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Notes
1I share many of the reservations that scholars such as Timothy Brennan Citation(2003) have forwarded regarding both the originality of Hardt and Negri's controversial thesis as political philosophy and its supportability as the analytic ground for contemporary political strategy. Nonetheless, I have found their formulation historiographically useful – here and elsewhere (Werry Citation2005) – in characterizing the distinction between the forms of colonial, extractive or territorial imperialism associated with British or European rule and Roosevelt's imperial ambitions during this era (the dissemination of a mode of decentred, deterritorialized sovereignty, hospitable to the free movement of capital and the establishment of ‘peaceful’ global equilibrium secured by the ‘policing’ function of U.S. military power).
2 Rotorua Times, 13 August 1909; see also Franklin (Citation1909: 47).
4 New Zealand Herald (hereafter NZH) 14 August 1908.
3 Diary of Surgeon Eugene P. Stone (quoted in Reckner Citation1989: 63).
5 Anti-Asiatic sentiment in New Zealand was freely expressed both in public discourse and legislative endeavour. The Chinese Immigration Amendment Act (1907), for example, imposed restrictive conditions on immigration from China, including a poll tax and, revealingly, an English language literacy test. Without the capacity to translate, Chinese were denied the option to migrate.
6 In 1908 New Zealand had been a constitutionally selfgoverning member of the British Commonwealth for over fifty years and had been declared a Dominion (rather than a colony) two years earlier. The change was purely titular: the nation remained very much dependent on Great Britain both economically and in terms of its foreign policy and defense capacity.
7 Letter from Sperry to Roosevelt, 12 September 1908, Box 2, Admiral Charles Sperry papers, Library of Congress (hereafter SP, Box 2). See also Roosevelt (1999), who is both explicit and reflexive about the nature of the ‘universal peace’ he felt was augured by the Fleet's tour.
8 Ibid.
9 19 October 1908, address by US Ambassador, Thomas J. O'Brien at the Imperial Hotel, Tokyo (SP, Box 13).
10 Letter from Emperor of Japan to Roosevelt, 20 October 1908 (SP, Box 13).
11 ‘In Greeting to the Fleet’, introduction to the descriptive account of New Zealand, ‘Visit of the US Fleet’, Department of Tourism and Health Resorts subject files, TO 10/2, National Archives of New Zealand (hereafter TO 10/2).
12 New Zealand Parliamentary Debates (hereafter NZPD), vol. 143 (1908): 728.
13 Letter from Sperry to Mr. and Mrs. Denison, 19 June 1908 (SP, Box 2).
14 Letter from Sperry to Edith Sperry (wife) 16 September 1908 (SP, Box 5).
15 ‘American Fleet: Visit to Australia. Complete Story in Pictures’, reprinted from Sydney Morning Herald, August to September 1908.
16 Auckland Weekly News (hereafter AWN), 11 August 1908; Address from the Government of New Zealand to Roosevelt, TO 10/2.
17 See Ward's comments in NZPD 143: 864[0].
18 Weekly Graphic and New Zealand Mail, 19 August 1908; ‘In Greeting to the Fleet’, TO10/2; NZPD 143: 555.
19 The Mosquito (published on board USS New Jersey), 2 October 1908.
20 The words were Sperry's in a speech to the Australian Premier. Daily Telegraph, 22 August 1908.
21 Joseph Roach's influential work on ‘surrogacy’ examines performance phenomena in the context of colonial violence, whereby survivors attempt to ensure cultural reproduction by fitting symbolic substitutes into the ‘cavities created by loss through death or other forms of departure’ (Citation1996: 2).
22 Examples abound: the ‘Maori’ operas and anthems of Alfred Hill, the touristic melodrama of George Leitch, the verse romances of Alfred Dommett.
23 Address to Rear Admiral Charles S. Sperry from representatives of the New Zealand parliament, TO10/2.
24 AWN, 20 August 1908.
25 ‘In Greeting to the Fleet’, TO10/2.
26 ‘Any welcome extended to an outside country, in which the Maoris were not given the opportunity of co-operating, would not be representative of the desirable unity of the two races. It would be a direct insult to the Maoris, and belittling then as an, apparently, unimportant factor.’ NZH, 7 August 1908.
28 NZH, 7 August 1908.
27 NZPD 144: 203.
29 One member of parliament wanted to ‘prevent any exhibition by the Maori people for the delectation of these American visitors’, while Ngata resented the fact that ‘on every possible occasion we are asked to trot out our Maoris to be exhibited for the entertainment of tourists’. Buck countered firmly: ‘the demonstration is not a series of show items, arranged by any official, but a Maori welcome from the Arawa tribe, arranged by a council of the chiefs… such as our ancestors would have done in welcoming the distinguished representatives of another tribe’. NZH, 7 August 1908.
31 Ibid.
30 Letter from Sperry to Edith Sperry, 16 August 1908 (SP, Box 13).
32 AWN, 13 August 1908.
33 AWN, 20 August 1908.
34 There may appear to be some distance between this highly specific historical instance and the contemporary pursuit of theatrical interculturalism, but the methodological analogy holds. With all the reflexivity and theoretical nuance in the world, intercultural performance criticism and praxis which proceeds as if the artistic ‘identities’ of performers exist resolved, distinct, emplaced and prior to the intercultural/ translational encounter, not only reifies cultural difference. It also produces a ‘reductive inertia’ that obscures the restless, agile, tensive creativity and contestation possible – indeed, inevitable – in acts of translation. Moreover, it disavows the extent to which such ‘identities’ are forged in and through the same mobile translational/intercultur al acts that undertake to mediate between them.