Empowering women in academia: navigating institutional dynamics, gender roles, and personal pursuits among female researchers in Norwegian higher education

ABSTRACT

Numerous studies have documented the widespread marginalization of female scholars throughout their professional journeys in various societies. It has been noted that women in academia are not given the same opportunities as men when it comes to advancement into professorship, leadership roles, productivity in research, and salary. The personal pursuits and willingness of female researchers, including how they self-activated to negotiate with structural empowerment factors, have been largely ignored in literature. This article uses empowerment as an analytical lens to look at how career advancement and recognition of female researchers have been influenced by a mix of structural and individual factors. Empowerment is a motivating process that places power at the centre of its conception and results in increased competence, self-efficacy, self-confidence, self-esteem, and wellbeing. Therefore, empowerment is interpreted as cooperative and agreed-upon efforts by empowered agents to improve the career prospects of female researchers. This study explores the ways in which female researchers are empowered or disempowered as they advance in their careers, negotiating institutional policies and practices, gender roles, important relationships, and personal pursuits. Drawing upon interview data, this study intends to spark additional discussions and theoretical considerations on the intersections of gender, career advancement, and empowerment in higher education. It also asks for more culturally aware policy adjustments to empower female researchers inside the institution.

KEYWORDS:

• Female researchers
• empowerment
• negotiation
• Norwegian higher education

1. Introduction

The widespread susceptibility of female researchers throughout their professional journeys has been extensively acknowledged in academic discourse. Despite the progress made by women in participating in academic programmes worldwide, they continue to be underrepresented in leadership positions and senior roles as professors. Additionally, they exhibit lower levels of involvement in educational and research leadership, generate a smaller volume of research output, receive fewer citations, report more challenges, and experience unequal compensation compared to their male counterparts, especially in STEM fields (Science, technology, engineering, and mathematics) (Aksnes et al., 2011; Meyer et al., 2015; Tang & Horta, 2021; Van Veelen & Derks, 2022). In Norway, the portion of female researchers (participating in research and development in the higher education sector and institute sector combined) rose from 43% in 2009 to 49% in 2019 (Steine et al., 2020). However, women researchers remain a lower likelihood of being promoted to professorship. Although the proportion of female professors varies across various empirical investigations, the national rate of female professors has remained at approximately 30% in recent years (Statistics Norway, 2023).

Efforts are made by policies and institutions to reduce the disparity between genders and empower women in academia. These efforts include national laws promoting gender equality, giving preferential treatment to women in academic hiring, and allocating funds specifically for them. Norway, along with other Nordic countries, is at the forefront of this viewpoint (Silander et al., 2022). The Norwegian authority implemented the ‘Equal opportunities framework’ to establish more equitable evaluation committees in the recruitment process. Norwegian Research Council (NRC) implemented gender-balanced evaluation committees and gave priority to allocating funds. The gender equality (GE) committee was established at the University of Bergen (UiB) and the University of Oslo (UiO) in the 1970s within higher education institutions. One of the main measures implemented by these committees was preferential treatment (Casey et al., 2011; Nielsen, 2017). University of Stavanger (UiS), with support from NRC’s BALANSE programme, has implemented the ‘Kvinner-Til-Topps (Women towards the top – UiS in movement and balance)’ initiative since 2015. This initiative aims to raise awareness and promote accountability among line managers. As a result, the percentage of female professors at UiS has increased from approximately 21.2% to 35% over the past seven years.

Despite significant efforts at the policy and institutional levels, it is still difficult to achieve a satisfactory reduction in the gender gap in Norwegian academia. The lack of progress can be attributed not only to the underrepresentation of women academics in high-ranking positions, but also to the ongoing perception of the academic environment as a gender-biased institution. The current organizational structure exhibits a bias towards male researchers during recruitment procedures and daily operations, resulting in the subtle marginalization of female researchers (Moratti, 2021; Thun, 2020). The need to empower female researchers and promote their career advancement goes beyond simply fostering the personal development of individual researchers or implementing improvement strategies. A comprehensive approach is required to recognize and deal with the intricate interactions within academic environments, including policy measures and the complex dynamics that influence daily routines.

