Examining the role of peace journalism in news coverage of the Russia-Ukraine conflict: A study of Gulf News and Khaleej Times

Abstract

The ongoing conflict in Ukraine has gained significant international attention as one of the recent major military conflicts involving a major world power, Russia. However, the coverage in different countries and regions has been observed to vary significantly, with some news outlets focusing on military aspects and others emphasising the need for peace and peace-making. This issue has been a topic of significant debate among the news media since February 2022. This study seeks to gain a deeper understanding of how the conflict is being covered in the United Arab Emirates (UAE), a country with strong relations with both Russia and Western nations. Content analysis was conducted on two leading English-language daily newspapers in the UAE, Gulf News and Khaleej Times, for the first two weeks of the conflict coverage starting on February 25. We determine the extent to which the coverage focuses on “peace journalism” or “war journalism”. Content analysis was employed to analyse news articles and photos as well as the main themes and frames present in the editorial content to determine the extent to which the coverage emphasises “peace journalism”. The results indicate that the Gulf News and Khaleej Times leaned towards peace journalism in their coverage of the conflict. This is demonstrated by the presence of themes such as peaceful resolution, diplomatic efforts, humanitarian impact of war, and dialogue in their articles.

Keywords:

• Ukraine conflict
• war journalism
• peace journalism
• Gulf News
• Khaleej Times

1. Introduction

This study examines the representation of the Ukraine—Russia conflict in two leading UAE English-language newspapers, Gulf News and Khaleej Times, with a focus on how the discourse on peace and war journalism is reflected in their coverage. The objective is to gain a deeper understanding of the framing of the Ukraine conflict in these newspapers and the ways in which it is presented to the public.

The ongoing military conflict in Ukraine, which began when Russia launched a military intervention on 24 February 2022, has received significant global media coverage (Boyd-Barrett, 2017; Pantti, 2016). This is due to the involvement of Western countries, led by the United States, who oppose the Russian invasion of Ukraine and are providing military and financial aid to the country.

The way military conflicts are reported can vary depending on the editorial leaning and the particular angle or aspect of the story being presented. From the very beginning of the conflict, there has been criticism of the way Western media were reporting the war (Jazeera, 2022). Western media coverage has also been labelled as biased because “coverage focused on Ukrainian suffering” rather than paying attention to human suffering in other conflict zones (Allsop, 2022). Additionally, some Western news outlets have exhibited a tendency to express sympathy for Ukrainian victims in a manner that highlights their perceived racial and cultural characteristics, such as being “white”, “Christian”, “middle class”, “blonde”, and “blue-eyed” (Lawati & Ebrahim, 2022). This pattern of representation has been noted in interviews and correspondence from these outlets, implying a potential bias in the way that the victims have been portrayed. Such representation may be seen as problematic as it suggests a tendency to prioritise certain victims over others based on their perceived characteristics.

Peace journalism diverges from traditional war reporting by emphasising the underlying structures and causes behind conflicts rather than solely focusing on surface events like bombings, high-precision weapons. Furthermore the coverage humanises every party in a dispute, foregrounding the voices of those directly affected, and seeks to spotlight potential resolutions and pathways to peace and actively avoids the binary framings common in war journalism (Rafeeq, 2007), opting instead for a nuanced, multi-dimensional portrayal of conflicts. Within the context of the Russia-Ukraine conflict, peace journalism needs a departure from simply chronicling battles or territorial shifts. Instead, it should provide context by looking into the tensions’ historical and geopolitical roots. Media coverage would mean presenting stories that humanise civilians from Ukraine and Russia-occupied areas, highlighting their shared struggles and aspirations amidst the conflict, rather than amplifying divisive narratives or relying on polarising “us vs. them” frameworks.

A survey of media consumers in Brazil, the United States, Great Britain, Germany, and Poland found that respondents felt that the media had not performed well in explaining the broader implications of the conflict or offering a diverse range of perspectives on it (Eddy & Fletcher, 2022).

This includes coverage of the actions and statements of political leaders, the movements and actions of military forces, and the plight of civilians caught in the crossfire. Additionally, this coverage often examines the broader regional and international implications of the conflict. This approach to reporting has been consistent with news outlets’ traditional way of reporting on war and conflicts.

