‘The most important thing in first grade is to make friends’

ABSTRACT

Being a schoolchild involves academic and social competencies often expressed from the viewpoints of politicians, researchers or parents. This article focuses on pupils’ views, highlighting their experiences and reflections and aiming to give the pupils a voice in education. The study is based on data from 39 group interviews with 115 first-grade pupils. The analysis identified three main themes seen as vital to mastering the schoolchild's role: (1) understanding school, (2) academic adjustment and (3) social adjustment. The analysis further revealed that pupils drew on two horizons of interpretation shaping their understanding of how to be a pupil: school and preschool. Six factors, differently positioned to the two horizons of interpretation, were identified: play, friends, co-determination, spare time, work and discipline. Based on pupils emphasizing friendship and social skills as significant success factors, teaching incorporating both academic and social aims need to be prioritized for the youngest pupils.

KEYWORDS:

• First grade
• pupil’s voice
• becoming a schoolchild
• friendship
• social skills

Introduction

This article explores Norwegian pupils’ experiences of becoming schoolchildren. When starting school, children encounter new environments, people and expectations (Dockett and Perry 2006; Murray and Harrison 2005; Perry and Dockett 2012). This is described as a considerable change (Einarsdóttir 2003), ‘a culture shock’ (Broström 2006, 61) and a major challenge of early childhood (González-Moreira, Ferreira, and Vidal 2021; Margetts 2002). Winther-Lindqvist describes becoming a schoolchild (2019) as a positive developmental crisis, meaning it is not necessarily negative. The first school years have been hailed as critical for school success (Yeo and Clarke 2006). Furthermore, the school context is one of the most influential factors shaping human development; children satisfactorily adjusting to school are likelier to succeed in the future (Amaefule and Queen 2021; Margetts 2005). Much research has addressed school transition from various perspectives (Chan 2010; Dockett and Perry 2004; Einarsdóttir 2006; Packer et al. 2021; Santos and Martins de Sousa 2021), and, from an adult viewpoint, school adjustment (Yeo and Clarke 2006), school stress (Murray and Harrison 2005, Wong 2014) and school readiness (Dockett and Perry 2002). However, fewer studies have explored how children experience becoming pupils and what they consider important. As MacDonald (2009), states, children's interpretations of events may differ vastly from adults’ interpretations. Hence, this study takes the pupils’ viewpoint, asking: What do first-grade pupils raise about becoming a schoolchild, and which contexts of interpretation do they activate in their reflections? Pupils’ reflections on what they consider essential for being a schoolchild are analysed. Further, based on the pupils’ contexts of interpretation, factors influencing these are identified, and changes starting school has effected are outlined.

This study's comprises 39 group interviews with 115 first-grade primary school pupils. Aiming to capture the children's perspectives, this study employed a highly inductive approach. The pupils’ reflections are discussed in light of previous research addressing the pupil perspective and the literature connecting school adjustment to becoming a schoolchild. This article aims to contribute to debates about what to emphasize in school for the youngest pupils and give the pupils a voice in education.

Children's voice

This study is based on viewing children as competent actors and believing that their voices should be heard and taken seriously, an approach manifested in the United Nations Convention on the Rights of the Child (UNICEF 1989). Article 12 has contributed to children's voices being included in several fields of childhood studies, including health, family and education. Sommer, Samuelsson, and Hundeide (2009, 23) distinguish between child perspectives, directing adults’ attention towards understanding children's perceptions, experiences, and actions, and children’s perspectives, representing their experiences, perceptions, and understanding in their life world. This study aims at the latter perspective. As Sandberg (2017) states, listening to and considering children's voices is essential for research and education striving for inclusion, learning and well-being of all children. In this study, giving a voice to the pupils was not limited to methodology. The Norwegian curriculum stands on democratic principles and emphasizes children's right to participate and experience democracy in practice (Ministry of Education and Research 2017). Engaging pupils in research may empower them as active citizens. Pupils’ expressions become valuable input into schools’ discussions and give pupils a voice in education. Although this study was conducted in Norway, giving the pupil a voice has international relevance.

