ABSTRACT
Conventional arguments understand history-related disputes between Japan and China to be a result of identity politics that revolve around very different interpretations over the historical legacies of WW II. This article challenges these conventional arguments. It shows that history-related disputes between the two sides have less to do with identity politics than with efforts by the Chinese government to deflect domestic discontent over its 1972 decision to waive reparations claims against Japan in return for the Japanese government apologizing for Japan’s actions in WW II. But this tacit arrangement, “the 1972 System,” began to fall apart in the early 1980s. This is because it failed to establish a clear institutional framework that could provide historical justice to Chinese citizens for the actions of the Japanese military in China, embroiled the Chinese government in a chronic legitimacy deficit that can only be mitigated if Japan keeps apologizing, and perpetuated Japan’s victimizer identity, which the Japanese public has found emotionally unacceptable. The result is the transformation of what originally was a domestic controversy in China over historical justice into a diplomatic dispute with Japan over historical understanding.
Acknowledgements
I would like to thank the editors of Critical Asian Studies, two anonymous reviewers, as well as my colleagues at the Institute of Public Policy, South China University of Technology, for valuable comments on this paper. The remaining errors are my own.
Disclosure statement
No potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).
Notes
1 Foreign Ministry of the People’s Republic of China Citation2015b.
8 Volkan Citation2001. According to Volkan, the term “chosen trauma” refers to “the shared mental representation of a massive trauma that the group’s ancestors suffered at the hand of the enemy.”
13 Kokubun Citation2002, 11–19; Kokubun Citation2013; Kawashima et al. Citation2009, chapter 4; Takahara et al. Citation2014. The Taiwan issue is about whether Japan acknowledges the People’s Republic of China as the sole legitimate government that represents China; the reparation issue is concerned with how to settle Japan’s obligations to compensate Chinese victims of Japanese actions during the 1937–1945 war.
19 Gao Citation2012, 105. In 1972, no obvious objection was raised to the decision to waive reparations from Japan. According to Gao, this might be accounted for by not only the mass work but also Mao Zedong’s charisma.
22 Kokubun et al. Citation2017, 94; Armstrong Citation1977. Armstrong’s work on China’s revolutionary diplomacy provides a penetrating insight into the origin of the militarist-people dichotomy.
25 China Division of the Asian Affairs Bureau, MOFA Citation1972.
26 Phoenix TV Citation2012. Morita Hajime, the then-secretary to Foreign Minister Ōhira, explained this point in a television interview. The Japanese concern was: should the Emperor be identified as a militarist? The question would have brought about immense pressure on the Liberal Democratic Party in the parliament and in the public.
28 The Advisory Panel on the History of the 20th Century and on Japan’s Role and World Order in the 21st Century Citation2015, 22. An advisory panel led by Kitaoka Shinichi mentioned “militarist-civilian dualism” several times in 2015. This shows that Japanese officials understand the Chinese position on the reparation issue. However, it is one thing to understand the Chinese position but quite another to agree with it.
35 This comment can be read as a diplomatic tactic, indifference to the Chinese concession, or both.
38 Wilson Center Digital Archive Citation2001. The “Three-Alls-Policy” was the Japanese military’s doctrine during its occupation of China to “kill all, burn all, loot all.”
40 For instance, Murayama Tomiichi issued a statement in 1995 to express “heart-felt apologies” to Asian people. Koizumi Junichirō went so far as to make a trip to the Museum of the War of Chinese People’s Resistance against Japanese Aggression at Lugouqiao (Marco Polo Bridge) in Beijing on October 8, 2001.
41 Suzuki Citation2015; The Genron NPO Citation2014. According to a poll conducted by Asahi Shimbun in 2015, fifty-seven percent of Japanese respondents considered Japan’s apologies adequate, a twenty percent increase compared to 2006.
43 He Citation2007b, 3; Xu and Fine Citation2010, 167. The CCP is not omnipotent in controlling civil society in China. In fact, civil forces in China are often able to survive and carve out room for their own agendas by drawing on ideological resources that the CCP has created (e.g. nationalism and socialism).
47 Saito Citation2016. The textbook issue originated as a domestic controversy in the 1950s in Japan over the interpretation of the legacy of Japanese imperialism, educational policies, and democratic values.
48 Asahi Shimbun Citation1982, 1. Cited in: Hatano 2001, 138.
49 Rose Citation2005, 82. On June 27, 1982, People’s Daily published an article entitled “Ministry of Education of Japan Distorts History and Beautifies War of Aggress through Textbook Inspection.” But these reports published by the Chinese state-run media did not openly criticize the Japanese government, nor did they try to make the textbook issue a diplomatic issue. No further mention of the textbook issue appeared in the Chinese media between June 30 and July 20 of that year.