While the Western news media’s coverage of the Ukraine conflict has primarily focused on the political and military aspects of the situation (Nygren et al., 2018), some studies have revealed that there has also been a trend towards what is known as “peace journalism”. This is an approach to reporting that emphasises the search for peaceful solutions to conflicts and the portrayal of different perspectives in a balanced and unbiased manner. This approach often includes coverage of peace initiatives, humanitarian issues, and the voices and perspectives of marginalised groups (Galtung, 2003). Studies on military conflict coverage have found that some news media outlets tend to lean more towards conflict coverage given the high news value, especially when they involve major powers (Galtung & Ruge, 1965; Harcup & O’neill, 2017; Taylor, 1995). This type of journalism has been criticised for promoting a culture of war and violence and for failing to provide a balanced perspective on the issues at hand.

These studies demonstrate that the way a conflict is covered can vary greatly depending on the news outlet and the region or country in which it is based (Khaldarova & Pantti, 2016). The approach news media take towards covering the conflict can have a significant impact on public perceptions and understanding of the situation.

This study conducts a content analysis of the editorial content, including photographs, published in Khaleej Times and Gulf News during a two-week period preceding the Russian invasion of Ukraine on 24 February 2022. The study investigates the representation of the Ukraine—Russia conflict in these newspapers from the perspective of peace and war journalism. Additionally, the extent to which visual (photos) and textual (news articles) coverage differs in terms of their focus on peace and war journalism is examined. Through this analysis, this study aims to contribute to a deeper understanding of the ways in which print newspapers present conflicts to the public and the potential implications of these representations on the discourses of peace and war journalism.

2. Literature review

The concept of “peace journalism” was first introduced by Johan Galtung as a framework to challenge the news values he had previously developed in his seminal work (Galtung & Ruge, 1965). Galtung (1986) argued that the media is overly preoccupied with war and violence and that peaceful narratives are often marginalised. Thus, he proposed two distinct types of journalism when covering conflicts: peace journalism and war journalism (Galtung, 1986). Galtung (2003) describes the former as a form of journalism that allows journalists and scholars to consider conflict in two dimensions: the “high road” and the “low road”. The “high road” refers to the focus on the possibilities of peace surrounding a specific conflict situation, while the “low road” refers to the focus on the conflict situation itself. This analogy highlights the importance of considering multiple perspectives and potential solutions in the coverage of conflicts and the role of the media in promoting peace.

Peace journalism, as defined by Galtung, emphasises the promotion of peace initiatives and the downplaying of differences between parties, with the goal of resolving conflicts through non-violent means. On the other hand, war journalism focuses on emphasising the differences between opposing parties and promotes the use of violence to resolve the conflict. Galtung (1986) argues that peace journalism prioritises the prevention of violence and war, highlights humanitarian issues, and emphasises peaceful initiatives. In contrast, war journalism focuses on the theatre of war, promotes an “us vs. them” mentality, and dehumanises the opposing side with the belief that peace can be achieved through victory and ceasefire. Lynch and McGoldrick (2006) define peace journalism as a practice in which “editors and reporters make choices, of what to report and how to report it, that create opportunities for society at large to consider and value non-violent responses to conflict” (p. 5).

Galtung (1998) posited that peace journalism could have played a significant role in the resolution of the Northern Ireland conflict, arguing that the conflict would have transitioned to a more peaceful phase at an earlier juncture had this approach been adopted. Specifically, he asserts that by emphasising non-violent outcomes, fostering empathy towards all parties involved, and promoting creativity in coverage, peace journalism is more likely to contribute to the attainment of peace. This perspective highlights the potential for peace journalism to serve as a valuable tool in the resolution of conflicts and the pursuit of peace. Hyde Clarke (2011) investigated English-language South African print media and echoed Galtung’s (1998) aforementioned assertion (Galtung, 1998). The South African study argues that in the interest of maintaining stability in diverse societies, media outlets should be more cognizant of peace journalism practices and make an effort to adhere to its principles when producing content for public consumption (Hyde Clarke (2011). This study highlights the importance of peace journalism in promoting peaceful resolutions to conflicts and fostering social cohesion.

These definitions emphasise the role of media professionals in shaping how conflicts are represented and perceived by the public and the potential for news coverage to promote peaceful resolutions to conflicts. Furthermore, peace journalism emphasises the connections between journalists, their sources, stories they cover, and the impact of their agenda-setting roles, emphasising the ethical implications of journalistic intervention.