Becoming a schoolchild

Becoming a schoolchild is described as complex, requiring social and academic competencies, to maintain and establish interpersonal relationships, develop social identities and a sense of belongingness, observe and model performance standards displayed by others and behave in ways teachers and peers value (Perry, Dockett, and Tracey 1998; Wentzel 2003). Margetts (2013) states that becoming a schoolchild involves interpreting information, constructing an understanding of the school and taking on the behaviours and expectations required by the environment and the pupil role. Hence, it requires understanding and acting adequately in the school's social environment. School starters are expected to quickly adapt and adjust to the school's changing demands (Amaefule and Queen 2021; Dockett and Perry 2006). Part of becoming a schoolchild is adequate school adjustment (Margetts 2013), including social competence, problem-solving skills, self-reliance, behavioural control and academic competence (Amaefule and Queen 2021; Fabian 2006; Margetts 2002; 2005; Vassilopoulos, Brouzos, and Koutsianou 2017). Perry and Weinstein (1998) conceptualize school adjustment as ‘a multifaceted task, involving adaptation to the intellectual, social-emotional, and behavioural demands of the classroom and reflected in the development of specific competencies across these domains’ (179).

This literature shows that school is more than formal education and learning. Still, being a schoolchild has national differences depending on school systems, traditions and views of children and childhood.

Children's perspectives

Despite growing research seeking children's viewpoints and experiences, few focused specifically on children's experiences in learning and their first years of schooling (Flückiger, Dunn, and Stinson 2018; MacDonald 2009). This section reviews literature emphasizing pupils’ perspectives and highlights what pupils consider essential learning in the first school year.

In many studies, children explain work as reading, writing and mathematics (Dockett and Perry 1999; Lundqvist, Westling Allodi, and Siljehag 2019; Margetts 2013; Sandberg 2017; Wilders and Wood 2023; White and Sharp 2007). Work is considered as primary school's main content (Einarsdóttir 2010; Velten 2022). In Margetts (2013), children valued learning ‘how to work’ in the first school year. Children frequently distinguish play from work, stating that starting school replaces play with work (Clyde 2001; Einarsdóttir 2010; Keating et al. 2000; Peters 2000; Sandberg 2017; Smith 2023; Wilders and Wood 2023; Yorulmaz, Tunceli, and Yavuz 2022). Several studies address the importance of knowing, remembering, and following rules, routines and customs (Dockett and Perry 1999; Margetts 2013; Ruscoe, Barblett, and Barratt-Pugh 2018; Smith 2023; Velten 2022; Wilders and Levy 2021; Yorulmaz, Tunceli, and Yavuz 2022). Knowing and remembering rules is expressed as difficult yet following them prevents getting into trouble (Dockett and Perry 2004; 2005; Einarsdóttir 2010; Margetts 2013). Knowing the rules and how to behave in the classroom are described as crucial to functioning well at school and key to becoming successful schoolchildren (Dockett and Perry 2004; Margetts 2013). In line with this, the children in Wilders and Levy’s (2021) study expressed concerns about adapting their behaviour to adhere to the rules and the possible impact on their social belonging. In some studies, children said that behaving acceptably could prevent social exclusion (Smith 2023; Wilders and Levy 2021).

In many studies, children note few options and little influence and agency in school (Einarsdóttir 2010; Peters 2000; Potter and Briggs 2003; Velten 2022; Wilders and Wood 2023; White and Sharp 2007). Breaks and play provide potential time and space for children's agency (Prompona, Papoudi, and Papadopoulou 2020; Ruscoe, Barblett, and Barratt-Pugh 2018; Sirkko, Kyrönlampi, and Puroila 2019). However, play in school is seen as something missed and used for reward (Wilders and Wood 2023).

