Psychological adjustment of ethnically victimized adolescents: Do teachers’ responses to ethnic victimization incidents matter?

ABSTRACT

The present study examined how teachers respond to ethnic-victimization, and whether teachers’ responses buffer the effect of such aversive encounters on immigrant youth’s psychological adjustment. The sample included youth of immigrant background residing in Sweden (N = 423; M_age = 13.19, SD = .51; 44% girls), and their head class teachers. Cluster analysis revealed three subgroups of teachers based on their responses to ethnic victimization: (1) high in enlisting parents; (2) high in initiating discussions with other teachers; (3) high in multiple forms of strategies (i.e., authority-based interventions, comforting and supporting the victim, contacting parents, and initiating discussions with other teachers). The effects of ethnic victimization on youth’s depressive symptoms and self-esteem were significantly lower when teachers used multiple forms of strategies than when teachers used collaborative actions or enlisted parents. The findings highlight the importance of approaching ethnic victimization as a multi-dimensional phenomenon, thereby accessing multiple actors so as better to combat aversive effects on the victim.

KEYWORDS:

• Ethnic victimization
• teachers’ responses to victimization
• youth of immigrant background

Introduction

Immigrant and minority youth are at risk of being victimized due to their ethnic, cultural, or religious background. For example, 33 to 42% of ethnic-minority children in the Netherlands mentioned being victims of racist name-calling, and 26 to 30% reported the experience of ethnic exclusion in school (Verkuyten & Thijs, 2002). Similar findings have been reported in other European countries, including Sweden, where the present study was conducted (Bayram Özdemir & Stattin, 2014). Such aversive encounters have detrimental consequences for youth’s well-being (Benner et al., 2018), and behavioural and school adjustment (Bayram Özdemir et al., 2019; Bayram Özdemir & Stattin, 2014); and the experiences also have the potential to interfere with youth’s integration into the host society (Marks et al., 2015). Despite an increasing body of research linking experience of negative treatment directed at one’s ethnic background to various adjustment difficulties among youth, relatively little attention has been paid to factors that might diminish the negative consequences of these experiences for the victims. To address this gap in knowledge, we examined: (1) which strategies teachers employ when they are confronted with ethnic victimization incidents (which is operationalized as being exposed to peers’ intentional derogatory comments or exclusionary behaviours targeting one’s ethnic or cultural background; Bayram Özdemir et al., 2019); (2) whether teachers’ responses to ethnic victimization moderate the association between the experience of ethnic victimization and psychological adjustment (i.e., depressive symptoms and self-esteem) among immigrant youth.

Teachers’ role in the adjustment of victimized youth

Teachers are often considered as schools’ key resources in intervening with negative interactions among students (Burger et al., 2015; Yoon & Bauman, 2014), and in helping victims overcome the consequences of their negative experiences (Huang et al., 2018). Different theoretical arguments have been employed to explain why student-teacher relationships may play a role in the adjustment of victimized children and youth. Based on the attachment theory (Bowlby, 1969), the first line of research highlights that close and warm relationships with teachers may create a secure base for students (Verschueren & Koomen, 2012), and, in turn, foster students’ willingness to seek help from teachers when they are exposed to an undesired situation at school (Hunter et al., 2004). Further, establishing a supportive and close relationship with teachers seems to protect victimized youth from developing psychosocial distress (Huang et al., 2018) and internalizing problems (Hunter et al., 2004).

The second line of research suggests that teachers may have the potential to intervene with victimization or bullying incidents (Bauman et al., 2008; Campaert et al., 2017; Marshall et al., 2009), and in turn, might contribute to the well-being of victimized children. It has been shown that teachers often adopt authority-based interventions when they observe bullying incidents (e.g., setting firm limits with verbal reprimands), which is followed up by seeking help through the involvement of other school personnel and parents, by adopting non-punitive approaches to intervening with the wrong-doing of bullies (e.g., helping bullies understand the consequences of their behaviours), and by helping victims to cope with the bullying (e.g., encouraging them to stand up and to be more assertive) (Bauman et al., 2008; Burger et al., 2015; Yoon et al., 2016). Some of these strategies (e.g., adopting disciplinary sanctions, Campaert et al., 2017; enlisting other adults, Van der Zanden et al., 2015; establishing actions at class level; Wachs et al., 2019; making bullies feel empathy for the victim; Garandeaut et al., 2016) have been found to be associated with low levels of engagement in bullying among adolescents. However, it is unclear whether teachers’ use of different strategies also help victimized youth overcome their difficulties and stresses. To address this knowledge gap, the present study focused on a form of peer victimization, ethnic victimization, that has been shown to have a detrimental effect on the adjustment of immigrant and minority youth, and examine whether teachers’ responses diminish the negative consequences for the victims.