Previous research has extensively examined the constructs of peace and war journalism. An analysis of studies conducted between 2009 and 2015 revealed that war journalism was the predominant frame in 41 research articles related to peace journalism (Gouse et al., 2019). This finding highlights that war journalism was more prevalent than peace journalism in the studies examined. Lee and Maslog (2005) examined the extent to which four Asian regional conflicts were framed as war journalism or peace journalism. Overall, news coverage of these conflicts was dominated by a war journalism frame. This study extends Galtung’s (1986) work on the classification of peace and war journalism.

Similarly, Lee (2010) analysed the news coverage of three Asian conflicts (India and Pakistan’s dispute over Kashmir, the Tamil Tigers movement in Sri Lanka, and Indonesian civil wars in Aceh and Maluku) using a content analysis of 1,973 stories from 16 English-language and vernacular newspapers. The study expanded on Galtung’s classification of peace and war journalism, and the findings suggest that peace journalism as an alternative to traditional war reporting was subject to structural limitations. The study also revealed that media and institutional constraints, such as language, story type, production source, conflict length, and intensity, shape the patterns of war/peace journalism framing.

A study of Kenyan print media found that the Kenyan media had failed to take advantage of the opportunity to experiment with peace journalism in their coverage of the war against terror (Ogenga, 2012). Instead, the Kenyan press continues to operate within the framework of war journalism. This research highlights the missed opportunities for peace journalism in African media and the persistence of the war journalism frame in the coverage of conflicts, despite its proximity.

A study of the 2010 Israeli—Palestinian related incident involving the Mavi Marmara found that an Israeli newspaper, Haaretz, employed significantly more war journalism narratives than the two non-Israeli papers, The Guardian and The New York Times (Fahmy & Eakin, 2014). The news coverage of the incident varied between the different newspapers, with Haaretz adopting a more war-focused narrative compared to The Guardian and The New York Times, which adopted a more nuanced approach. Wolfsfeld (2003) argues that even during the coverage of the Israeli—Palestinian peace process, news focuses on the ongoing conflict between the two sides, partly because of the media’s constant need for drama. He contends that negotiations are often seen as “boring events” and thus, are not considered newsworthy by the media.

This perspective suggests that media coverage can have a significant impact on the representation and perception of peace processes and highlights the importance of responsible and balanced reporting in promoting the peaceful resolution of conflicts. An analysis of news coverage of the 2010 Gaza flotilla crisis in four daily newspapers, two from Israel and two from Turkey, found that over two-thirds of the articles used war journalism framing, while slightly more than a quarter used peace journalism framing (Dag, 2013). The study examined newspapers’ role in the crisis, the types of stories reported, the sources of the stories, and the indicators of peace and war journalism, and the connections between these factors.

A study on the press coverage of the 2006 Lebanon War in Canada and Israel by Canadian newspaper, Toronto Sun, and the Israeli newspaper, Yediot Aharonot, during the war revealed that the coverage of the war leaned towards a “war journalism” narrative (Shinar, 2009). This highlights the persistence of war journalism in the press coverage of conflicts. However, the study also concludes that there are opportunities for the advancement of peace journalism and suggests that professional practices can be adopted to achieve this goal.

Similarly, a study of Turkish Cypriot and Greek Cypriot newspapers’ coverage of the 2011 conflict between Turkey and Greece over the excavation of hydrocarbon reserves revealed a strong preference towards war journalism (Ciftcioglu & Shaw, 2021). Furthermore, the analysis indicated that the newspapers from both sides failed to discuss peaceful solutions to the hydrocarbon conflict and failed to address the potential negative consequences of a possible war related to the conflict.

Researchers have also investigated the effects of war and peace frames on news consumers and found that individuals who viewed peace journalism frames on television were characterised by less anger and fear, and greater levels of hope and empathy, compared to those who viewed war-framed stories (Lynch & McGoldrick, 2013). Furthermore, individuals exposed to peace journalism frames were less likely to assign blame to one side of the conflict. These findings provide insight into the potential psychological effects of different frames used in news coverage and highlight the potential for peace journalism to promote a more constructive understanding of conflicts. Hussain (2016) investigated the coverage of the Taliban conflict in Pakistani media and found that from the perspective of peace journalism, the coverage was escalatory and elitist. Specifically, while the security-related aspects of the conflict were emphasised, the problems and experiences of victims were neglected. This study highlights the need for peace journalism to be more effectively incorporated into the coverage of conflicts, and the importance of considering the perspectives and experiences of all parties involved.

Based on the peace and war journalism models developed by Galtung (1986) and Lee and Maslog (2005) this study adopted the following model of peace and war journalism.