In the literature, friendship is emphasized as momentous in the first school year. Several studies highlight friends as important and a key to positive school experiences (Booth et al. 2019; Dockett and Perry 2004; Einarsdóttir 2010; Hanniffy and Millar 2019; Perry and Dockett 2012: Peters 2003; Potter and Briggs 2003; Schanke and Øksnes 2022; Sirkko, Kyrönlampi, and Puroila 2019; Smith 2023; Yorulmaz, Tunceli, and Yavuz 2022), instrumental to school enjoyment (O’Rourke et al. 2017) and a support at lunchtime and in class (Peters 2003; Sandberg 2017). Making new friends is viewed as vital (Clyde 2001; Margetts 2013; O’Rourke et al. 2017), and their new class allows this (Sandberg 2017) underpinning Lundqvist, Westling Allodi, and Siljehag (2019) claim that a sense of belonging is crucial to children's well-being in the early school years.

Method

Study context

In Norway, children start primary school in August the year they turn six. Nearly all children attend preschool.¹ Norwegian policy documents describe the early primary school years as critical and decisive for success in school, self-image and later competencies (Meld. St. 6 2019–2020). Over previous decades, policymakers have increased the emphasis on pupil outcomes, assessment practices and teacher accountability (Mausethagen and Mølstad 2015) and stressed early intervention to secure adequate literacy and numeracy skills. Currently, Norwegian schools are claimed to be too knowledge-oriented and not adjusted to first-graders’ needs (Schanke and Øksnes 2022). Ongoing debates argue for schools more adapted to the youngest pupils, including more play and an emphasis on social competencies (see, e.g. Becher 2018; Bjørnestad et al. 2022; Lillejord, Børte, and Nesje 2018; Schanke and Øksnes 2022).

Participants

The participants were 115 first-grade pupils aged six or seven from six primary schools in four municipalities in Norway (Table 1). The data-gathering period was May and June 2021 at the end of their first school year.

Table 1. Study participants.

		Number of interviews	Number of pupils
Municipality 1	School A	4	12
	School B	12	35
Municipality 2	School D	7	19
Municipality 3	School E	5	16
Municipality 4	School F	6	18
	School G	5	15

Data collection

I conducted 39 group interviews during school hours, including three or four pupils and me. Beforehand, I participated in each class for at least one lesson. As the pupils did not know me, I intentionally conducted the interviews in their natural surroundings and groups. Children are more powerful together than alone with an adult (Eder and Fingerson 2002; Einarsdóttir 2007). Group interviews also allow participants to discuss issues, ask questions and assist each other with their answers. The distinction between group and focus group interviews is largely determined by the interviewer's role and group dynamics (Bloor et al. 2001; Stewart and Shamdasani 2015). In this study, I was primarily a leader and facilitator, typical for group interviews (Brandt 2020). My role was not as withdrawn as it would be in focus group interviews. To create an informal and natural atmosphere, each interview started with the possibility of drawing. The interviews were conducted as group conversations to give the children some control over the conversation's direction (Ey 2016). The first theme related to the drawings, starting school and the transition from preschool. Questions were open and sought memories and reflection: for example, ‘Can you tell me what a day in your class is like?’ and ‘Imagine, tomorrow an alien is coming to earth and will start in your class. He has never been to school. What does he need to know?’ Each interview lasted approximately 30 min and was audio recorded and transcribed verbatim. Despite some participants appearing unfocused, the impact of group dynamics limitations (Ey 2016), such as the potential for groupthink and dominating personalities was minimal.

Analytical strategy

The analysis was highly inductive, aiming to capture the children's voices. The analysis was a two-step procedure. First, the empirical material was analysed to establish the pupils’ voice perspectives. This first-order analysis revealed pupils’ experiences and reflections regarding what was essential to becoming a schoolchild. Inspired by Braun and Clarke (2006), I applied qualitative content and thematic analysis. Atlas.ti software was used to code the interviews inductively. Trough open coding key themes were identified without predefined codes or categories. Because the codes were developed consecutively, I did this twice to ensure that all data were exposed to each initial code. Appendix 1 provides examples of codes with extracts. As I organized the data into meaningful groups, the coding process became part of the analysis (Miles and Huberman 1994). Sorting and reviewing the themes resulted in three main themes, each containing sub-themes (Table 2).

Table 2. Main themes with sub-themes.

