Displaying of religious images in restaurants and cafes in Malaysia: A case of double-edged sword

Abstract

As halal certification is costly for small businesses, images and symbols identifiable to Muslims may create the impression that the food is halal, creating an opportunity for restaurant and cafes owners. The study examines this issue. We employed a structured observations method over a three-year period to investigate the atmosphere and interior design of restaurants and cafes and to identify their owners. Based on trips to 65 restaurants and cafes in Malaysia’s capital city where we observed Muslims dining, we discovered that Muslims are indifferent about the owners, although there are similar aspects of the environment and interior. As we divided the interior decoration into three levels, we found that the interior decorations of restaurants owned by multinationals and non-Muslims are religion neutral and do not convey any signals related to any religion whatsoever. However, more than half of restaurants owned by Muslims display Islamic images and symbols on their walls, particularly Indian-Muslim-owned restaurants, whereas Malay-Muslim-owned restaurants are less likely to do so. In Malaysia, halal certification is not required, but our findings suggest that halal restaurants and cafes can be perceived by offering Islamically compliant menus, using either religiously neutral or Islamic-themed decoration and other Islamic cues. We find that the businesses’ behaviour is consistent with social identity theory in that they adhere to inter-group relations to avoid conflicts with the Muslim majority. It also implies that the display of religious images and symbols is not a trivial matter, as it could be used to mislead Muslim customers.

Keywords:

• Islamic identity
• religious identity
• social identity
• halal food

1. Introduction

Consumption of halal cuisine is one of the most widespread daily religious practices among Muslims. The explicit commandment found in the Quran has exerted a notable impact on the decision-making processes among many faithful Muslims. This influence is observed in various aspects, including the selection of holiday destinations and restaurants (Aji et al., 2021; Khan & Khan, 2020). Many global organisations offer halal certification, but it is important to note that the standards for certification vary among these entities. Notably, Malaysia is recognised for having the most stringent halal standards (Latif et al., 2014). Consequently, obtaining halal certification from Malaysian authorities entails a significant level of financial commitment, particularly for small businesses (Jaswir et al., 2023).

Some restaurants and cafes in Malaysia that are not halal-certified tend to project images that are recognisable to Muslim consumers or present a signal that is perceived to be halal. Apparently, some of them posted “No pork, No lard” signs, which could be interpreted as an attempt to mislead Muslim consumers (Augustin, 2021). Similarly, the presence of customers who resemble Muslims or the employment of service staff who resemble Muslims may encourage other Muslim customers to dine inside (Khan & Khan, 2020). So, it is evident that Muslims rely on visible signals, such as a vegetarian label (Jamal & Sharifuddin, 2015) or the presence of Muslim customers (Khan & Khan, 2020) to determine whether a product is halal or not in the absence of halal certification. However, little is known about how owners of restaurants used Islamic images and symbols to influence Muslim customers.

In mosques and Muslim residences, it is common to find Quranic verses displayed as wall decoration. However, the use of Islamic symbols and images in commercial establishments such as wall decorations inside restaurants is not well documented. Khan and Khan (2020) argued that the display of Islamic-related decorations or images in restaurants serving halal cuisine was uncommon in the United Kingdom, while Kavas et al. (2020) reported that family-owned businesses in Turkey displayed Quranic verses. The association of halal with Muslim consumers may lead to potential challenges over the display of Islamic symbols and images in restaurants and cafés without halal certification. The issue will exacerbate when there is a transfer of ownership from a Muslim to a non-Muslim entity, but the interior design remains unchanged.

As the halal industry in Malaysia is thriving (Charoenpo, 2022), many multinational restaurants, such as KFC, McDonald’s, and Subway, as well as restaurants and cafes owned by non-Muslims, have obtained halal certification. Some Muslim consumers may be aware of the identity of the business proprietors, so they may not expect to see Islamic images and symbols or Islamic-themed interior decoration in restaurants and cafes. In addition, the relationship between religion and ethnicity in Malaysia is tightly intertwined, so the decoration of a business may reveal its owner’s identity. Nonetheless, some newly converted Muslims preferred religious ambiguity to avoid conflict and threat (Wu, 2015), highlighting the delicate nature of the relationship between religions, ethnicities, and business.