The table compares the characteristics of peace and war journalism-oriented reporting. The former emphasises the causes and consequences of a conflict, as well as the humanitarian impact on individuals, including trauma, damage to property, and damage to culture. It is non-partisan and focuses on the perspectives of ordinary people and their problems, giving voice to different parties and stakeholders. It is win-win oriented, avoids demonising language, and reports on the invisible effects of conflict. In contrast, the latter concentrates on the observable outcomes of the conflict, primarily sources information from authority figures or high-status individuals, employs language that dehumanises or vilifies certain groups, takes a partisan stance, and pits one side against the other. The language used is often divisive, and the reporting is often characterised by a winner-loser dichotomy, and it also tends to use language that perpetuates victims.

3. Research questions

(RQ1):

How does the coverage of the Ukraine-Russia conflict present the conflict from the perspective of peace and war journalism?

RQ1 examines how the coverage of the conflict presents it from the perspective of peace and war journalism. This would provide an insight into the way the media is framing the conflict, whether it is focused on promoting peaceful resolution or emphasising the use of violence and differences between the parties. It could also provide an understanding of how the media is influencing the public’s perception of the conflict.

(RQ2):

Do the visual and textual coverage differ in their focus on peace and war journalism?

RQ2 investigates whether there is any difference in the focus on peace and war journalism between the visual (photographs) and textual (articles) coverage of the conflict, which could provide insight into how the media is portraying the conflict and the message(s) they are trying to convey.

4. Method

The present study employs content analysis as a methodology to investigate the coverage of the Ukraine conflict in relation to peace and war journalism in the United Arab Emirates (UAE). The sample consisted of the two largest English-language newspapers in the UAE, Gulf News and Khaleej Times. The unit of analysis is the news stories, and photos related to the Ukraine conflict. As the Russian invasion of Ukraine started on 24 February 2022, and newspaper coverage of the event in the UAE began a day later, the sampling period was from February 25 to 11 March 2022, comprising 196 articles and 132 photos.

The editorial content was classified into various categories, such as news, in-depth news, editorial, and op-ed articles. Furthermore, based on the presence or absence of frames related to peace or war journalism within the news story, these were also categorised as peace journalism, war journalism, mixed, or none. In coding textual and visual content the models developed by Galtung (1986) and Lee and Maslog (2005) were used to determine the orientation of the content either as peace or war journalism. The entire article was analysed to determine if it was to be classified as peace journalism or war journalism focussed. For example if a news article focuses on ordinary people and their problems it is coded as peace journalism given that the story highlights the impact of military conflict on civilians.

In identifying the frames within the news articles, each article was scrutinised to see the absence or presence of key characteristics of peace or war journalism (See Table 1). If an article has more peace journalism characteristics. In that case, it is classified as having a “peace journalism” frame, while an article categorised as “mixed” would include an equal amount of “peace” and “war” journalism frames.

Table 1. Characteristics of peace and war journalism

Peace-journalism oriented

War-journalism oriented

Reports causes and consequences of the conflict Focuses on the humanitarian impact of conflict, trauma, damages to property and culture Non-partisan (neutral, not taking sides) Focuses on ordinary people and their problems Gives voice to different parties & stakeholders Win-win oriented Avoids demonising language Reports on invisible effects of conflict Avoids labelling of good vs. bad -Avoids victimising language

Reports causes and consequences of the conflict Non-partisan (neutral, not taking sides) Reports on visible effects of conflict Relies on leaders and elite as news sources Uses demonising/dehumanising language Partisan reporting Good vs. bad tagging Two-party orientation (one party wins, one party loses) Uses victimising language Zero-sum orientation

Notes: Adapted from peace and war journalism models developed by Galtung (1986) and Lee and Maslog (2005).

Additionally, accompanying photographs were also coded to assess whether they were oriented towards peace or war journalism. If an article has more than one accompanying photo, the most dominant visual was selected for coding. The use of photographs is considered a means of promoting peace journalism, as visual elements can elicit “sympathy for human suffering through visual documentation” (Ottosen, 2007, p. 14). The photographs were classified by their subject matter, such as the impact on civilians, damage to buildings and vehicles, and the presence of peace and war journalism frames in the photographs were also investigated.