Main theme	Sub-theme
(1) Understanding school	Starting school Homework Work and play Co-determination
(2) Academic adjustment	Work Routines
(3) Social adjustment	Rules Social skills Friendship

The first-order analysis revealed that pupils compared everyday school life with previous life experiences drawn from one context: preschool, understood as a ‘horizon of interpretation’, with school added as a new horizon of interpretation. Hence, two horizons of interpretation, preschool and school, are contexts in which the pupils relate their experiences and reflections, thus shaping their understanding.

The starting point for the second-order analysis was the two horizons of interpretation and themes the first-order analysis identified. Factors influencing pupils’ daily lives in preschool and school were identified (Figure 1), emerging from the similarities, differences and connections between the two horizons of interpretation. Figure 2 presents the identified factors and their influence on preschool and school.

Figure 1. Horizons of interpretation and influencing factors.

Figure 2. Positioning of the influencing factors.

Ethical considerations

In research, children require special protection. I followed the Norwegian National Research Ethics Committee guidelines (NESH 2016) and reported the study to the Norwegian Agency for Shared Services in Education and Research, which had no remarks. Because of their age, these pupils consented to participate through adults, but could still decide not to participate. I consider consent to be active (Einarsdóttir 2007), meaning the child could withdraw at any time. I strived to be sensitive and not encourage continuing if desires to end were expressed. During the interviews, I offered the possibility of leaving. Three times, a pupil left. The remaining pupils seemed unaffected, and in my judgement, this did not affect the interviews’ quality. All identifying information was anonymised during transcription. After transcription, the audio files were deleted.

Findings

Pupils’ voice – becoming a schoolchild

The first-order analysis resulted in three main themes: (1) understanding school, (2) academic adjustment and (3) social adjustment, each containing sub-themes (Table 2).

Understanding school

This theme concerns pupils’ prior understanding of school and its everyday life. Starting school concerns emotions and experiences related to starting school. Many pupils expressed stress or concern about starting school. A lack of understanding of school and fearing not having or making friends was expressed:

I was a little nervous; I thought our English teacher spoke only English. No Norwegian (E-2).

I feared I wouldn’t make friends. (B-11)

These quotes reveal that pupils started school without preconceptions, a possible reason why some experienced school as something unexpected. The following answer to whether school was as expected points this out: ‘No! Far from [it]. I thought there’d be more toys’ (B-7). The pupils revealed varying understandings of everyday school life: ‘I thought I could stay home whenever I wanted, like in preschool’ (E-4), and ‘I thought I could play all day’ (B-1). These quotes show a lack of understanding of everyday school life. The next excerpt exposes a different insight:

In preschool, you can take time off whenever you want. At school, that's allowed only if you’re sick. In preschool, you can choose how many days or weeks you want to take off. (B-9)

This pupil understands the school system and how it differs from previous life experiences.

Discussing a schoolchild's life, the pupils highlighted homework as a central and characteristic part of school that was ‘boring’, ‘fun’ and something ‘to dread’. Many pupils expressed surprise over homework influencing their spare time: ‘We have to do homework when we get home’ (E-3). ‘In preschool, when you get home, you can just relax’ (B-2). The pupils emphasized knowing about homework as vital information for future pupils.

In the work and play sub-theme, the pupils distinguished between work and play, what to do when and work's place in school. ‘At school, we work; in preschool, we play’ (A-1, B-8, B-10, D-4). Work was identified as the main component of school and a significant part of schoolchildren's lives: ‘At school, we work and learn’ (E-4). The pupils stated that play happened only during recess. According to my informants, understanding and accepting work's role is necessary to be a pupil.

Co-determination was perceived as absent in school. Recounting everyday life in class, the pupils described not being allowed to do as they pleased: ‘At school, you cannot do whatever you want’ (E-3), and ‘It's the teachers who decide’ (B-11, D-1, 2, E-2, F2, G-1). The pupils recalled having more co-determination opportunities in preschool: ‘In preschool, we could do whatever we pleased – even go outside. At school, we must do work and wait’ (A-4).