50 Hu Qiaomu, zhuan bianxiezu Citation2002, 461. Hu Qiaomu probably did not realize the severity of the textbook issue when it was reported in the Japanese media in June 1982. From his letters, we learn that Hu Qiaomu read the news on July 23, 1982, before phoning Li Hong, his secretary, to warn the central government of the political seriousness of the textbook issue.
53 He Citation2007b, 10–13. Hu Yaobang’s leadership was damaged by the history-related issues with Japan in 1985, when university students in Beijing protested Japanese militarism.
56 During the 1950s, the word “Yasukuni (jing guo)” only appeared twice in articles published in People’s Daily.
57 People’s Daily Citation1980, 4; Hatano Citation2011, 115–117. Miki Takeo was the first Japanese prime minister to visit the Yasukuni Shrine, on August 15, 1975, but did so in a private capacity. The first such visit in an official capacity was on August 15,1985, by Nakasone Yasuhiro, along with his cabinet members.
60 The Chinese demarche against Diet members’ visit to the Yasukuni Shrine possibly struck Nakasone by surprise. In fact, in the advisory board which Nakasone organized to examine the political risks of his visit to the shrine, invited experts and lawyers were mostly preoccupied with constitutional questions and opposition from religious groups, not with backlash from China or the two Koreas.
61 Sangiin (House of Councillors) Citation2000a, 3. This conversation between Nakasone Yasuhiro and Hu Yaobang was confided by Nakae Yōsuke, a former Japanese ambassador to China.
66 Tong Citation2021. Tong has done the invaluable work of keeping, transcribing and translating into English these letters.
72 Net Ease Citation2004, Sohu Citation2005, 3. Wang Xuan, a famous activist who helped Chinese citizens seek compensation from the Japanese government, noted in 2004 that Chinese citizens involved in the Chinese compensation movement were highly unorganized. She argued for gathering more social strength via NGOs.
74 Zheng Citation2008. Notably active non-governmental organizations that have offered legal assistance to Chinese victims include, in Japan, the Lawyers Association for the Case of Chinese War Victims Claiming Compensation (chūgokujin sensō higai baishō seikyū jiken bengodan); the Support Group for Chinese War Victims’ Demand (chūgokujin sensō higaisha no yōkyū wo sasaeru kai); the Group Thinking about Chinese Forced Laborers (chūgokujin kyōsei renkō wo kangaeru kai); the Group Supporting Chinese Comfort Women’s Lawsuit (chūgokujin inanfu saiban wo shien suru kai); and the Japan Democratic Lawyers’ Association (JDLA), which in the early 1990s helped Tong Zeng and Chinese victims to establish contacts with Japanese lawyers. In China, these groups include the China Association of Civil Claims for Compensation against Japan (zhongguo minjian duiri suopei lianhe hui), of which Tong Zeng is the President; the All China Lawyers Association (zhonghua quanguo lvshi xiehui); and the Association of Victims of Japanese Germ Warfare of Yiwu (yiwushi qinhua rijun xijunzhan shouhaizhe xiehui). None of the civil compensation groups in China are legally registered with the Ministry of Civil Affairs, and thus cannot be found on the Ministry’s official database.
83 Between 1980 and 2012, twelve articles on Japanese reparations were published; nine of these were published from 2000 to 2005, a period when Sino-Japanese relations revolved heavily around the Yasukuni issue.
88 The only suit that courts did not dismiss was the “Lawsuit of Chinese Victims of Sexual Violence Demanding Reparations for Damages and Apology, Shanxi Province” (chūgokukjin seibōryoku higaisha syazai songai baishō seikyū jiken sanseishō), brought by former Chinese comfort women in 1998. However, on March 31, 2005, Tokyo’s Supreme Court dismissed the case on appeal; unlike the initial local court, it did not mention any renouncement of individual victims’ rights to claim reparations.
90 Liu Citation2007; Gong Citation2007; Lü Citation2007. Jiangyong is a professor at Tsinghua University while Gong Yingchuan and Lü Naicheng are affiliated with China Foreign Affairs University.
95 Foreign Ministry of the People’s Republic of China Citation1972.
99 “The Joint Statement between the Government of Japan and the Government of the People’s Republic of China on the Comprehensive Promotion of a Mutually Beneficial Relationship Based on Common Strategic Interests.”
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Notes on contributors
Hai Guo
Guo Hai is a post-doctoral research fellow at the Institute of Public Policy, South China University of Technology, in Guangzhou, China. His research interests include Sino-Japanese relations, international relations theory, and various aspects of Chinese foreign policy. His work has previously appeared in edited books, policy report series, and the media.
https://orcid.org/0000-0002-7050-9940
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