This study employs the empowerment framework to analyse the intricate interplay among individuals’ experiences, perceptions of female researchers, and power dynamics within interpersonal relationships, institutional frameworks, and broader societal structures. Empowerment involves female researchers’ capacity to exercise agency and autonomy in making career decisions, overcoming systemic barriers, and directing their academic pursuits. The study seeks to offer insights into the intricate terrain of gender dynamics within the everyday professional and personal trajectories of female researchers. The study is conducted within the Norwegian context, a country renowned for its commitment to egalitarian principles. While Norway advocates for equality, there is limited understanding of the specific constraints that impede the attainment of equal opportunities for female researchers. This research seeks to offer detailed insights into the ongoing discourse and improve a more comprehensive understanding of gender dynamics in academia, particularly within the distinct context of a supposedly egalitarian state.

2. Gender equality initiatives in Norwegian higher education

In Norway, the number of females in teaching-oriented positions, such as lecturers, has consistently exceeded that of males for a significant period. Nevertheless, female researchers are not adequately represented in post-PhD research-track positions, except for a slightly higher proportion of female researchers occupying associate professor roles starting in 2021 (see Table 1). The proportion of female professors has experienced a modest annual growth rate of approximately 1% during the past decade, even though more than half of the doctoral candidates in Norway have been female since 2013.

Table 1. Female researchers in diverse positions in Norway, 2013–2022.

	2013	2014	2015	2016	2017	2018	2019	2020	2021	2022
Professor	25,0	26,0	26,7	27,7	29,2	30,7	31,8	33,2	34,2	35,7
Associate professor	41,7	43,4	45,7	46,8	47,5	48,8	49,2	49,4	50,1	50,4
Lector	60,8	62,2	61,7	62,0	62,3	62,5	63,4	62,9	63,6	64,6
Post-doc	47,1	45,7	44,2	44,8	44,8	44,5	46,1	45,6	45,9	45,8
PhD	52,8	52,5	52,7	53,0	53,1	53,8	53,7	54,0	54,0	54,4

Source: The Norwegian Directorate for Higher Education and Skills (HKDIR, 2023).

The disparity between genders is further magnified when considering various academic disciplines and subject areas. Although women make up nearly 50% of researchers in social sciences and humanities, their representation is only 32% in mathematics and natural sciences, and 24% in technology subjects. Norway’s performance in mathematics and natural science falls below the average of the European Union. The proportion of female professors in the EU was 18.1%, while in Norway it was 16.6%. Statistics reveal significant gender disparities in international mobility among middle or senior academic stages in Norway, while this trend is not observed during early academic stages (She Figures, 2018, 2021). Despite institutional efforts, the attainment of top academic positions continues to present a challenging ‘glass ceiling’ for female researchers.

To achieve an equal representation of genders in academia, legislative measures and instruments have been put in place. These require higher education institutions to create and implement plans that promote gender equality. They are also required to regularly report on their efforts and progress in achieving gender equality. Employers are obliged to create recruitment strategies and specific performance objectives aimed at increasing the representation of women in academic roles (Nielsen, 2017). Significantly, Norwegian gender equality legislation empowers governments to impose sanctions on universities that fail to comply with prescribed obligations, such as implementing active action plans for equality at the institution.

The Norwegian initiatives have been perceived as explicit, characterized by a focus on utility, innovation, justice, and anti-discrimination, and having a well-defined responsibility structure. Since 2004, the national Committee for Gender Balance and Diversity in Research (Komité for kjønnsbalanse og mangfold i forskning, hereafter referred to as the KIF) has been created to align with the national research policy and the EU framework programme for research and innovation. The committee’s objective is to ensure improved gender balance and diversity among academic personnel in Norway. Gender aligns with commonly used terms in Norwegian public documents. Key components of gender balance and equality in academia, as outlined by KIF, include incorporating a gender perspective in research, integrating a gender perspective into research, adopting recruitment measures prioritizing females, supporting the advancement of female researchers, fostering academic diversity to enhance minority participation, and striving for a gender-balanced student body (Nielsen, 2017; Teigen & Wängnerud, 2009).

