	0.09
Paint as a possible source of lead contamination	African American	70	3.04	1.41	0.17
	White	100	2.50	1.58	0.16
	Other Races	23	2.91	1.73	0.36
	No Response	3	1.67	1.53	0.88
	Total	196	2.73	1.55	0.11
Soil as a possible source of lead contamination	African American	70	3.41	1.07	0.13
	White	99	2.75	1.47	0.15
	Other Races	23	3.22	1.38	0.29
	No Response	2	2.50	0.71	0.50
	Total	194	3.04	1.35	0.10
Dust as a possible source of lead contamination	African American	71	3.17	1.28	0.151
	White	99	2.49	1.52	0.15
	Other Races	23	3.22	1.38	0.29
	No Response	3	1.33	1.16	0.67
	Total	196	2.81	1.460.54	0.10
Diet as a way to reduce lead contamination	African American	70	3.47	1.06	0.13
	White	98	2.63	1.53	0.15
	Other Races	23	2.70	1.74	0.36
	No Response	3	3.33	1.16	0.67
	Total	194	2.95	1.45	0.10
Other information	African American	23	3.17	1.27	0.26
	White	34	2.47	1.80	0.31
	Other Races	8	3.25	1.49	0.53
	No Response	1	1.00	-	-
	Total	66	2.79	1.61	0.20
Written comment	African American	10	11.70	6.38	2.02
	White	15	12.20	9.13	2.36
	Other Races	4	8.75	6.70	3.35
	No Response	0	-	-	-
	Total	29	11.55	7.80	1.45

Appendix E Preferred Channels and Sources to Receive Additional Information About the Crisis

Table E. Preferred Channels and Sources to Receive Additional Information: 0 = Yes, 1 = No

Question	Race	N	Mean	Std. Deviation	Std. Error
Face-to-face conversation	African American	72	0.54	0.50	0.06
	White	102	0.82	0.38	0.04
	Other Races	22	0.59	0.50	0.11
	No Response	3	1.00	0.00	0.00
Phone call	African American	72	0.76	0.43	0.50
	White	102	0.90	0.30	0.03
	Other Races	22	0.77	0.43	0.09
	No Response	3	1.00	0.00	0.00
E-mail	African American	72	0.69	0.46	0.06
	White	102	0.71	0.46	0.05
	Other Races	22	0.55	0.51	0.11
	No Response	3	0.67	0.58	0.33
Text	African American	72	0.82	0.39	0.05
	White	102	0.89	0.31	0.03
	Other Races	22	0.68	0.48	0.10
	No Response	3	1.00	0.00	0.00
Social media	African American	72	0.58	0.50	0.06
	White	102	0.60	0.49	0.05
	Other Races	22	0.59	0.50	0.11
	No Response	3	0.33	0.58	0.33
Media	African American	72	0.29	0.46	0.05
	White	102	0.23	0.42	0.04
	Other Races	22	0.23	0.43	0.09
	No Response	3	0.00	0.00	0.00
Web site	African American	72	0.35	0.48	0.06
	White	102	0.49	0.50	0.05
	Other Races	22	0.41	0.50	0.11
	No Response	3	0.00	0.00	0.00
Written notice/flier in neighborhood	African American	72	0.44	0.50	0.06
	White	102	0.67	0.47	0.05
	Other Races	22	0.77	0.43	0.09
	No Response	3	0.67	0.58	0.33
Written notice/flier at work	African American	72	0.83	0.38	0.04
	White	102	0.93	0.25	0.03
	Other Races	22	0.91	0.29	0.06
	No Response	3	1.00	0.00	0.00
Written notice/flier in shops/mall	African American	72	0.83	0.38	0.04
	White	102	0.92	0.27	0.03
	Other Races	22	0.91	0.29	0.06
	No Response	3	1.00	0.00	0.00