Teachers’ role in the adjustment of ethnically victimized youth

Immigrant youth (particularly first-generation) have few resources and little familiarity with the school system. Thus, they may rely more on their teachers to adjust and integrate in school (Roffman et al., 2003). Teachers may provide immigrant youth with a safe context by emphasizing equality and respect for different cultural orientations (Bayram Özdemir & Özdemir, 2020), and by promoting positive interactions among diverse groups. Teachers may also intervene in negative interactions among diverse groups of youth in school (Bayram Özdemir & Özdemir, 2020; Verkuyten & Thijs, 2002), and help victimized immigrant youth overcome their challenges. For example, it was found that when ethnically harassed immigrant youth perceived their teachers as non-supportive, they had lower levels of self-esteem, and, in turn, experienced school-adjustment difficulties. Importantly, such detrimental effects of ethnicity-based harassment were not observed among the immigrant youth who perceived their teachers as supportive (Bayram Özdemir & Stattin, 2014). These findings indicate that a positive and supportive teacher relationship may provide ethnically victimized youth with a feeling of safety and help them build a sense of confidence. It should, however, also be noted that, from childhood and onwards, the nature of the student-teacher relationship changes. Teachers increasingly become instructors rather than caregivers. Also, students have fewer opportunities to interact with their teachers on a one-on-one basis. Thus, there is a need to go beyond understanding the role of the student-teacher relationship in general to better combat the detrimental effects of ethnic victimization experiences. Specifically, we need to take an intervention approach, and develop an understanding on which strategies teachers adopt in the case of ethnic-victimization, or whether and how teachers’ specific responses to ethnic victimization buffer against the development of adjustment difficulties among victimized adolescents. Such knowledge is essential for providing schools with information on which strategies teachers should adopt in relation to ethnic victimization incidents so as better to help adolescents of immigrant background.

The current study

In the light of the aforementioned gaps in knowledge, we first examined the responses of teachers to ethnic victimization (e.g., authority-based intervention, enlisting parents, comforting and supporting the victim, and taking collaborative action with other teachers). Given that teachers tend to adopt different strategies to handle aversive encounters, and also differ from each other regarding their combinations of strategies employed (Burger et al., 2015), we used a person-centred approach to explore whether there were different clusters of teachers who adopt particular strategies in response to ethnic victimization incidents. Next, we examined the extent to which these clusters buffer the negative psychological consequences of ethnic victimization incidents among youth of immigrant background. Following Burger et al. (2015) suggestion, we argued that having a large repertoire of different types of strategies may enable teachers to approach the problem from multiple angles, and to intervene in a flexible and adaptive way. Through this approach, teachers may communicate to victimized youth that they are aware of the problem, that they are taking actions to prevent its reoccurrence, and that they are available to support and comfort them. Such signals may help ethnically victimized youth feel safe, protected, and cared for in the school setting, and, in turn, better overcome the negative consequences of these victimization incidents. In sum, we expected that teachers who apply multiple strategies at the same time may be better able to help ethnically victimized youth overcome the problem than those who predominantly employ a single strategy.

Method

Participants

The sample was drawn from an ongoing three-year longitudinal study – Youth & Diversity Project. The main goal of this multi-informant study was to examine how positive and negative interactions among adolescents of diverse background develop over time, and whether and how school context plays a role in this development. The project was implemented in 16 upper-secondary schools (grades 7 to 9) in four municipalities in central Sweden. Seventh grade students (aged around 13) and their head class teachers participated in the project. A total of 1065 adolescents participated in the project. The analytic sample for the present study included adolescents with at least one parent born outside Sweden (N = 423, M_age = 13.19, SD = .50; 44% girls; 42% first generation immigrant) and the head class teachers (N = 43). Twenty-six percent of the adolescents reported speaking Swedish at home with their parents; 26% reported speaking another language; and 48% reported that they spoke both Swedish and another language. The adolescents’ parents originated from over 60 different countries. The largest three groups were from Syria (15.95% of mothers and 15.64% fathers), Somalia (13.19% of mothers and 13.19% of fathers), and Iraq (9.82% of mothers and 11.66% of fathers). A majority of the adolescents (75%) came from an intact family, and had employed mothers (72%) and fathers (83%).