One facet of these components invites incorporating a gender perspective within the context of internationalization – a dual objective in Norway, serving both as a research strategy and a political goal (Gornitzka & Langfeldt, 2009; Liu & Solheim, 2023). The success of individual researchers and institutions depends on establishing networks and exchanging experiences on an international scale. Nevertheless, the professional advancement of female researchers, particularly those from non-Norwegian backgrounds, is hindered by structural constraints, thereby compromising the efforts towards gender equality in internationalization.

The advancement of women academics’ careers also serves to confront and rectify the discriminatory nature of current hiring, especially international recruitment (Liu, 2021; Wendt et al., 2022) and promotion practices in academia. The statement also supports the country’s initiatives to implement systematic procedures that require university evaluation committees to consider gender equality when assessing candidates (NAGE, 2005, NAUUC Norwegian Act Related to University and University Colleges, 2005). These legislative endeavours aim to tackle the systemic obstacles that hinder women’s progress, suggesting that the current disparities are seen as issues rooted in institutions rather than the women themselves.

In Norway, several higher education institutions actively strive for equality and gender parity through specialized action plans that establish precise objectives and tactics, with a particular focus on increasing the presence of women in research and leadership positions. These programmes frequently require the allocation of human resources to promote diversity inside the institutions, and undertake recruitment tactics to enhance the representation of women in their workforce, particularly in senior academic positions. For example, University of Bergen (UiB), being the first Norwegian university to form an equal opportunity committee in 1973, regularly releases equality statistics in both Norwegian and English, as well as periodically publishes an action plan for equal opportunities (Nielsen, 2017). Furthermore, there are mentoring initiatives specifically tailored to assist women in academia, aimed at providing advice in early phases of their careers or later, with the goal of increasing the representation of female academics. UiO, for example, implements gender equality initiatives that include a mentoring programme for female postdocs and career development opportunities for female associate professors (Nielsen, 2017). Furthermore, Norway aims to facilitate flexible working time arrangements to support employees, especially those managing both work and family responsibilities. These extensive endeavours demonstrate a dedication to establishing an all-encompassing and varied academic atmosphere in Norway (Nielsen, 2017; NRC The Research Council of Norway, 2023).

3. Empowerment of female researchers

The professional advancement of female scholars is the outcome of various interrelated and multifaceted elements collaborating within the environment in which they operate. For decades, researchers have investigated the obstacles to their careers. Feminist researchers labelled female academics as ‘double deviants’ (Laws, 1975), because they ‘deviate from patriarchal societal norms by their gender’ and also deviate by ‘aspiring to masculine roles and goals by their profession’ (Yoder & Sinnett, 1985, p. 414).

Specifically, at the macro level, entrenched cultural traditions mandate that females to be subordinate to males and take caring roles. It was manifested that female researchers must shoulder the primary responsibility of family and childcare (Khalid et al., 2024; Nguyen, 2013; Odhiambo, 2011). Gender biases that uphold the culture of masculinity are institutionalized at the meso- or institutional-level. For instance, female academics devote more time to teaching, student advisory, and administrative responsibilities than do male academics, who devote more time to research (Barrett & Barrett, 2011; O’Meara et al., 2017). At the micro-level or individual level, female academics have acknowledged a lack of motivation and confidence in their ability to advance their careers (Bao & Tian, 2022; Cubillo & Brown, 2003).

This becomes more severe when the double-deviant identities combine with ‘foreign’ (Johansson & Śliwa, 2014). Czarniawska and Sevón (2008) described female academics with international backgrounds as ‘double strangers’- a stranger in a perceived masculine profession (that is, academia) and a foreigner as opposed to local researchers. Their academic employment experience is impacted by the three identities, either independently or in combination. For instance, female immigrant researchers may have trouble finding work prospects since their foreignness results in a lack of networks (van den Brink & Benschop, 2012). Their language proficiency may also hinder their career advancement (Tietze, 2008).

Scholars have dedicated to studying women’s empowerment, and since the 1990s, the idea has become widely recognized (Karl, 1995). Embedded in the premise of augmenting individuals’ agency, autonomy, self-efficacy, and aptitude for decision-making, the construct of empowerment extends across diverse spheres encompassing social, economic, political, and psychological dimensions. It has been described as a process of transforming power relations in favour of those who previously exercised little power over their own lives (Batliwala, 1994; Narayan, 2005; Panda, 2000). The concept emphasizes the transformation of power dynamics, promoting the inclusion and participation of marginalized groups in decision-making processes (Lee & Koh, 2001; Perkins & Zimmerman, 1995; Rodwell, 1996). The ultimate goal is to attain equality by transforming the power relations between men and women (Cornwall, 2016). ‘Transforming power relations’ is a key component that will enable women to take control of ideology (i.e. beliefs, values, and attitudes) and resources (Cornwall, 2016).

