An Understanding of Social Violence: How Insurgents Use it as a Strategy of Control

ABSTRACT

This article discusses debates related to the meaning of violence and proposes the concept of ‘social violence’ to characterise and account for the forms of violence experienced by people in armed conflicts. Drawing on qualitative fieldwork in Pakistan’s Swat Valley, it analyses the social violence wrought by Taliban in 2007-9 and argues that the concept refers to disrespect, humiliation, dishonor and similar actions that damage the identity or reputation of people. Social violence as an analytical concept is a different way of seeing armed conflict, which also offers insights into how civilians are controlled in socially significant ways by insurgents.

Acknowledgement

I am really thankful to Professor Andrew Webster, Sociology, University of York, UK, for his insightful comments on an earlier draft of this article. Similarly, I am thankful to the editorial team of Civil Wars and the anonymous reviewers. I am also indebted to the participants who took part in this research and made this article possilble.

Disclosure Statement

No potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).

Notes

1. The ‘Subaltern’ is the marginalised section of a society occupied, who are considered unable to speak for themselves.

2. Pukhtunwali is a centuries-old culture in the Pukhtun region across the Pak-Afghan border. Its main values are ‘nang’ (honour), ‘badal’ (revenge and/or returning a favour), ‘sharam’ (shame) ‘melmastia’ (hospitality), ‘parda’ (veiling for women and protecting their honour) and so forth. The culture gives meaning to the life of Pukhtuns and what they do. Though maybe not in the ideal sense, these values are practiced by the Pukhtuns and anyone who fails to do so is considered less of a Pukhtun. Though changes have occurred over the years, the culture has given the them a unique identity (Lindholm 2003, Rzehak 2011). For more detail, see Sanaullah (2020a).

3. For an explanation of humiliation, see Lindner (2006, p. 172).

4. The other type, in contrast, is ‘expressive’, and is termed ‘hot’ violence, surrounded by feelings and emotions (see Wieviorka 2009, Ray 2011).

5. This is in reference to ‘bravery’ in Pukhtunwali (the local culture), which is given high value among Pukhtuns (see Sierakowska-Dyndo 2013, Najib and Afroz 2013).

6. This refers to incidents of violence where dead bodies of victims were displayed at public places such as squares or markets.

7. ‘Among the Pashtuns … honour is the central theme of the pashtunwal[i], the customary law that defines, as a code of conduct, the behavioural prescription of a “good Pashtun.” Central to this code are the protection of “women, gold and land” (san [zan], sar [zar], samin [zamin]).’ (Casimir and Jung 2009, p. 246)

8. ‘The relation to women can be seen better if we analyse the term namus which belongs to the complex of nang. It means privacy and the protection of its sanctity. In the narrower sense namus refers to the integrity, modesty and respectability of women and to the absolute duty of men to protect them.’ (Glatzer 1998, p. 87)

9. See note 2 above.

Additional information

Notes on contributors

Sanaullah

Sanaullah has a PhD in sociology from the University of York, UK. His research focuses on violence, armed conflict, insurgency, Taliban’s insurgency in Pakistan and civilians’ survival in armed conflict. He has published articles in journals such as Global Change, Peace and Security and Small Wars and Insurgencies.