Procedure

Data from the students were collected during two consecutive classes. Students were informed about the goals of the study; and were assured that participation was voluntary, and that their responses would be confidential. Only the youth who volunteered and whose parents had consented participated. A sum of 500 Swedish crowns was given to class fund in recognition of participation. The head class teachers who received information about the study and agreed to participate were asked to complete the survey. The study procedures were approved by the Regional Research Ethics Committee in Uppsala.

Measures

Ethnic victimization

Adolescents responded a 5-item measure that assesses their experience of victimization due to ethnic or cultural background (Bayram Özdemir & Stattin, 2014). The sample items include: ‘Has anyone said nasty things to you about your ethnic origin?’ ‘Has anyone made fun of you because you or your parents come from another country?’ Each question was rated on a 5-point Likert scale ranging from ‘1’ (never) to ‘5’ (very often). Inter-item reliability was .87.

Self-esteem

Adolescents responded to the 10-item Rosenberg’s Self-Esteem Scale (Rosenberg, 1979). The sample items include: ‘On the whole, I am satisfied with myself’ and ‘I am able to do things as well as most other people.’ The items were rated on a 4-point Likert scale, ranging from ‘1’ (strongly disagree) to ‘4’ (strongly agree). Inter-item reliability was .87.

Depressive symptoms

The Center for Epidemiological Studies Depression Scale for Children (Faulstich et al., 1986) was used to measure adolescents’ depressive moods. The sample items include: ‘I was bothered by things that usually do not bother me’ and ‘I felt like I was too tired to do things.’ The items were rated on a 4-point Likert scale, ranging from ‘1’ (never) to ‘4’ (very often). Inter-item reliability was .95.

Teachers’ demographic characteristics and work experience

Teachers reported on their demographic (e.g., gender and having a parent of immigrant background) and professional background (e.g., completion of formal teacher education, years of experience in teaching, length of employment in the current school).

Teachers’ responses to ethnic victimization

A revised version of the Handling Bullying Questionnaire (HBQ; Bauman et al., 2008) was used to assess teachers’ responses to ethnic victimization. Teachers were presented with a hypothetical scenario (‘Imagine that you get to see a 13-year-old student being repeatedly teased and called unpleasant names because of her or his appearance, or cultural or religious background. As a result, s/he is feeling angry, miserable, and isolated.’) and were asked how they would respond in such a situation. The revised HBQ scale includes items tapping into the following strategies: ignoring the situation (3 items, ‘Leave it for someone else to sort out because it is outside your responsibility’), using authority-based interventions (3 items, ‘Make it clear to the bully that her or his behavior will not be tolerated’), enlisting parents of victims and perpetrators (2 items, ‘Contact the victim’s parents or guardians to express your concern about their child’s well-being’), discussing collaborative action with other teachers (2 items, ‘Talk with other teachers, and discuss how to help the student so that s/he does not feel isolated’), and comforting and supporting the victim (3 items, ‘Talk with the victim to understand how s/he feels’). Teachers were asked to choose up to 5 (out of 13) strategies that they might use in such a situation. Teachers’ responses were coded as 0 (did not apply this strategy) and 1 (applied this strategy) for each of the items. Then, the responses were summed to create subcategories.

Results

Hierarchical cluster analysis

Hierarchical cluster analysis with squared Euclidian distance and Ward method (Bergman, 1998) was used to identify clusters of teachers who adopt different strategies (all but “ignoring the situation) in response to ethnic victimization. Large increases in the agglomeration coefficients, explained error sum of squares (Bergman, 1998), and homogeneity within clusters and heterogeneity across clusters were examined to determine the number of clusters (Hair et al., 2018). The point-of-inflection method indicated a three-cluster solution, which explained 57% of the error-sum-of-squares. The clusters were sufficiently differentiated on the use of authority-based interventions, F(2, 40) = 4.89, p = .013, enlisting parents of the victims and perpetrators, F(2, 40) = 18.21, p < .001, comforting the victim, F(2, 40) = 8.54, p = .001, and initiating discussions with other teachers to take collaborative actions, F(2, 40) = 109.90, p < .001. Thirty-five percent of the teachers (labelled as ‘high in enlisting parents’) reported high levels of enlisting parents, low levels of initiating discussions with other teachers, and average levels of authority-based interventions and comforting the victim. Fifty-three percent of the teachers (labelled as ‘high in taking collaborative actions’) reported high levels of initiating discussions with other teachers, low levels of enlisting parents, and average levels of authority-based interventions and comforting the victim. The third cluster of the teachers (12%; labelled as ‘high in multiple forms of strategies’) adopted multiple strategies at high levels (Figure 1). Clusters did not differ in teachers’ gender and generation status. However, the teachers who employed multiple forms of strategies at high levels had more years of experience of teaching than those in the other two clusters, F (2, 38) = 10.51, p < .001.