Empowerment has served as a fundamental theoretical framework in the examination of gender equality. This entails examining the impact of interventions and policies on women’s independence, ability to make choices, financial outlook, and overall welfare (Jayaweera, 1997; Pereznieto & Taylor, 2014; Varkey et al., 2010). In development studies, scholars put forth various dimensions to assess and elucidate the concept of female empowerment within particular contexts. Ballon (2018), drawing on the capability approach and the gender economics literature, refers to empowerment as a woman’s capacity to make decisions about both strategic and non-strategic aspects of her life. The conceptualization considers three crucial factors: resources, values/traditions, and decision outcomes, which constitute a set of structural equations to measure empowerment quantitatively. Empowerment is partially measured by decision outcomes, while resources and values/traditions are considered external factors in the model. Scholars also explore efficacious empowerment-focused intervention strategies to tackle gender disparities and foster social transformation. For example, microfinance is advocated as a crucial strategy for reducing poverty and helping impoverished women handle the negative economic and social effects of economic restructuring and globalization (Lamichhane, 2020; Tariq & Sangmi, 2018).

As women’s empowerment depends on the particular situation in which they find themselves, no one-size-fits-all paradigm for empowerment can apply to all facets of women’s lives or be applicable for any nation or location (Malhotra & Schuler, 2005). Furthermore, empowering one aspect of women’s lives will not be automatically transformed into other aspects of their lives. As Panda (2000) suggested, one must study all the pertinent components in the immediate context and macro environment to constitute a comprehensive empowerment framework for women. In this view, empowering female academics’ career development needs to take into account the immediate context (i.e. institution or institutional dynamics) and macro environment (i.e. Norwegian higher education) that female academics are situated in, as well as their personal traits (i.e. race, gender and ethnicities).

This study posits that the concept of empowerment is complex and necessitates a thorough analysis of different dimensions that are vital to the career paths of female researchers. Empowerment refers to the ability of female researchers to exercise their own agency and autonomy as they make complex career decisions, overcome systemic obstacles, and take control of the direction of their academic endeavours. Moreover, this study broadens the comprehension of empowerment by including the examination of institutional dynamics and policies that promote a favourable environment for women’s career advancement. Institutional policies and practices have a significant influence on the ability of female researchers to achieve work-life balance, feel included, and contribute to an organizational culture that actively encourages and supports equal career progression. The research aims to explore the important connections between individual agency and institutional frameworks, in order to reveal the factors that either support or hinder the empowerment of female researchers.

4. Method

This study applies semi-structured interviews conducted with a cohort of 28 female researchers in Norway. The method of purposive sampling (Robinson, 2014) is utilized to select participants who meet the necessary criteria, namely female researchers employed in Norwegian higher education. We also take into consideration the career stages, academic disciplines, age, and local or international backgrounds of the participants during the selection. Out of all the participants, 16 are from Norway, while the other 12 have an international background. The interviewees encompass a range of academic positions, including early career PhD researchers (who are considered as employees with fixed-term contracts in Norway. PhD researchers with international background based in Norwegian institutions hold work visa instead for student visa), post-doctoral researchers, and senior positions such as associate professors and full professors. They are affiliated with 7 Norwegian higher education institutions, both public and private. At the time of the interview, the female researchers ranged in age from their early 30s to their early 50s, and all of them were in committed relationships or had families.

Interviewees were invited to individual, in-person, meetings, lasting 60–90 minutes. Stringent ethical considerations (Webster et al., 2013) were incorporated into the study design and implementation throughout the entire research process. This involved a detailed protocol that included clear communication with the participants about the purpose of the research, the use of information obtained from the interviews, and steps taken to protect their privacy. The participants were guaranteed complete confidentiality and privacy, with a commitment that no personal identification would be traceable in any written materials from the interviews.