While the acquisition of halal certification might offer several benefits to businesses, it is not obligatory. As a result, businesses without halal certification may potentially manipulate the utilisation of Islamic symbols and images as a means to provide a halal suggestion to Muslim customers. In summary, the impact of the atmosphere and interior design within a restaurant or café is a significant consideration, as it can provide the impression of halal conformity, despite the absence thereof. Therefore, the purpose of this study is to investigate the use of Islamic imagery and symbols in the food service industry in Malaysia, a predominantly Muslim country. This study will adopt a social identity theory (Tajfel, 1974) framework to investigate the issue in question. The fundamental question that will guide this analysis is as follows:

RQ: How does the interior decoration such as the display of religious images and symbols relate to the business of halal restaurants and cafes?

Accordingly, this study has four contributions. First, this study presents empirical evidence concerning the typical attributes of restaurants and cafés frequented by Muslim customers. Second, restaurants and cafes with halal certification typically have religiously neutral interior decoration. Third, restaurants and cafes that do not have halal certification typically imitate the interior decoration of those that do. Fourth, restaurants and cafes owned by an ethnic group that is not closely associated with Islam tend to present images that are closer to those of the ethnic group whose members are predominantly Muslim. This study utilises current studies on the significance of social identity on the behaviour of businesses owners who do not identify as Muslims, as well as the influence of religious beliefs on business owners who are Muslims, specifically in the context of halal restaurant and cafés business.

2. Literature review

2.1. Social identity theory

The scope of social identity theory has significantly expanded beyond its initial emphasis on intergroup connections, encompassing a diverse array of phenomena across several disciplines, including sociology, commerce, and management (Brown, 2020). Tajfel (1974) offered a hypothesis suggesting that individuals alternate between perceiving and acting as autonomous individuals or as members of a collective community. In the earlier scenario, the individuals’ social identities, as described by Tajfel (1974), come into effect. Individual behaviour is largely influenced by the core values of the social group to which one belongs. According to Tajfel et al. (1971), it may be inferred that individuals within a group would abstain from engaging in behaviours that may bring shame to the group or give the impression of disloyalty.

Despite the increasing scholarly attention towards the incorporation of social identity theory across many disciplines, this theoretical framework fails to offer an appealing explanation for the multifaceted range of human behavioural reactions, since it may be applied to both sides of an action. Despite offering a framework for comprehending human activity, the theory in question is deficient in terms of precise propositions, hypotheses, and boundary conditions (Brown, 2020). Moreover, Brown asserts that the social identity theory lacks the capacity for rigorous testing, despite its comprehensive description of the various coping mechanisms employed by individuals belonging to low status groups in reaction to a negative or vague identity. In certain cases, individuals within a group may not consistently conform to the established group identity, particularly when the group is perceived as being of lower status. Consequently, members may employ diverse techniques, thereby indicating a lack of adequate stability within the theory.

However, previous research indicates a significant correlation between the social identity theory, religious identity, and psychological well-being (Greenfield & Marks, 2007; Haslam et al., 2009; James & Wells, 2003). Religion necessitates believers to engage in certain actions or rituals on a regular basis, either individually or collectively. These prescribed activities must align with the doctrinal tenets upheld by the religious community. Engaging in collective religious practices enhances the cohesive identity that underlies the psychological mechanisms connecting group affiliation and well-being. According to social identity theory, there exists a relationship between formal group involvement, psychological well-being, and the social identity that is pertinent to the specific group. Thus, social identity theory offers a solid theoretical foundation for investigating the role of religious social identity as an explanatory factor in the relationship between higher formal devotion to religion and psychological well-being.

2.2. Religious images in business premise

Studies involving the intersection of religion and business, can be difficult because findings may vary from context to context, making generalisation challenging (Smakova & Piligrimiene, 2021). For instance, Cleveland et al. (2013) found substantial differences between Muslim and Christian preferences for purchasing luxury goods. However, certain aspects may be applicable to many Muslims, such as the availability of halal food as important factor for choosing holiday destinations (Aji et al., 2021).