Figure 1. Bar-chart of z-transformed mean values of teachers’ strategies by cluster

Moderating effect of teachers’ responses to ethnic victimization

We fitted multiple-group models to examine whether teachers’ responses to ethnic victimization moderate the effect of such negative encounters on immigrant youth’s depressive symptoms and self-esteem. In all models, adolescents’ gender and generation status were controlled for. The clustering effect was controlled for using the COMPLEX command in Mplus. Given that our moderator variable is multi-categorical, we fitted a multiple-group model where ethnic victimization predicted youth’s psychological adjustment simultaneously across the three clusters of teachers. In the baseline model all parameters were freely estimated. Thus, the model had zero degrees of freedom, yielding no model fit statistics. Next, to test the moderating effect of teacher strategies, we added equality constraints to the association between ethnic victimization and youth adjustment outcome across the three clusters. A statistically significant chi-square model fit statistic for the constrained model would indicate that the magnitude of the association between ethnic victimization and youth’s adjustment outcome differs significantly across the clusters. Then, we compared the magnitude of the regression coefficients across the clusters to identify how ethnic victimization predicted youth’s adjustment outcomes for different clusters using the MODEL CONSTRAINT option in MPlus.

The results from the baseline models are presented in Tables 1 and 2. The model with equality constraint on the effect of ethnic victimization on depressive symptoms yielded poor fit, χ²(2) = 11.96, p = .003, suggesting that the magnitude of the association between ethnic victimization and depressive symptoms was significantly different across the three clusters. That is, teachers’ strategies moderated the association between ethnic victimization and depressive symptoms (Table 1). Comparison of the regression coefficients showed that ethnic victimization was not significantly associated with depressive symptoms when teachers used multiple forms of strategies in response to observing the incidents, ß = .14, p = .414, whereas the association was positive and statistically significant when teachers used collaborative actions, ß = .29, p = .006, or enlisted parents, ß = .42, p < .001. In addition, the magnitude of the effect of ethnic victimization on depressive symptoms was significantly lower when teachers used multiple forms of strategies compared to enlisting parents, z = – 2.39, p = .017, suggesting that there is a buffering effect of using multiple strategies. The magnitudes of the association between ethnic victimization and depressive symptoms did not significantly differ from each other when teachers used collaborative action versus enlisted parents (Figure 2).

Table 1. Multiple group analysis of the association between ethnic victimization and depressive symptoms

	β	z	p	95% CI
Cluster 1: High in enlisting parents
Gender^1	.18	2.53	.011	.04, .33
Generation status^2	–.11	–1.53	.127	–.23, .03
Ethnic Victimization	.42^b	4.39	<.001	.23, .59
Cluster 2: High in taking collaborative actions
Gender^1	.10	1.48	.138	–.03, .24
Generation status^2	.11	1.81	.07	–.01, .22
Ethnic Victimization	.29^ab	2.78	.006	.09, .49
Cluster 3: High in multiple forms of strategies
Gender^1	.39	3.24	<.001	.16, .64
Generation status^2	–.06	–.39	.695	–.35, .24
Ethnic Victimization	.14^a	.82	.414	–.20, .48

¹Gender: 0 = boys, 1 = girls.

²Generation status: 1 = second-generation, 2 = first-generation.

^a,b,cDifferent superscripts for ethnic victimization indicates statistically significant differences between the magnitudes of the regression coefficients.

Table 2. Multiple group analysis of the association between ethnic victimization and self-esteem

	β	z	p	95% CI
Cluster 1: High in enlisting parents
Gender^1	–.22	–1.93	.054	–.43, .01
Generation status^2	.11	1.20	.229	–.07, .28
Ethnic Victimization	–.32^b	–4.57	<.001	–.46, – .18
Cluster 2: High in taking collaborative actions
Gender^1	–.11	–1.69	.091	–.24, .02
Generation status^2	.03	.45	.652	–.11, .17
Ethnic Victimization	–.30^b	–7.07	<.001	–.41, – .20
Cluster 3: High in multiple forms of strategies
Gender^1	–.17	–1.13	.260	–.47, .13
Generation status^2	.36	.29	.769	–.18, .24
Ethnic Victimization	–.15^a	–3.99	<.001	–.21, – .07

¹Gender: 0 = boys, 1 = girls.