The interview questions were designed to elicit detailed and insightful responses, exploring both the concrete aspects of participants’ professional experiences and their personal perspectives, as well as their own reflections as female academics. This approach sought to obtain a comprehensive understanding of the participants’ experiences in relation to their work and professional progress, enabling a more detailed analysis of the various aspects under investigation. Data analysis in this study adheres to the guidance set forth by Gioia methodology (Gioia et al., 2013), extracting first-order concepts, second-order themes and aggregated dimensions, respectively. Names appeared in the article are anonymised.

5. Research findings

This section examines four intertwined and controversial dual notions that illustrate the intricate negotiations that female researchers undertake in their career advancement. Namely, unambitious female researchers and institutional expectations, meritocracy and ‘significant others’ in career progression, acting men and performing women, and institutional supports and peer critics. These notions span institutional policies, gender roles, important relationships, and personal aspirations.

5.1. Unambitious female researchers and institutional expectations

Female researchers who were interviewed for the study expressed that they wanted to advance to next academic tiers. PhD candidates seek to successfully finish their training and secure an academic job in a related field. Non-permanent position holders aspire to obtain permanent positions, while associate professors aspire to progress to the rank of professor. They also clearly highlighted the connection between productivity and progression in the academic domain. In academia, the career progression is explicitly based on teaching performance and particularly, research productivity.

I set a goal to publish at least 4 articles per year, in addition to the administrative work, supervising, and teaching duties. You know, it is more and more difficult to squeeze time to conduct own research, but we need to do that (publish) anyway …. (Jane, full professor)

The pursuit of improving performance and productivity is portrayed as both a personal ambition and a conscientious response to institutional requirements, particularly in the context of restructuring higher education governance in Norway (Michelsen & Stensaker, 2011). Within this framework, the envisioned path entails not only achieving but exceeding established standards, thereby making a substantial contribution to the knowledge generation mission of higher education. This aspiration aligns perfectly with the overarching goals of advancing gender diversity in higher education and fostering a more inclusive and diverse academic environment (Bergman & Rustad, 2013; Lund, 2020). While pursuing their own professional goals, academics also contribute to the overall objectives of achieving gender equality and improving research qualifications in higher education.

Nevertheless, it is crucial to examine the underlying essence of the aforementioned aspirations, as their attainment is often characterized as a gradual journey rather than an immediate necessity, as reflected during the interviews. While the endeavour to achieve academic advancement is admirable, there is growing suspicion amongst the interviewees regarding the notion of prioritizing this pursuit at the expense of other facets of life. In contrast to assertions advocating for immediate and desperate career progression, an alternative viewpoint argues that individuals may elect to prioritize various aspects of their lives over swift advancement in their professional ambitions. In other words, female researchers have goals, but do not care so much about how efficiently they are achieved.

There are many things that I want to achieve in my career: interesting topics that I would like to dig more into, a bigger and more solid team, research funds, and PhDs. But I tell myself all the time: no need to achieve that all at once. I guess I do not want to be the person who only has a job; I do want my own private life, summer vacations, time to cook dinner for the family, and to ski with friends … (Moa, associate professor)

Echoing Moa’s narratives, most interviewees describe that they prefer to allocate their time and effort to different facets of life outside of their professional obligations, including, for example, meaningful relationships, family life, and personal hobbies. Interestingly, the choice to expand one’s viewpoint signifies a broader recognition of the diverse nature of life, where success and satisfaction go beyond the limits of career achievements. This perspective highlights the varied preferences and assessments exhibited by individuals during decision-making processes and the execution of actions.

The Norwegian society’s emphasis on work-life balance, along with the presence of a comprehensive welfare scheme and a moderate level of competition, could account for this relaxed ‘take-it-easy’ approach of female researchers. However, it can also be explained through a gender disparity analysis (Hentschel et al., 2019) that men exhibit greater assertiveness and agency in pursuing their career objectives, whereas women tend to display more modesty and are more vulnerable to being disrupted by significant life moments such as marriage and parenthood. The apparent lack of ambition among Norwegian female researchers can also be seen as a manifestation of institutionalized self-bias and limited identification due to external structures, such as Janteloven, a cultural norm that promotes contempt for extraordinary achievements in the society (Avant & Knutsen, 1993; Bromgard et al., 2014).