Nevertheless, religion cannot be ruled out as a crucial factor, as demonstrated by previous research, particularly with regards to food consumption among Muslim consumers (Aji et al., 2021; Kamarulzaman et al., 2016). Therefore, any study on the ambience and atmosphere of restaurants, such as Al-Kilani and El Hedhli’s (2021) study, which did not take religion into account, may be misleading. Although the consumption of halal food and drink has become a visible religious identity among Muslims, we argue that it is not fully understood in the business community. In the United Kingdom, Khan and Khan (2020) discovered that halal food restaurants did not always display images to which Muslim customers could relate. It would be easier for Muslim consumers living in a minority-Muslim country or Muslim tourists looking for halal food if restaurants made it visible through images related to Muslims (Kamarulzaman et al., 2016).

Without halal signage or certificates, Muslim customers would have to rely on the presence of other customers inside the restaurants who they assumed were Muslims. Although Khan and Khan (2020) did not provide any reasons for this, relying on physical and visible appearances that are deemed Islamic demonstrates the significance of images and symbols to which Muslim consumers can relate. In a majority-Muslim country like Malaysia, halal food and restaurants are easily accessible, although halal certification is not required for food producers or restaurant owners. The prevalence of many restaurant chains owned by multinational corporations and non-Muslim individuals in Malaysia, such as KFC and McDonald, who have been successful in obtaining halal certification, demonstrates the significance of the certification. Thus, halal certification can be deemed as religious image although the business owner maybe a non-Muslim (Bakar et al., 2013).

2.3. Religious identity versus halal identity

Religious identity refers to individual acts that confirm the identity of the group members they follow, whereas religiosity refers to the individual’s evaluation of that action. Consequently, religious identity and religiosity are not always synonymous, despite the fact that they can overlap (Rossi & Scappini, 2014). Within Islamic tradition, there is a distinction between the term “Islamic” and “halal”. For instance, El-Gohary (2016) argued that Islamic tourism incorporates spiritual elements, whereas halal tourism does not. Therefore, the Islamic scholarly tradition has a slightly distinct definition between religiosity and religious identity, as well as between halal and Islamic.

Essentially, the idea that displaying an Islamic identity does not make someone a Muslim, as supported by many Quran verses, such as Quran verse 2:8. Therefore, religious identity and ethics from Islamic perspective overlap, as both involve beliefs and actions. Nonetheless, it is difficult to define a universal religious identity for Muslims as Islam gradually spread across the globe. This is evident in cases where third-generation British Muslims do not share the same inspiration or spirit of Islam as their grandfathers or grandmothers, which underpins the diverse sphere of Muslim society (Timol, 2020).

Without halal signage or certificates, Muslim customers would have to rely on the presence of other customers inside the restaurants who they assumed were Muslims. Khan and Khan (2020) argued that Muslim consumers rely on surrogate cues, such as the presence of Muslim customers and service personnel, to evaluate whether the restaurant is halal or not. It is evident that religion is a significant factor particularly in food consumption among Muslim consumers. Therefore, any study on the ambience and atmosphere of restaurants, such as Al-Kilani and El Hedhli’s (2021), which did not take religion into account, may be misleading.

In a majority-Muslim country like Malaysia, halal food and restaurants are easily accessible, although halal certification is not required for food producers or restaurant owners. The prevalence of many restaurant chains owned by multinational corporations and non-Muslim individuals in Malaysia, such as KFC and McDonald, who have been successful in obtaining halal certification, demonstrates the significance of the certification (Bakar et al., 2013). Subsequently, they can use the certificate to communicate with their Muslim customers.

2.4. Islamic images and symbols

The display of Quranic verses, the Arabic words “Allah” and “Muhammad,” or images of the Kaaba on home walls is widely accepted as a symbol of religious identity. Although Islamic traditions never command it, it is permissible if done to show respect for the Quran or to seek God’s blessings (Yasir Qadhi, 2014). As a result, the placement of Islamic images and symbols in one’s home or business is a matter of personal preference.