Because the author coded news articles and photos, an intra-coder reliability test was performed. Where one person codes all the content, “to test intra-coder reliability, the same individual codes a set of data twice, at different times, and the reliability statistics are computed using the two sets of results” (Wimmer & Dominick, 1997, p. 131). To calculate the reliability coefficient the following formula was used:

Reliability = 2 M/(M₁+N₂)

In the above formula, M is the total number of coding decisions made in the two coding sessions, while N₁ and N₂ are the number of coding decisions made in the two different coding sessions (Wimmer & Dominick, 1997).

This methodology adheres to the protocol outlined above, and a sample of 25% of the selected articles and photos were recoded to establish the reliability of the coding. The results indicated that the reliability coefficient for all variables was above 0.90.

5. Findings

The findings reveal an overwhelming peace journalism orientation in news articles and photos in the coverage of the Ukraine conflict. The most common type of editorial content in both newspapers, Gulf News and Khaleej Times, is news, accounting for 69.6% of Gulf News, 91.5% of Khaleej Times, and 80.1% of the total sample. The second most common type of editorial content is in-depth news, comprising 17.6% of Gulf News, 3.2% of Khaleej Times, and 10.7% of the total sample. The findings also indicate that Gulf News places greater emphasis on providing more comprehensive coverage with in-depth news compared with the Khaleej Times.

6. How does the coverage of the Ukraine-Russia conflict present the conflict from the perspective of peace and war journalism?

The data show that the two UAE newspapers focused on how the conflict is impacting civilians in Ukraine. Articles that focused on the humanitarian impact were coded under the impact of war, which is the most prevalent theme in both newspapers, making up 52.9% and 47.9% of Gulf News’ and Khaleej Times’ content, respectively (Table 2). This indicates that both newspapers are placing significant emphasis on the effects of the conflict on civilians and society.

Table 2. Themes of editorial content (in %, N = 196)

Themes	Gulf News	Khaleej Times
Process of combat	8.8	14.9
Military build-up	6.9	5.3
Impact of war	52.9	47.9
Diplomacy	11.8	6.4
Explainer	5.9	0
Anti-war responses	1.0	2.1
Pro-war responses	1.0	0
Criticism of Russia	2.0	8.5
Criticism of Ukraine	2.0	0
Anti-Russian responses from West	3.9	13.8
Other	3.9	1.1

Chi-square test χ2 (2) = 23.449, p = .009

In terms of the process of combat, Gulf News has a higher percentage of editorial content (8.8%) than Khaleej Times (14.9%). The theme of “Military build-up” accounted for 6.9% and 5.3% of editorial content in Gulf News and Khaleej Times, indicating that both newspapers are providing coverage of military activities and preparations for war. The theme of “Diplomacy” accounted for 11.8% and 6.4% of editorial content in Gulf News and Khaleej Times, respectively, indicating that Gulf News is providing more coverage of diplomatic efforts to resolve the conflict.

On the first day of the invasion coverage, Gulf News advocated for caution and diplomacy, stating that “a diplomatic solution is possible and hopefully comes sooner than later” (Gulf News, 2022b, p. 7). On the following day, Gulf News published an editorial with the headline “Only diplomacy can prevent a tragedy”, in which it urged all parties involved to prioritise negotiations, stating that “talks must get the upper hand for the sake of millions of innocents caught in crossfire” (Gulf News, 2022a, p. 8).

The theme of “Criticism of Russia” accounted for 2.0% and 8.5% of editorial content in Gulf News and Khaleej Times, respectively, indicating that the latter is providing more coverage of criticism of Russia’s actions in the conflict. The “Anti-Russian responses from West” accounted for 3.9% and 13.8% of editorial content in Gulf News and Khaleej Times, respectively, indicating that the latter is providing more coverage of anti-Russian responses from Western countries.

Overall, the data suggest that both newspapers provide coverage of a range of themes related to the conflict in Ukraine, including the combat process, military activities, the impact of war on civilians and society, and diplomatic efforts to resolve the conflict. The chi-square test indicated a statistically significant association between the theme of the item and newspapers at χ² (2) = 23.449, p = .009.

On February 27, Gulf News published a story from the UAE’s official news agency, WAM, which highlighted a statement from the UAE government at the UN Security Council. The statement emphasised that the ongoing developments in Ukraine were detrimental to regional and international peace and security, and called for an immediate de-escalation of tensions and the cessation of hostilities (WAM, 2022b). On February 27, Gulf News published another story in which the UAE government called on Russia and Ukraine to adopt diplomacy and sit at the negotiating table to find a political settlement (Nasrallah, 2022). Khaleej Times also covered the UAE government’s call for de-escalation of the conflict in an article featured on its front page on February 27, titled “UAE Calls for Halt to Hostilities”. Although not the main story on the page, this report highlights the UAE government’s official stance on the ongoing conflict and emphasises their call for an end to hostilities.