Academic adjustment

Unsurprisingly, the pupils stated that being a schoolchild involved learning subjects, described as work. Highlighted as essential learning were reading, writing and mathematics: ‘Reading is very important. Imagine if you can’t read when you’re an adult’ (G-3). The pupils expressed different working preferences: ‘I prefer working alone. Then I get peace’ (A-3) and ‘Together, because then I get someone to cooperate with; we can help each other’ (G-3). The ability to explain work preferences indicates experience gained with various learning activities and skills to apply to one's learning. The next quote and knowing the interviews were carried out at the end of the pupils’ first school year indicates this came gradually: ‘When starting school, in the beginning, it was difficult to learn something new’ (B-1).

Routines were stated as an important part of being a schoolchild in all interviews. All informants reported morning routines with varied sequences, comprising greetings, singing and writing the date and daily overview on the blackboard. The pupils recounted the routines as a natural part of school, and although they may appear simple and obvious, the following quotes expose learning aspects, such as learning names and weekdays: ‘We say “Good morning”, then we learn the names’ (A-2), and ‘Cos then we know which day and date it is. We do this to learn it’ (E-3). The pupils observed that some morning routines helped them understand everyday life at school: ‘We have notes on the blackboard illustrating the day’ structure. Then we don’t need to raise our hands and ask all the time’ (G-2). Classroom routines were described as necessary to obey, especially raising one's hand: ‘When we want to say something, we must raise our hand’ (G-2). This revealed another routine, namely waiting for one's turn: ‘It's very difficult; you must raise your hand and wait’ (B-11). Some pupils mentioned routines that could entail less waiting: ‘We have “manage ourselves” and “help each other” and “ask your learning partner”’ (G-4).

Social adjustment

The most frequent and elaborated school adjustment was social. Many social adjustments appeared as rules. Reported in all interviews were obeying the teachers, paying attention, being quiet when someone talks, sitting still and waiting your turn. Statements reveal that rules often require pupils to put their own needs on hold. Pupils saw this as challenging: ‘It's difficult to sit still with the whole body’ (B-11) and ‘Waiting is difficult. We’ve nothing to do. We must sit still, and it's no fun waiting’ (F-6). Still, the rules were explained as necessary to avoid a noisy classroom and to master concentration. The pupils also noted behaviour and interaction rules, such as ‘Be nice’, ‘don’t hit’ and ‘We must be kind and nice to each other (A-1)’. According to the pupils, ‘being nice’ could be achieved through communication and play: ‘You can say “Hello”, “How are you?”, or “Do you want to play?”’ (A-2). This quote exemplifies awareness of communicating to create relationships. Other social rules were ‘don’t let anyone be alone’ (A-1) and ‘include others when playing’ (G-2). Another classroom behaviour rule is exemplified in the following: ‘It's not allowed to laugh at others. It's mean, it's rude, and you feel sad. [The teacher] doesn’t want anyone to be sad. She says we’re like a family’ (A-4).

The interviews revealed that teaching included social skills training. The pupils stated they learned ‘how to be a good friend’ (E-5), ‘to respect each other’ (E-3), ‘to comfort each other’ and ‘to say sorry’ (F-1). As the next excerpts show, the pupils knew social skills were not limited to school:

Even if you get mad at someone, you can’t push or hit. That's the whole point of life, to try to avoid doing things like that. (A-4)

You mustn’t hit; this rule applies no matter what. All the time until you die, in preschool, at work and everywhere. (A-3)

The pupils highlighted learning social skills as necessary to make friends, identified as most essential to achieve in first grade:

The most important thing in first grade is to make friends. (E-5)

The most important to learn in first grade is to be kind. Otherwise, you won’t make friends. (G-5)

If you’re kind, you get invited to play. (D-5)

The pupils’ described how teachers facilitate friendships (e.g. using name tags, games, songs and organized play): ‘We played together and suddenly we became friends’ (F-2). As the following quotes show, learning activities enabled friendships: ‘When we work together, we can become friends’ (B-6). One class used a learning strategy named ‘learning partner’:

G-5: We have ‘learning partners’ for cooperating and helping each other.