²Generation status: 1 = second-generation, 2 = first-generation.

^a,b,cDifferent superscripts for ethnic victimization indicates statistically significant differences between the magnitudes of the regression coefficients.

Figure 2. Moderating role of teachers’ strategies on the association between ethnic victimization and depressive symptoms

The model with a constrained effect of ethnic victimization on self-esteem did not fit the data, χ²(2) = 14.72, p = .006, suggesting that teachers’ strategies moderated the association between ethnic victimization and self-esteem (Table 2). Ethnic victimization negatively predicted self-esteem for all three clusters of teacher strategies (using multiple forms of strategies, ß = – .15, p < .001; collaborative actions, ß = – .30, p < .001; enlisting parents, ß = – .32, p < .001) (Figure 3). However, the magnitude of the association was significantly different across the clusters. Specifically, the magnitude of the association between ethnic victimization and self-esteem when teachers used multiple forms of strategies was significantly lower than when teachers used collaborative actions, z = 4.30, p < .001, or enlisted parents, z = 3.84, p < .001. There was no significant difference in the magnitude of the association between ethnic victimization and self-esteem when teachers used collaborative actions rather than enlisting parents. Together, these findings suggest that teachers who adopt multiple forms of strategies may reduce the negative consequences of ethnic-victimization experiences among immigrant youth.

Figure 3. Moderating role of teachers’ strategies on the association between ethnic victimization and self-esteem

Discussion

Today’s youth are growing up in ethnically diverse settings. This brings them new opportunities in that they learn about different cultural values and practices, and have opportunities to engage with diverse perspectives. But it also poses challenges, such as an increase in bias-based hostility towards immigrant and minority youth, which includes ethnic discrimination and victimization (Eurobarometer, 2017). Multiple studies have shown that ethnicity-based negative treatment can have detrimental consequences for immigrant and minority adolescents’ adjustment and integration (Benner et al., 2018; Marks et al., 2015). Despite an increasing body of research linking ethnic victimization to various adjustment difficulties among immigrant youth, relatively little attention has been paid to identifying factors that might diminish the negative consequences of experiences of negative treatment on victims. In the present study, we addressed this gap in knowledge by investigating how teachers respond to ethnic-victimization incidents, and by examining whether teachers’ responses to ethnic victimization buffer or accelerate the negative effect of such aversive encounters on immigrant youth’s psychological adjustment.

Our findings indicate that teachers have a large repertoire of intended strategies to intervene in ethnic-victimization incidents, and that they employ some strategies more frequently than others. This finding is in line with previous research focusing on general bullying or victimization (Burger et al., 2015). It also further highlights the existence of three distinct groups of teachers based on their intended responses to ethnic victimization. The first group of teachers (more than half of the sample) reported initiating discussions with their colleagues at school to find ways to help the victim; but, at the same time, these teachers were less likely to contact the parents of the victims and perpetrators to express their concerns. By contrast, a second group of teachers (about one-third of the sample) mostly reported enlisting parents, but avoided initiating discussions with their colleagues to take collaborative action. The third and final group included teachers who employ multiple forms of strategies at high levels, including authority-based interventions, comforting and supporting the victim, contacting parents, and initiating discussions with other teachers. Importantly and interestingly, our findings also suggest that years of experience in teaching matters with regard to implementation of the strategies. Specifically, in line with previous research (Burger et al., 2015), we found that teachers who employed multiple strategies had more years of experience in teaching than those who primarily took collaborative actions or enlisted parents. It is possible that teachers become more efficacious in intervening with problematic interactions among youth as they move on in their professional career, and may perceive preventive efforts against victimization incidents as a multi-dimensional phenomenon, which involves the victim, perpetrator, parents, and teachers at school. Thus, rather than focusing on one dimension of the problem, they may adopt strategies to address all key actors.