The following day, Khaleej Times also featured an article on its front page, headlined “UAE Calls for Diplomacy to Solve Crisis” (Khaleej Times, 2022b). This article reported on the UAE’s call for diplomacy in resolving the ongoing conflict, citing a senior government official. The article quoted Dr. Anwar Gargash, Diplomatic Adviser to the UAE President, as saying that “On the Ukrainian crisis, our priorities are to encourage all parties to adopt diplomacy and negotiate to find a political settlement that will end this crisis. We believe that alignment and positioning will only lead to more violence”. This coverage, by Gulf News and Khaleej Times, provides an insight into the UAE government’s official position on the conflict, emphasising the importance of diplomatic efforts in resolving the crisis.

On 5 March 2022, the Gulf News featured an article titled “UAE supports efforts to end Ukraine crisis”. The article reported on a telephone conversation between the then Crown Prince of the UAE, Sheikh Mohammad, and the President of Ukraine, Zelensky. During the call, Sheikh Mohammad conveyed the UAE’s support for any efforts aimed at achieving a peaceful resolution to the ongoing crisis in Ukraine and expressed a willingness to provide assistance to civilians affected by the situation (Gulf News, 2022c). This statement, as reported by Gulf News, highlights the UAE’s commitment to promoting peace and helping those in need. Furthermore, this coverage demonstrates Gulf News’ adherence to peace journalism frame in its coverage of the Ukraine conflict.

6.1. Peace journalism frames

In terms of the distribution of news frames, Gulf News has a higher percentage of articles using peace journalism (60.8%) compared to Khaleej Times (55.3%). Conversely, Khaleej Times has a higher percentage of articles using war journalism (41.5%) compared to Gulf News (26.5%). The percentage of articles using a mixed frame is 12.7% and 3.2% for Gulf News and Khaleej Times, respectively (Table 3).

Table 3. War and peace journalism frames in news articles (in %, N = 196)

Frames	Gulf News	Khaleej Times
Peace journalism	60.8	55.3
War journalism	26.5	41.5
Mixed	12.7	3.2

Chi-square test indicates that there is a statistically significant association between the news frame and the newspaper χ2 (2) = 8.997, p = .011.

A chi-square test for independence was conducted to examine the relationship between news frame and the newspaper. The results indicated a statistically significant association between the news frame and the newspaper (χ² (2) = 8.997, p = .011). These results suggest that the news frame used in Gulf News and Khaleej Times are not independent of the newspaper. Specifically, Gulf News tends to use peace journalism more frequently than Khaleej Times, whereas Khaleej Times tends to use war journalism more frequently than Gulf News.

6.2. Focus on peace journalism

Gulf News has frequently covered the United Arab Emirates’ calls for a diplomatic solution to the Ukraine-Russia conflict. These calls for diplomacy were often prominently featured on the front page. A notable example of this was on March 4, (Figure 1) when the lead story, titled “UAE calls for de-escalating Ukraine crisis”, urged all parties involved to exercise self-restraint in the ongoing conflict (WAM, 2022c). This coverage is indicative of the UAE’s efforts to promote peaceful resolution of the crisis and highlights the country’s role as a mediator in regional and international affairs.

Figure 1. Front pages of Gulf News and Khaleej Times.

The Khaleej Times, in contrast to Gulf News, does not feature a daily op-ed section. However, on March 1, the publication ran an editorial emphasising the imperative of peace and that ongoing conflict in Europe could have a detrimental effect on the interconnected global economy, potentially prolonging the recovery process. The editorial specifically stated that “a Europe in distress, an unstable continent, could further hurt the connected global economy…An economic recovery could take ages if this conflict does not end now, peacefully, and without further escalation” (Khaleej Times, 2022a, p. 8).

On March 2, the Khaleej Times prominently featured a story that highlighted a telephone conversation between Sheikh Mohamed bin Zayed, then Crown Prince of Abu Dhabi, and Russian President Vladimir Putin (WAM, 2022a). The story, which employed a peace journalism framework, emphasised Sheikh Mohamed’s emphasis on the need for a peaceful resolution to the crisis that takes the interests and national security of all parties involved into account.