I: Why do you change learning partners every Monday?

G-5: Because then everyone will sit together once or twice or more. Then everyone becomes friends.

Horizons of interpretation when becoming a schoolchild

The first-order analysis revealed that pupils related their reflections to preschool and school. These shaped their experiences and reflections. To explore the role of the two contexts further, I draw upon Gadamer’s (2004) conceptualization of the ‘horizon of interpretation’, which sees a ‘horizon’ as a way to conceptualize understanding. Your horizon is as far as you can see or understand. Past and present cannot exist without each other and understanding’ is the fusion of our past and present horizons (Gadamer 2004).

The second-order analysis identified various factors influencing the two horizons of interpretation (Figure 1).

The influencing factors were positioned differently to the two horizons of interpretation. This is illustrated in Figure 2. The pupils identified various factors as part of and not part of preschool and school.

As Figure 2 shows, starting school effected changes in how pupils conceptualized influencing factors in their lives. In preschool, these were play, co-determination and friends. Play is the main preschool element. In school, work replaces play. Despite referring to some play at school, the pupils did not see play as part of school. Therefore, in Figure 2, play is placed as part of preschool and outside school.

In preschool, play was closely linked to co-determination, and the pupils noted great freedom to decide on play. School lacked co-determination; however, school discipline emerged as an influencing factor. Discipline includes doing as you are told and obeying rules and routines.

In preschool and school, friends are an important and influencing factor. Some pupils expressed concern about not making friends in school. Many noted missing preschool friends.

The last factor, spare time, was not affected in preschool and is placed outside preschool in Figure 2. In school, this changes. Because of homework, school influences spare time, and many pupils found this surprising.

Although many factors were in both contexts, the pupils experienced preschool and school as fundamentally different. This was expressed explicitly: ‘There are many differences’ (G-3). In addition to differences already mentioned, some pupils pointed out differences in adults’ behaviour: ‘Some adults are a bit strict at school; in preschool, they are not so strict’ (A-2). Other differences mentioned were the lack of toys and less possibility to be outdoors in school.

How to become a schoolchild?

To become a schoolchild, the pupils in this study highlighted the significance of comprehending school's academic and social aspects and adapting accordingly. Previous research supports these findings. However, these findings contribute further by pointing out implications.

The analysis showed great variation in pupils’ prior understanding of school. A lack of preconception can lead to what Broström (2006) describes as a ‘culture shock’ (61). In Norway, preschools and schools are legally obliged to coordinate the transition. Therefore, some statements are somewhat surprising. The lack of preconceptions in this study may be explained by the Covid-19 restrictions that greatly affected these pupils’ last year in preschool. However, this study revealed that some pupils were concerned about starting school. Since successful school starts are linked to positive future school outcomes (Amaefule and Queen 2021; Margetts 2005; Meld. St. 6 2019–2020; Yeo and Clarke 2006), we need to hear children's voices on this matter. Furthermore, the pupils’ statements regarding homework indicated the experience as something leading to noticeable life changes. The pupils wanted to be prepared for homework in advance. This underlines the importance of prior school understanding. In line with Margetts (2013), to become a schoolchild, pupils need to establish an understanding of school. This has implications for both preschool and school. Prior understanding might better prepare children and ease their adjustment.

Becoming a schoolchild also requires academic adjustments. ‘Work’ was described as the main element of everyday school life. Academic skills highlighted as essential learning in first grade coincide with previous research (Dockett and Perry 1999; Einarsdóttir 2010; Lundqvist, Westling Allodi, and Siljehag 2019; Margetts 2013; Sandberg 2017; White and Sharp 2007; Wilders and Wood 2023), confirming academic skills as a significant part of being a schoolchild (Fabian 2006; Perry, Dockett, and Tracey 1998; Velten 2022; Wentzel 2003). As in Margetts (2013), learning ‘how to work’ was identified as essential because school participation requires knowing different learning activities. Consequently, for optimal adjustment, this should be emphasised in teaching.