Previous research show that some Muslim-owned businesses in a Muslim-majority country did reveal their religion using decoration with Islamic symbols. According to Kavas et al. (2020), Arabic calligraphy “in the name of God” (Arabic bismillah) was displayed on each door of business owned by a Muslim family in Turkey. The owner claimed that their motivation was primarily religious in nature, with the goal of remembering God and receiving God’s blessings.

As for the business owner, the displaying of religious identity is to show his/her respect for the religion. In Malaysia, however, every ethnic group is closely associated with a particular religion, such as the Malays who are closely associated with Islam. In order to maintain their relationships within the Chinese community, some newly converted Chinese Muslims prefer to conceal their religion (Wu, 2015). Accordingly, we argue that the decision to reveal or not reveal the business identity is highly debatable, depending on the circumstances such as whether the environment is hostile or not to Muslims.

In conclusion, Muslim consumers value the visual associations they can make with Islam or halal when purchasing food and beverages. Even if the restaurant’s owner is not a Muslim, halal signage or other visible cues that are identifiable to Muslim customers would be advantageous.

3. Methodology

3.1. Location and sampling

Malaysia, with a population of over 30 million in 2022, is renowned for its ethnic diversity. The demographic composition of the population is characterised by a predominant Malay majority, accounting for around 65% of the total population. This is followed by the Chinese community, comprising approximately 23% of the population. The Indian community constitutes around 7% of the population, while the remaining portion is comprised of various other ethnic groups (MAMPU, 2023).

Ethnicity and religion are strongly associated in Malaysia. The religion of Islam is predominantly affiliated with the Malay society, whilst non-Malays are commonly linked with non-Muslim religious affiliations. This implies that Malay-Muslims comprise the largest demographic group, however they have the lowest income levels among the three groups. According to the media report (The Edge Malaysia, 2020), the approximate median monthly household income for Malays was RM9,000. In comparison, Indians had a median income of RM10,000, while Chinese households had a higher median income of RM13,000.

The prevalence of low income within the Malay ethnic group can be attributed to the historically dominant control exerted by the Chinese ethnic group in commercial enterprises and economic activities. This dominance can be traced back to the period of British rule prior to World War II, as noted by Gomez (1999). Consequently, this study observes a small number of restaurants owned by Malays.

Since the authors were based in Kuala Lumpur, all the restaurants chosen for this research were in Kuala Lumpur and nearby areas, where Muslims were found dining. Kuala Lumpur, the capital of Malaysia, covers an area of 243 square kilometres, which is nearly a third of the size of its neighbouring nation, Singapore. With a population of over two million, Kuala Lumpur emerges as a swiftly expanding urban hub in the Asian region (United Nations, 2019), which has a variety of restaurants and cafes catering to various price ranges.

Most of the restaurants in this study were classified within similar pricing categories, with only a small number that were deemed upscale restaurants. This is an important consideration for this study because restaurants with higher prices will attract customers who are more inclined towards hedonism (Jung & Jang, 2019), which will contradict the primary focus of this study, which is religion and religiosity.

In addition, since the study focuses on wall decorations, street vendors selling food are excluded. Despite the restrictions on mobility imposed by the government in response to the COVID-19 pandemic between early 2020 and mid-2021, we were able to successfully carry out visits to a total of 65 dining establishments, including both restaurants and cafés located in Kuala Lumpur, over a three-year period from 2020 to 2023.

3.2. Structured observation of restaurants

The effects of visual aesthetics and ambience of restaurants have garnered increasing scholarly interest as a significant element in attracting consumers. Tantanatewin and Inkarojrit (2018), for instance, conducted an experiment to determine the effect of colours on consumer emotions. They used computer-generated images of restaurants with varying colour schemes as stimuli for the experiment. In a study conducted by Tarlao et al. (2021), they examined the impact of ambient sound and noise levels on consumer behaviour inside a restaurant setting, and recently, Al-Kilani and El Hedhli (2021) conducted a study investigating the influence of restaurant ambience on consumer preferences.