5.2. Meritocracy and ‘significant others’ in career progression

The standards for advancing in one’s career within academic institutions are commonly perceived by interviewees as primarily merit-based, in accordance with explicit criteria that strongly prioritize scholarly outputs. This approach, which focuses on meritocracy, aims to reward individuals based on the excellence and quantity of their academic contributions, especially in the form of research outputs. This is reinforced by an institutional focus on quantifiable measures such as the impact factor of publications, citation counts, and the quality of research contributions as the main factors determining career advancement.

Nevertheless, a more intricate analysis of professional advancement demonstrates that meritocracy is not the exclusive factor. Aside from explicit merit-based standards such as grants and publications, interviewees reveal that there is an intricate interaction of factors that operate both overtly and covertly, which they describe as ‘significant others’:

Many claim that Norwegian society is a bit conservative. That can be true, since most of us have established networks and research groups already. I can imagine the difficulty of integrating into a new academic environment as a newcomer, perhaps especially for foreign academics. People naturally work with those they are familiar with, and it takes time to build trust. I would say, it helps quite a lot if you know someone from before, let it be a history of co-authoring articles, project experiences, or someone who opens the door for you and introduces you to the community—the significant others. (Ada, associate professor)

While significant others in sociology were interpreted as important factors determining educational expectations and academic performance (Reitzes & Mutran, 1980), here the term refers to the relationships one has with their immediate supervisor, interactions and associations with senior researchers, and involvement with local communities. The interconnectedness of these relationships enables academics to enter established research networks, playing a crucial and diverse role in their career advancement.

Interviewees clarified that the mentorship and guidance one receives, as well as their ability to navigate the dynamics of an institution and gain support for career advancement, are greatly influenced by their relationships with direct supervisors or line managers. Forming relationships with experienced researchers provides chances for collaboration, mentorship, and entry into established academic networks, ultimately reinforcing an individual’s visibility and influence in the academic realm. Furthermore, the significance of local communities in the advancement of one’s career adds an extra contextual aspect to the dynamics of academic growth. By actively participating in community engagement, individuals gain a sense of empowerment that enhances their comprehension of the intricate elements of career progression, which extend beyond the ostensibly equitable merit-based system.

This is especially true for female researchers with an international background, who have insufficient knowledge of promotion regulations, procedures, institutional practices, and local connections. An interviewee expressed her reluctance to apply for a professorship, despite being fully aware that she met all the necessary criteria. She had doubts regarding the probability of success in her application for a professorship, the specific steps involved in the application process, and the appropriate individuals to seek guidance from regarding application preparation, the formation of the evaluation committee, and salary negotiation following promotion.

The biggest challenge is to find the right person to answer specific questions. For example, I need to propose a few names from both local and international contexts to review my application materials, according to normal practice. So, the question is, who are the persons based in Norwegian institutions, or academics in foreign institutions but familiar with the Norwegian system? How do I narrow down the few names? … We do have advisors who give general guidelines and suggestions, but not on this specific level. (laugh) I am in the paradox of being a productive international researcher and a well-connected local researcher … (Linn, associate professor)

Linn humorously acknowledged that she also possesses a strong feminine identity and prefers to maintain a modest presence, rather than immediately asserting her eligibility for the title of professor. After accumulating several years of experience at her institution, she will obtain the necessary networks, contacts, and self-confidence to finally submit her application.

Meritocracy remains a fundamental principle in determining career progression in academia. However, research has shown that certain individual factors, such as gender, field of study, prior experience, the decoupling strategies of department leaders (Nielsen, 2016), and institutional context, including the number of full professors and percentage of female researchers, also have a significant influence on the decision to recommend them for promotion (Crawford et al., 2012). Nevertheless, the existence of influential individuals introduces intricate relational dynamics that have the potential to shape and empower members of professional networks. It is crucial to identify these fundamental components in order to fully understand the factors that impact career progression. They emphasize the importance of individual accomplishments and strategic connections in successfully navigating the intricate landscape of academic advancement.