Prior studies have noted the importance of knowing rules (Dockett and Perry 1999; Margetts 2013; Ruscoe, Barblett, and Barratt-Pugh 2018; Smith 2023; Velten 2022; Wilders and Levy 2021; Yorulmaz, Tunceli, and Yavuz 2022). In this study, rules and routines appeared decisive for school participation. Following rules is a social adjustment to school, often requiring the ability to self-regulate, which seems significant to succeeding at school. The pupils in this study defended having rules, despite asserting having less freedom of choice and co-determination, as broadly supported in other studies (Einarsdóttir 2010; Peters 2000; Potter and Briggs 2003; Velten 2022; Wilders and Wood 2023; White and Sharp 2007). This study pinpoints rules and routines as a focal part of everyday school life. Consequently, understanding and learning rules and routines should be included in teaching, to assist pupils’ school adjustment. The many rules related to social adjustment signal this as particularly vital in the first year of school, forming the basis for further schooling.

Social adjustment and social skills training appears essential for the first grade. The pupils highlighted the value of acquiring social skills to make friends, identified as the most essential in first grade. Bearing this in mind, I find it notable that they claimed to have limited play opportunities. In line with for example Clyde (2001) and Wilders and Wood (2023), the pupils in this study distinguished between work and play and referred to play as a positive part of school (Einarsdóttir 2010; Lundqvist, Westling Allodi, and Siljehag 2019; Perry and Dockett 2012; Prompona, Papoudi, and Papadopoulou 2020). Still, they did not see play as part of school. Unlike other studies (Prompona, Papoudi, and Papadopoulou 2020; Ruscoe, Barblett, and Barratt-Pugh 2018; Sirkko, Kyrönlampi, and Puroila 2019; Wilders and Wood 2023), missing play or any connection to agency or rewards was not mentioned.

Becoming a schoolchild requires social competencies (Margetts 2002; 2005; Perry, Dockett, and Tracey 1998; Wentzel 2003). As it cannot be assumed that school starters have these skills, teaching should include training in social skills and facilitating friendships. The value of friendship in first grade, which is broadly noted (Clyde 2001; Dockett and Perry 2004; Einarsdóttir 2010; Hanniffy and Millar 2019; Margetts 2013; O’Rourke et al. 2017; Peters 2003; Potter and Briggs 2003; Schanke and Øksnes 2022; Sirkko, Kyrönlampi, and Puroila 2019; Smith 2023; Yorulmaz, Tunceli, and Yavuz 2022), underpins a sense of belonging as crucial to children's well-being in the early school years (Lundqvist, Westling Allodi, and Siljehag 2019). This demonstrates the importance of facilitating friendships, within and across classes. Play is a natural arena for interacting and establishing friendships. In this sense, the use of play in school can contribute to friendships and the development of social competence. I therefore argue for including play in school. Play does not oppose or exclude academic skills. On the contrary, play can include academic skills and can contribute to social adjustment and, further, to a school more adjusted to first-graders’ needs.

Changes brought about by starting school

The second-order analysis revealed that pupils drew on two horizons of interpretation when reflecting on becoming schoolchildren – preschool and school. Starting school effected change in the influencing factors’ positions. Although starting school as something new in children's lives is a matter of course, this study highlights the changes effected by starting school.

A major change when starting school is the shift from ‘play’ to ‘work’. Play is not completely absent, but the pupils did not acknowledge it as part of school, which can be interpreted as fundamental differences in how preschools and schools organize learning activities. I assume this influences pupils’ perceptions of school and being a pupil. Likely, ‘play’ is not absent in school, nor is ‘work’ absent in preschool. In line with Gadamer (2004), the pupils acquire a horizon by looking beyond what is close at hand, preschool, to better see the present, their roles as pupils. It is surprising that play, a familiar learning arena for pupils, is perceived as absent.

Another change is a shift from co-determination in preschool to discipline in school. These factors appear as opposites and create different premises for participation and behaviour. In school, discipline seems to be a baseline of pupils’ behaviour; in preschool, this is co-determination. Looking at the curricula, none of these factors are absent in preschool or school. Still, the pupils experienced differences. To increase the pupils’ experience of co-determination in school, the school could adopt activities from preschool.