All the three abovementioned studies (Al-Kilani & El Hedhli, 2021; Tantanatewin & Inkarojrit, 2018; Tarlao et al., 2021) employed a research approach that involved the utilisation of both methods of observation and survey questionnaires to examine consumer behaviour within the context of restaurants. Since the focus of this study pertains to the behaviour of business owners rather than customer behaviour, the utilisation of the observation method alone is deemed more appropriate due to its non-intrusive nature, which serves to mitigate potential biases in data collection by minimising interactions with restaurant owners. This is particularly relevant in the context of a study that encompasses religious matters, as highlighted by previous research (Benstead, 2014; Van Buren et al., 2020). In essence, we are primarily interested in investigating the religious behaviour of business owners, a topic that has received less attention in the existing academic literature.

Building on the insights of association between religion and involvement (Chaves & Gorski, 2001; Timol, 2020), we propose a possible connection between the degree of engagement and religious identity. Specifically, we suggest that religious identification may be connected to the prevalence of religious images and symbols. Put differently, the presence of religious symbols and images may serve as an indication of the business owners’ religious affiliation or level of devotion. The most common way for Muslims to demonstrate this is to display Quranic verses or the name of God or the Prophet in Arabic calligraphy or picture of Kaaba as wall decorations, which can be found in many Muslim homes. The purpose of these images and symbols is to manifest their respect for the Quran, to remind themselves of their religion, to remind themselves of divine blessing (Kavas et al., 2020); thus, the display of these images as wall decoration is deemed permissible by many Muslim scholars (Yasir Qadhi, 2014).

Moreover, we identify ourselves as Muslims, which enables us to easily identify and recognise images and symbols associated with Islam. Nevertheless, the evaluation of the prevalence of symbols and images is a challenge owing to variations in the dimensions of the restaurants. Therefore, we captured photos of the wall decorations inside the restaurants that we patronised, which served as the main subject of the study. Acknowledging the inherent subjectivity associated with quantifying the intensity of religious identification, we found that the uniformity in the size of wall decorations implies that their quantity might potentially serve as a reliable proxy.

As a result, the degree of identity was established by the categorization of observable pictures and symbols into three broad categories, utilising the quantification method for visual representations and symbols, described as follows:

1. No-display: No religious decorations were visible.

2. Low-display: Only one decoration could be seen.

3. High-display: There were multiple decorations visible.

Nevertheless, several restaurants were having more ample space for wall decorations, which could be perceived as having a low-display, despite the presence of multiple images as decorative elements.

3.3. Identifying business owners and their religion

As stated previously, there is a strong correlation between ethnicity and religion in Malaysia, so if you can identify someone’s ethnicity, there is a good chance that you also know his or her religion. Unfortunately, determining the legal ownership of a private limited company is a difficult undertaking due to the existence of jurisdictions to safeguard data privacy (Department of Personal Data Protection, 2021). Even if the legal entity of a company is in the form of a public limited company, its shareholders can still conceal their identity by appointing a proxy or using a nominee account when dealing in securities transactions (Chernykh, 2008; Varzaly, 2023), so the data of business ownership may not be entirely accurate.

Despite this limitation, the growing use of online social media platforms, like Facebook, Twitter, and Instagram, has emerged as a cost-effective and efficient tool for small enterprises to enhance brand recognition, promote their products and services, and encourage customer loyalty. While some small businesses would prefer not to participate in social media, postings made by their colleagues, family members, and customers may provide clues about the business’s ownership (He et al., 2017; Zanon et al., 2019). This implies that online sources provide access to business-related information. As a result, a strategic strategy has been established via the analysis of social media content and posts. This involves the examination of narratives and digital materials, such as images featuring customers with the proprietor, as well as customer-generated comments, with the aim of determining the ownership of a privately owned business.

Moreover, Al-Kilani and El Hedhli (2021) suggested that there is connection between ethnicity, authenticity, ambience, and atmosphere in restaurants. We extend this idea by linking the ethnicity and the restaurant’s ownership, which means that the types of cuisine sold by the restaurant could be associated with the ethnicity of its owner. In the context of the Malaysian food and beverage industry, this was a reasonable presumption based on our own experience. In Malaysia, food selections often correlate with the ethnicity of the restaurant owner and the ethnic backgrounds of the service staff, as these they have a deeper understanding of their respective ethnic cuisine cultures. It means that Malay-owned restaurants typically have Malay service staff, while Indian-owned restaurants usually employ individuals of Indian ethnicity, thereby revealing the ownership of the restaurant.