5.3. Acting men and performing women

Acting men and performing women is summarized as a deliberate strategy used by the interviewed female researchers to navigate the many obstacles present in academic societies and institutions that are predominantly male-dominated. Female researchers interviewed demonstrate a heightened consciousness of their disadvantaged status within academia, a feature supported and emphasized by a continuous body of scholarly literature (Probert, 2005; Roos & Gatta, 2009). Empirical evidence repeatedly confirms the presence of gender disadvantages and inequities within academic structures, which hinder the professional advancement of women in research (O’Meara et al., 2017; Yoder & Sinnett, 1985). The increased awareness among female researchers arises from a shared recognition of the persistent obstacles women encounter, including, for example, minimal presence in positions of authority, discrepancies in funding for research, and lasting gender prejudices (Griffin, 2020; Hill et al., 2016).

Amidst these intricate circumstances, a recurring challenge expressed by interviewees centres on deeply embedded gender stereotypes and cultural expectations.

It happened a few times that I was regarded as a PhD student in meetings, conferences or seminars. It really pissed me off. But I do not even care to correct them at all now. After being a professor for so many years, my female appearance still not associated with senior positions in people’s minds. How satire it is! (Hebe, professor)

In academic settings, there is often a preference for and promotion of masculine forms of expression and work methods. This causes the interviewed academics to question their identities and professional responsibilities. As stated by interviewees, the term female researcher is inherently perplexing. On one side, they must fulfil their role as researchers, which involves competing, acquiring, winning, negotiating, and demanding. Conversely, they are expected to embody femininity by being calm, kind, nurturing, and patient.

This is quite puzzling. Which role holds greater significance: being a researcher or being a female? How can one effectively combine these two aspects, considering their inherently controversial nature? For instance, I do not believe I am particularly well-liked by my colleagues. I express my ambitions and preferences loudly and clearly in staff meetings, I share my recent publications with internal mail, guess all these reduce my feminine charm (laugh) … (Hilde, associate professor)

The perplexity in Hilde’s narratives mirrors a prevalent tension between adhering to established norms and asserting one’s distinctiveness in a professional setting. Women in academia are required to navigate the delicate equilibrium between exhibiting behaviours typically associated with masculine characteristics and fulfilling the societal expectations linked to femininity. This complex aspect forms an integral part of their academic experience. The strategic navigation, acting men and performing women, highlights the ongoing difficulties that women researchers face as they navigate their roles within academic environments influenced by long-standing gender biases.

5.4. Institutional supports and peer critics

The demand for greater inclusion of women in academia has gained significant popularity, leading institutions to implement policies and initiatives focused on fostering gender diversity. The need for female promotion is frequently advocated as a strategy, at the institutional level, to rectify past disparities and cultivate a more inclusive scholarly atmosphere. Interviewees emphasized the vitality of gender equality practices within their respective institutions.

In addition to the female-priority rules in recruitment, there are also practices that require the presence of at least one female member on the interview committee. In my institution, certain funding programs or mobility schemes specifically target women (Tracy, post-doctoral fellow)

However, institutional practice might be problematic in particular instances. One interviewee stated her active participation and frequent involvement in various board members and committees. She contemplated whether her unique abilities make her the most qualified candidate for these positions, or perhaps it is more crucial to have female representation on these boards.

It seems it is more convenient to include the same one female in all instances, rather than simultaneously promoting more females … I concern that many institutional practices have evolved into just slogans … (Tina, professor)

Although there is a clear institutional focus on supporting female scholars, the opinions of individual peers at a micro-level remain ambiguous. Interviewees assert that the introduction of female promotion activities might lead to discontent among colleagues, who may view these efforts as prejudice. Interviewees reported that they have received subtle complaints, particularly from male colleagues, asserting that they are ineligible for specific funding and programmes based on their gender.

These complaints were expressed subtly, sometimes even as jokes, but maybe because I am sensitive enough, I could still sense the underlying displeasure. (Betty, PhD researcher)

Furthermore, interviewees mentioned that some of their faculty members argue that the promotion of female academics should not compromise the principle of meritocracy. They concern that efforts to promote gender equality may unintentionally put individuals who have achieved success solely based on their abilities at a disadvantage.