The relations between the pupils’ spare time and preschool/school differed. Because of homework, school influenced their spare time; consequently, home changed into a workplace. Homework linked school and home. Put this way, school and home appear more closely linked than preschool and home. The role of friends is present in both horizons. Based on the shift from ‘play’ to ‘work’ and few opportunities to play in school, friends get different spaces in the two contexts. Still, making friends was pointed out as essential in first grade.

By drawing on previous experiences and comparing them with new ones, a negotiation between past and present occurred. Starting school caused a shift in influencing factors. Through Gadamer’s (2004) lenses, the pupil role can be explained as fusing past and present horizons. By drawing on these two horizons, pupils’ views of the schoolchild role emerged. The present cannot be formed without the past, meaning pupils bring their previous experiences and conceptions from preschool. Understanding happens when our present understanding or horizon moves to a new understanding or horizon through an encounter (Gadamer 2004).

Limitations

This study has limitations. First, I asked the pupils how they experienced school, not what they missed or wanted, which may be of interest in future research. Second, I relied on pupils’ perceptions. When verbally engaging with children, validity mainly matters (Greig, Taylor, and MacKay 2012). Therefore, I regularly asked the pupils to confirm whether I understood them correctly and let them make corrections. I believe the pupils were sincere. The sample drawn from six primary schools does not warrant generalization to other primary schools in Norway or elsewhere. The Norwegian context is decisive for this study's findings. The horizons of interpretation Norwegian children draw on are shaped by their experiences and the wider societal context. However, this article extends previous research by adding a Norwegian perspective and pinpoints children's abilities to share their experiences and reflections. This study aimed to present children's perspectives. However, this requires interpretation and sharing through an adult voice. I have strived to share the children's perspectives as authentically as possible but acknowledge this approach's limitations.

Implications

This study aimed to explore first-grade pupils’ early school experiences, focusing on obtaining a picture of being a schoolchild from pupils’ perspectives. The pupil's view emerged from two horizons of interpretation as three main themes, emphasized by the pupils as vital to mastering the schoolchild role, and starting school changed the influencing factors.

Due to the close link between social and academic adjustment in the early years, I emphasize, in line with Yeo and Clarke (2006), the importance of schools providing productive contexts for academic and social development. Several learning activities incorporate academic and social aims; play is just one example. Based on the pupils’ statements, learning together appears more important than learning alone. To achieve this, and with the ambition for pupils to experience good adjustment to school and to master the role of a schoolchild, I argue for teaching integrating academic and social goals.

Some implications for preschool, school and teaching are already noted. In addition, I argue for some implications for policymakers. In my interpretation, there are differences in what is considered important in school for the youngest pupils between the perspectives of pupils and policy. Policy emphasizes academic skills, while pupils prioritize friendship and social skills. These viewpoints are contradictory. Therefore, I argue for policy to take children's voices into account, as expressed in this article. The curriculum needs to place equal emphasis on social and academic skills This will give pupils a voice in education and might contribute to a school more adapted to the youngest pupils.

Disclosure statement

No potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).

Notes

1 In 2021, 93.4% of children aged 1–5 attended preschool (Ministry of Education and Research n.d.).

Appendix 1.

Examples of codes with extract.

Table

Extract from transcription:	Initial coded for:
‘We sing every morning’ (D-1)	Morning routines
‘We learn to read’ (A-3)	Learning in subjects
‘I was afraid not to make friends’ (B-12)	Friendship
‘The teacher tell us what to do’ (F-1)	Routines in the classroom
‘We must raise our hands’ (A-2)	Classroom rules
‘We must be kind to each other’ (A-1, E-4)	Social rules
‘I had butterflies in my stomach’ (G-4)	Expectations
‘We learn the alphabet’ (E-2)	Learning in subjects
‘I thought it was the same as kinder garden’ (D-3)	Expectations
‘It's hard to remember to raise your hand’ (B-9)	Rules