At the end of our observations, we manage to identify two overarching classifications of restaurants and cafés frequented by Muslims: privately owned limited businesses and multinational companies such as KFC, McDonald’s, Starbucks, and others. In the context of private limited businesses, ownership may be categorised into three distinct types: Malay-owned, Indian-owned, and a combination of other ethnicities. As for restaurants and cafes owned by multinational chains such as KFC, McDonald’s, Subway, and Starbucks etc, we do not provide any connection with any ethnics or religion due their diversity of their shareholders. This category also includes restaurants located on the premises of a hotel.

According to Al-Kilani and El Hedhli (2021), the cuisine and ambiance of some restaurants do not convey any ethnicity. Similarly, we discovered that there are restaurants that are popular with Muslims even though their cuisine and ambiance are devoid of any ethnic or religious characteristics. These venues frequently comprise upscale dining establishments and cafes that provide a diverse selection of international cuisines such as Thailand, Korea, and Japan. Therefore, the use of online searches can provide substantial data, like the availability of halal food or information regarding the owners (Kamarulzaman et al., 2016).

4. Findings

4.1. Characteristics of restaurants and cafes frequented by Muslims

This study is not primarily concerned with analysing consumer attitudes towards halal-certified restaurants. Instead, the main objective of this study is to examine the behaviour of business owners, with a particular focus on their use of religious symbols and images that could lead Muslim customers to mistakenly perceive a restaurant as being halal-certified when it does not possess the required certification. It means that we need to identify the restaurants and cafés where we can find Muslims dining, followed by identifying the owners of those establishments.

Given the close correlation between ethnicity and religion in Malaysia, identifying Muslims that are dining-in at restaurants and cafes is relatively easy due to the distinctive languages and appearances of each ethnicity. However, determining the ownership of these businesses is challenging, particularly businesses that are privately owned, due to the existence of legal requirement to protect the confidentiality and security of personal data. Despite the difficulties of movement due to COVID-19 pandemic, we did manage to visit and dine-in at 65 restaurants and cafés located in and around Kuala Lumpur over the span of three years, from 2020 to 2023.

First, the noticeable characteristic of the cafés and restaurants commonly visited by Muslims was the absence of alcoholic beverages, with only a few businesses, such as the hotel restaurant, offering them. In addition, it was observed that none of these restaurants served pork. The omission of alcohol and pork from the menu is anticipated as a result of religious restrictions, with the intention of appealing to the Muslim demographic, which comprises the majority of the Malaysian population, so as to encourage their patronage of the restaurant. Therefore, from a business perspective, the business owner’s behaviour can be considered reasonable.

Second, we found that more than half of the restaurants and cafes (52%) can be ethnically identified through their food menus and restaurants’ atmosphere as shown in Table 1 (Kim & Lee, 2022; Lu et al., 2015). While it is implausible to assert that a specific type of food belongs to a particular ethnicity, we discovered that it is a common element. For example, the meal menus offered in Indian-owned restaurants exhibit similarities to those seen in other establishments of Indian cuisine. The same applies to Malay-owned restaurants. Furthermore, the interior environment and design within the establishments also functioned as a manifestation of the owners’ identities, as indicated by the display of decorations that represented their beliefs in faith.

Table 1. The display of religious images among business owners

Ownership	No-display	Display of religious images		Total
		Low	High
Muslim (Malays)	7	10	0	17 (26%)
Muslim (Indians)	2	8	7	17 (26%)
Multinationals/non-Muslims	31	0	0	31 (48%)
Total restaurants	40	18	7	65

Third, we discovered that multinational restaurants such as KFC, McDonald’s, and Starbucks did not reflect the identities of their shareholders in their food menus, restaurant ambiance, or interior design. Similarly, restaurants offering diverse combination menus or foreign cuisines, such as Korean and Japanese, did not include any elements reflecting the local ethnicity on their menus. The interiors of the establishments were also devoid of any discernible religious symbols or images. This suggests that the owners had no intention of disclosing any signal related to their ethnic background or religious beliefs.