A noteworthy finding of the present study is that the associations between ethnic-victimization experience and adjustment outcomes among youth differ according to how teachers respond to negative incidents. Specifically, we found that ethnically victimized adolescents of immigrant background were less likely to display depressive symptoms and low self-esteem when their teachers adopted multiple forms of strategies (i.e., authority-based interventions, comforting and supporting the victim, contacting the parents, and initiating discussions with other teachers) rather than solely enlisting parents or initiating discussions with other teachers to take collaborative actions. When teachers adopt multiple strategies, they might be better at addressing the problem holistically by tapping into multiple actors. Thus, these teachers might be able to enable different actors to reduce such incidents while increasing the support that is available to the victims from other teachers and parents and providing comfort and support themselves to the victimized youth (Fekkes et al., 2005). Getting support from teachers may provide immigrant youth with feelings of safety and help them restore their psychological moods (Bayram Özdemir & Stattin, 2014). Consequently, ethnically victimized youth may show less of a tendency to internalize their peers’ negative treatment and become less susceptible to the negative consequences of the victimization.

Ethnically victimized adolescents may need a secure base at school, or at least know of the existence of a secure base, to which they can turn if they experience problems. Thus, solely contacting parents to inform them about the incidents may not directly address the needs of the victim at school. Informing parents may not always contribute to the well-being of youth because not all parents have adaptive strategies (Tu et al., 2021). Thus, some parents may not be able to help their offspring overcome the negative consequences of ethnic victimization. Similarly, seeking collaboration with other teachers in responding to observed ethnic victimization may fall short of buffering the negative consequences because teachers’ efforts of this kind may not be visible to the victimized youth. Thus, they may not feel that they are cared for and supported by their teachers. In sum, we argue that when teachers adopt multiple of strategies at high dosages, they might be in a better position to communicate to victimized youth that they are taking actions to prevent the reoccurrence of victimization (by not tolerating the behaviour and stopping the bullies); they make sure to tell parents and other adults at school to take collaborative action, and to make it clear that that they are there to support and comfort the victims. All these efforts may ultimately help ethnically victimized youth feel protected and cared for in the school setting. Such feeling may interrupt the development of feelings of helplessness and negative internal attributions, and help youth of immigrant background better to overcome the problem.

Despite its important contributions to the literature, the present study has several limitations, and has left some important issues unattended. First, the cross-sectional data of the current study limited the possibility of examining the directionality of the association between experiencing ethnic victimization and psychological adjustment among adolescents. We conceptualized ethnic victimization as a predictor and psychological adjustment (i.e., depressive symptoms and well-being) as an outcome variable in the present study. However, it is also possible that adolescents with adjustment difficulties might be at greater risk of experiencing negative peer treatment that targets their ethnic background (Hou et al., 2015). Multi-year longitudinal data are needed to address this limitation. Second, head class teachers reported on how they would respond to incidents of ethnic victimization. However, 7^th grade students in Swedish schools have multiple teachers. Each teacher may take different action against victimization incidents. Obtaining data from multiple teachers may allow identification of how consistency and inconsistency across teachers’ responses relate to the occurrence of ethnic victimization, and how victimized youth overcome the problem. Third, we relied on teachers’ reports to assess responses to ethnic victimization. This approach may eliminate shared method variance between teacher and student measures. However, youth’s well-being and adjustment may also be influenced by their perceptions of teachers’ responses. Future studies may benefit from combining students’ perceptions with teachers report. Fourth, we assessed teachers’ responses to ethnic victimization using a hypothetical vignette, which might not elicit the full set of responses that teachers would show in a real situation. Teachers’ intended responses might also be a reflection of their personal characteristics (e.g., their sense of competence in teaching and classroom management; Nocentini et al., 2019) and situational factors (e.g., classroom and school climate, Yoon et al., 2016). Thus, a comprehensive understanding of the precursors of teachers’ intended responses to ethnic victimization may help us understand why teachers do what they actually do. Finally, only youth were asked to report on their experiences of ethnic victimization, no teacher-reported ethnic victimization data were collected. Further, the measure of ethnic victimization did not assess repetitiveness of and power imbalance in the incidents. Obtaining data from teachers and adolescents simultaneously and assessing whether ethnic victimization experiences are repetitive and characterized by power imbalance might advance the field by providing specificity in the measurement and by identifying the extent to which teachers are aware of ethnic victimization incidents.

To conclude, the present study clearly indicates that teachers may have the opportunity to reduce the detrimental effects of ethnic victimization experiences on immigrant youth’s psychological adjustment. However, intervening with ethnic victimization and helping victims effectively requires a multidimensional strategy that involves the victim, perpetrator, parents, and teachers at the school. This is a challenging task. Providing teachers support to develop awareness and competence to effectively intervene with the victimization incidences is essential to access multiple actors so as better to combat aversive effects on the victim.

Disclosure statement

No potential conflict of interest was reported by the authors.

Additional information

Funding

This work was supported by the The Swedish Research Council (VR) [2015-01057].