6.3. Focus on humanitarian impact

The Gulf News has also highlighted the impact of the conflict on Asian students in Ukraine. Examination of the newspaper’s content revealed some of the stories were written by the newspaper’s staff in Dubai, while others were sourced from news agencies such as IANS and ANI, which are Indian news services. A notable example of this coverage occurred on March 2, when the newspaper ran two stories on this topic. One story reported on the death of an Indian medical student in Ukraine (IANS, 2022), while another on page 3, titled “Parents of students stranded in Ukraine battle the angst”, covered the plight of students in Ukraine whose parents are living in the UAE (Saseendran, 2022). This coverage serves to bring attention to the broader ramifications of the Ukraine crisis and the ways in which it affects individuals and communities beyond the immediate geographical location of the conflict.

Khaleej Times also gave significant coverage to the plight of Asian students and UAE residents who were stranded in Ukraine during the ongoing conflict. On February 26, the newspaper featured three articles on page 3 that focused on the impact of the conflict on civilians. The lead story, written by journalist Kumar (2022), brought attention to the experiences of several Asian students who were en route to Dubai from Ukraine but were unable to fly owing to the closure of Ukraine airspace. The article also featured a 6-column photograph of a group of students taking refuge at a safe location. Another article highlighted the predicament of some UAE residents similarly stranded in Ukraine (Sherouk, 2022). On the same page, the newspaper also reported on the plight of Ukrainian tourists who were stranded in the UAE. These reports emphasised the impact of the conflict on civilians, thereby adopting a peace journalism frame.

6.4. War and peace journalism farming by news sources

In the coverage of the conflict Khaleej Times and the Gulf News relied heavily on the major news agencies such as the Associated Press (AP), Reuters, and Agence France-Presse (AFP) while also sourcing content from some newspapers such as the Washington Post; news services such as ANI, IANS and UAE news agency WAM. Of the Big Three news agencies—AP, Reuters, AFP—AP is the only news service with more peace journalism frames (52%). On the other hand, the news content with war journalism frame from AFP and Reuters accounted for 46% and 55%, respectively (Table 4).

Table 4. Peace and war journalism framing by news sources (in %, N = 196)

News sources	Peace journalism	War journalism	Mixed
Gulf News	76.5	0	23.5
Khaleej Times	77.8	18.5	3.7
AP	51.6	38.7	9.7
AFP	4.9	45.5	13.6
Reuters	39.4	54.5	6.1
Western newspapers	75.0	25.0	0
Agencies	28.0	68.0	4.0
IANS	1.0	0	0
ANI	1.0	0	0
WAM	1.0	0	0
PTI	1.0	0	9.7
Other	42.9	28.6	28.6

χ2 (22) = 62.763, p < .001.

The results of a chi-square test of news sources and news frames showed that there is a significant association between the two variables (p < .001). χ² (22) = 62.763, p < .001.

The study’s findings also show that most news sources (58.2%) covered the conflict using a war journalism frame. In comparison, peace journalism and mixed frames were represented in 33.7% and 8.2% of the news sources, respectively. Editorial content written by Gulf News and Khaleej Times staff showed the highest percentage (76.5% and 77.8%) of peace journalism frames, respectively. On the other hand, IANS, ANI, WAM, and PTI had 100% of their coverage represented as peace journalism.

7. Do the visual and textual coverage differ in their focus on peace and war journalism?

Similar to the textual reporting, the visual coverage in Gulf News and Khaleej Times emphasised the impact of the war on civilians, highlighting the peace journalism frame. The focus of the photographs (N = 132) appears to be on the impact of the war on civilians, with 47.6% in Gulf News and 37.7% in Khaleej Times depicting this subject. Damage to buildings and vehicles was the second most prevalent subject, with 19.0% and 31.9% of photographs in Gulf News and in Khaleej Times depicting this subject, respectively.

Ukrainian soldiers and officials are each shown in 4.8% of the photos in Gulf News and 4.3% of those in Khaleej Times. Russian officials are shown in 4.8% and 1.4% of photos in Gulf News and in Khaleej Times, respectively, whereas the remaining 19.0% and 20.3% of photos depict other subjects. The results of the analysis of photo subject are consistent with the idea that both newspapers focus on the impact of the war on civilians as the main subject of their coverage.

The photos were also analysed for the use of different frames in the coverage of the conflict. Photos were categorised into four different frames: peace journalism, war journalism, mixed, and other. The most commonly used in both newspapers is peace journalism, at 58.7% and 49.3% for Gulf News and Khaleej Times, respectively, which is a photojournalism approach that emphasises peaceful messages, solutions, and constructive actions. This represents the majority of photos used in both newspapers, with 53.8% of photos falling into this category across both publications.