In conclusion, the findings of our study indicate that certain dining establishments manifest their cultural and religious affiliations through menus of cuisine that reflect their ethnic origins and an atmosphere that resonates with their faith. Similarly, there are restaurants that do not display either of these characteristics. Despite this, Muslims can be observed dining in both categories of restaurants. It may appear that Muslims are indifferent to the menus and atmosphere of restaurants and cafes, but a greater examination reveals that the interior design of these establishments is more nuanced. No Muslims were discovered dining in restaurants displaying images and symbols of other religions, such as the Christian cross or the statue of the Buddha.

4.2. Distribution of restaurants and cafes

Since multinational corporations are controlled by non-Muslim foreign shareholders, identifying their race or religion is irrelevant. However, it is more difficult to determine the religious beliefs of the owner of a local private establishment. After comparing information obtained from online sources and social media platforms, we were able to identify a substantial number of private business owners. In addition to the kinds of food served, it becomes crucial to pay attention to and focus on the restaurant’s interior design and atmosphere as one of the visual cues.

First, we discovered that the proportion of Malay-owned restaurants is disproportionately low given their status as the ethnic majority of the population. Table 1 presents the ownership distribution among a sample of 65 restaurants and cafes. It reveals that 17 restaurants and cafes, or 26% of the total, were owned by Malay individuals. This result is consistent with previous studies (Abdul Khalid & Yang, 2021; Gomez, 1999) and official statistics that indicate the low level of economic and business control among the Malay, which may be politically undesirable given that the Malay make up the majority of the country’s population (Tsai, 2006).

Second, a significant number of restaurants (17 out of 65) are owned by individuals of Indian descent, the majority of whom identified as Muslims. As indicated previously, non-Malay ethnic groups are typically not affiliated with Islam in Malaysia. A minority of the non-Malay population adheres to the Islamic religion, however. As shown in Table 1, the majority of restaurants frequented by Muslims (52%) are owned by Muslims, which is politically desirable given that Muslims make up more than 60% of the population (Abdul Khalid & Yang, 2021).

Third, our research indicates that a substantial proportion (48%) of the 65 dining establishments frequented by Muslims, as shown in Table 1, are owned by international corporations or individuals who do not identify as Muslims. This is due to the dominance of international fast-food franchises such as KFC, McDonald’s, and Starbucks in urban areas such as Kuala Lumpur. In addition, there are numerous franchise restaurants owned by non-Muslims that are regarded as upscale and serve a variety of local and foreign cuisines, such as Japanese and Korean cuisine, where Muslims can be observed dining.

In summary, the ownership of restaurants and cafés could be categorised into three distinct groups. It may appear that Muslims are indifferent to the owners of restaurants and cafes, but a deeper analysis reveals that the situation is more intricate. We acknowledge that many modern businesses are formed with multiple shareholders, and that some are legally established through ownership proxies, making it difficult to identify their beneficial shareholders. We also agree that the argument between ethnicity and religion in the context of this study is circular; however, we found that the atmosphere and interior of the restaurant provided a significant indication of the owner’s religious beliefs, such as the absence of alcohol sales or the presence of Islamic images.

4.3. The relationship between religious identity and placement of religious image

Although it is evident in this study that Muslim customers in Malaysia appear to patron at many types of restaurants and cafes, we posit that restaurant owners may inadvertently manifest their religious beliefs or deliberately choose not to disclose their faith through the establishment’s decor, ambiance, and environment. The subsequent analysis examined the relationship between religious identification and the degree to which religious beliefs are conveyed through decoration and images displayed in restaurants and cafes.

First, as shown in Table 1, the majority of the samples, or 40 out of 65 restaurants (62%) lacked religious images or symbols on their walls, with 31 of them being owned by multinational corporations and non-Muslims. KFC and McDonald’s are examples of multinational restaurants, whereas non-Muslim restaurants typically serve international cuisines such as western food, Japanese food, and Korean food, or an elegant combination of international and local cuisine.

Although there are Malay-owned and Indian-owned restaurants that do not display Islamic wall decorations, we found that multinationals and non-Muslims are more likely to do so. Typically, the interiors and walls of these restaurants and cafes feature architectural structures, floral motifs, or abstract elements. None of them feature decorations, images, or symbols associated with a specific religion or ethnic group.