These factors indicate the need for promoting a transparent and open discussion regarding gender equality, establishing clear and fair procedures for advancement, and nurturing a culture of mentorship and assistance, as suggested by literature (Laursen & Austin, 2020). Such measures act as a link between the goals of institutions and the individual concerns of peers, thus fostering a shared comprehension of the obstacles and possibilities involved in advancing women in academia. Institutions thus can address hidden critics’ concerns and promote a sense of fairness by clearly defining the criteria and mechanisms for promotions. This will help create an environment where female promotion is not just a slogan, but a concrete and harmonious demonstration of a genuine dedication to gender equality.

6. Conclusion

This paper employs an empowerment perspective to thoroughly analyse the multitude of variables that impact the professional progress and acknowledgement of women academics in Norwegian universities. By scrutinizing the interplay between structural elements, particularly institutional policies, and individual factors, notably the pivotal role of empowering agents and the resolute personal will of female researchers, this study unveils a nuanced landscape of empowerment within academia.

This research sheds light on the complex dynamics that female researchers must negotiate, including institutional policies, gender roles, personal relationships, and individual goals. Four parallel and controversial dual terms are summarized, namely, Unambitious female researchers and institutional expectations; Meritocracy and ‘significant others’ in career progression; Acting men and performing women; and institutional supports and peer critics. The phrase unambitious female researchers and institutional expectations refers to female researchers who, despite having definite career objectives and desires for advancement, opt to prioritize personal aspects of life and voluntarily take a more relaxed approach. Meritocracy and ‘significant others’ emphasize the significance of establishing relationships with key personnel such as line managers and senior researchers to advance the professional development of female researchers, despite the primary effect of meritocracy. The phrase acting men and performing women is a strategy developed by female scholars in balancing their multiple roles and fulfilling gender expectations within a male-dominated academic atmosphere and society. The phrase institutional supports and peer critics suggests that many practices of gender equality are only symbolic, and with critics arguing that they might perpetuate bias and undermine meritocracy.

This article suggests the need for academic institutions to implement well-defined policies and proactive actions that specifically target historical disparities, and the progress of female researchers in their careers. It also highlights the necessity for a more nuanced and refined approach in practice. At national level, it is suggested to enact national legislative reforms that mandate gender quotas in leadership and grant committees, provide funding incentives for institutions showing progress in gender equality, and implement comprehensive parental leave and childcare support. At the institutional level, policies should focus on transparent recruitment processes and regular gender audits. Moreover, to incorporate mentorship programmes into the structure of an institution, which offer guidance, motivation, and a feeling of belonging, thus promoting the empowerment and career advancement of female academics. Additionally, new initiatives inspired by successful case studies incorporate mandatory gender equality training, flexible work schedules, and robust networking platforms for female researchers. These combined efforts contribute to a more equitable academic environment and promote sustained gender equality.

This study possesses several limitations. Firstly, the research is geographically confined to Norwegian context, which may restrict the applicability of the findings to other cultural and institutional settings. Furthermore, the cross-sectional design only captures a snapshot in time, which makes it challenging to capture the changing dynamics of gender inequality. The analysis focuses on institutional and individual factors, potentially neglecting broader socio-economic and political influences on gender equality.

Further research should address these limitations by integrating longitudinal designs, expanding the sample size to include a wider range of individuals, and conducting comparative investigations. The comparative analysis approach involves the examination and comparison of gender dynamics in various countries, academic disciplines, and institutional contexts. The comparative analysis approach, particularly, involves the examination and comparison of gender dynamics in various countries, academic disciplines, and institutional contexts. By comparing policies, cultural and institutional practices, researchers are able to uncover effective strategies and best practices that have been successfully implemented in various settings. Such an approach not only highlights the diverse challenges women encounter globally but also emphasizes shared struggles, facilitating the development of more targeted and adaptable solutions.

Disclosure statement

No potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).

Additional information

Notes on contributors

Dian Liu

Dian Liu is currently associate professor at Faculty of Social Sciences, University of Stavanger. Her research focuses on graduate employment, international higher education, and female academics.

Gunhild Bjaalid

Gunhild Bjaalid is a Psychologist at University of Stavanger. Her research areas are Organizational Development, Human Resource Management and Leadership Development.

Elena Menichelli

Elena Menichelli is a senior advisor and data analyst at University of Stavanger. She is specilised in quantitative data analysis.

Xia Sun

Sun Xia is a PhD candidate at Faculty of Social Sciences, University of Stavanger. Her PhD project focuses on career development of female academics.