The second most common frame is war journalism at 23.8% and 30.4% for Gulf News and Khaleej Times, respectively. The third frame is mixed at 3.2% for Gulf News and 11.6% for Khaleej Times. The photos that did not fit into any of the previous frames were classified as other (14.3% for Gulf News and 8.7% for Khaleej Times).

Visual coverage shows that the Gulf News frequently featured images of refugees crossing the borders of Ukraine’s Western neighbours, such as Poland and Hungary. One notable example of this coverage occurred on March 2, where the newspaper prominently displayed a four-column photograph of a large group of refugees fleeing the war, accompanied by a headline reading “670,000 refugees flee Ukraine since Russian advance” (AP, 2022). Furthermore, the photograph was accompanied by two two-column photographs showing small children with their parents fleeing the ongoing fighting.

Overall, both newspapers tend to use a relatively high percentage of peace journalism frames in their coverage of the conflict, with a slightly lower percentage of war journalism frames and a relatively small percentage of mixed and other frames.

8. Conclusion and discussion

This research demonstrated that the two mainstream newspapers in the UAE have focused both textual and visual coverage on the humanitarian impact of the Ukraine conflict, and thus presented it through a peace journalism discourse. Both newspapers placed significant emphasis on the effects of the conflict on civilians. The data also suggest that both newspapers provided coverage of the UAE government’s official stance on the conflict. On February 27, both newspapers covered the UAE government’s call for an immediate de-escalation of tensions and cessation of hostilities. Additionally, both newspapers reported on the UAE’s call for diplomacy in resolving the ongoing conflict, with quotes from senior government officials emphasising the importance of diplomatic efforts in resolving the crisis.

Overall, the findings suggest that both newspapers are providing coverage of a range of themes related to the conflict in Ukraine, including the process of combat, military activities, the impact of war on civilians and society, and diplomatic efforts to resolve the conflict. The orientation of coverage in Gulf News and Khaleej Times also indicate that media representation of the crisis aligns with the UAE’s diplomatic agenda and overall foreign policy vis-à-vis the Ukraine-Russia conflict.

The visual coverage of the conflict in Ukraine in Gulf News and Khaleej Times focused primarily on the impact of the war on civilians, with most photographs depicting this subject. This is consistent with the idea that both newspapers use a peace journalism frame in their coverage, which emphasises peaceful messages and solutions to the conflict. The use of war journalism and mixed frames was relatively low in comparison. Additionally, Gulf News prominently featured images of refugees fleeing the war and highlighted the high number of individuals affected by the conflict. Overall, the results suggest that both newspapers presented the conflict in a way that emphasised the impact on civilians and peaceful solutions to the it.

Another explanation for these findings could be the editorial stance of each newspaper. Gulf News, for example, may have a more peaceful and diplomatic approach to reporting on conflicts, while Khaleej Times may adopt a more aggressive stance. Additionally, the target audience may also play a role in the choice of news frames used. It is important to note that these findings provide insights into the potential differences in news frames used by Gulf News and Khaleej Times. Future research could expand the sample size and include other newspapers in the region to further examine the relationship between news frames and newspapers. Additionally, research could investigate the potential effects of news frames on audience perceptions and attitudes towards conflicts.

9. Limitations of the research

While the timeframe—a two-week sample period from the initial day of the Russian incursion into Ukraine—provides insights into the immediate media reactions and representations of the conflict’s start, it potentially limits a holistic understanding of the evolving nature of the media’s coverage over an extended duration. Given the nature of military conflicts, media narratives may transform in response to shifting ground realities, international interventions, and diplomatic efforts by regional and international actors. Moreover, the study’s exclusive focus on articles and photos from this initial period may not capture subsequent shifts in tone, emphasis, or framing that can emerge as a conflict progresses. The selection of 196 articles and 132 photos, while substantial, represents. However, a snapshot of the broader media landscape might only partially encapsulate the entire spectrum of journalistic approaches to the conflict during other crucial phases.

Disclosure statement

No potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).

Additional information

Notes on contributors

Ali Rafeeq

Ali Rafeeq is an Associate Professor in the Department of Media and Creative Industries at the United Arab Emirates University. His research interests include online and visual journalism, international news flows, globalisation, and social media.