Figures 1 and 2 are examples of wall decorations in the category of no-display or lacking any religious imagery. Figure 1 depicts the wall ornamentation of a non-Muslim restaurant serving fusion cuisine, while Figure 2 depicts a restaurant owned by Indians serving Indian-ethnic cuisine. Therefore, we conclude that many restaurants and cafés, particularly those owned by multinational corporations and non-Muslims, do not want their wall decorations to convey any religious message.

Figure 1. Example of wall decoration without Islamic image – restaurant A.

Figure 2. Example of walldecoration without Islamic image – restaurant B.

Second, we discovered that restaurants and cafés owned by Muslims are more likely to display wall decorations that indicate their religious affiliation. As shown in Table 1, more than half of the establishments (25 out of 34, or 74%) have wall decorations to which Muslim consumers can readily relate. It was observed that wall decorations in restaurants and cafés frequently visited by Muslim patrons often featured graphics depicting religious symbols such as the words “God,” “Muhammad,” and other Quranic verses rendered in Arabic calligraphy. Individuals who possess the ability to understand the Arabic language may perceive the content as personally relevant. Wall decorations depicting Mecca and Medina, the two holiest sanctuaries in Islam, were also frequently observed. The size of the wall decorations depicting religious images was practically standardised, allowing them to be visible from a distance and sending a favourable signal to Muslim consumers.

Third, we discovered that while displaying Islamic images in Muslim-owned restaurants was common, it was more prevalent in Indian-owned restaurants than in Malay-owned ones. Some displayed as many images as possible, demonstrating the intensity with which they wished to express their religious faith. Table 1 shows that 7 out of 65 samples (11%) were deemed to have high intensity, and all of these samples were owned by Indians. Figures 3 and 4 are examples of wall decorations with high-display, as indicated by the red circles.

Figure 3. Example of walldecoration with high-display of Islamic image – restaurant C.

Figure 4. Example of walldecoration with high-display of Islamic image – restaurant D.

Fourthly, although wall decorations displaying images and symbols identifiable with Islam was prominent among Muslim-owned restaurants, its intensity was lower inside Malay-owned restaurants, compared to Indian-owned. As indicated in Table 1, majority of Malay-owned restaurants, 10 out of 17 (59%) has low intensity of displaying Islamic images and symbols inside their establishments. Figures 5 and 6 depict the low-display wall decorations in two restaurants.

Figure 5. Example of walldecoration with low-display of Islamic image – restaurant E.

Figure 6. Example of wall decoration with low-display of Islamic image – restaurant F.

In conclusion, it is apparent that Muslim consumers in Malaysia exhibit a lack of concern over the presence or absence of halal certification in restaurants and cafés. While halal food and halal-certified restaurants have significant advantages, the absence of pork on the menus of food and alcoholic beverages is a prominent feature of restaurants and cafes designed to attract Muslim customers. In addition, the ambiance, ambience, and interior design of restaurants and cafes send important signals to Muslim customers that they are halal. This indicates that the ethnicity of the food is unimportant, but the perception of halal is.

It is also evident that the interior design of restaurants and cafes frequented by Muslims is more nuanced than previously believed. Although it seems that Muslim customers exhibit a lack of concern over restaurant and cafe ownership, our research indicates that the interior design and decoration should either use imagery and symbols that are meaningful to Muslims or refrain from displaying any such elements. This implies that the proprietor has the option to either disclose their Muslim faith or withhold information regarding their religious identification. Such disclosure can be conveyed through several aspects of the establishments, including the food menus, surroundings, ambiance, and decorations of the restaurants and cafes. It is evident that the perceived and visible halal cue is significant to many Muslim consumers.

5. Discussion

Although halal food and beverages are easily accessible to Muslims in Malaysia, acquiring halal certification for a restaurant or café requires a significant investment of time and resources (Jaswir et al., 2023). Following a successful application, the maintenance of halal-certification requires regular visit and inspection of the certifying authority on the business premise. It means that while halal certification may be beneficial for the business whose owner can be either Muslim or non-Muslim, the maintenance of certification can be burdensome for small businesses, such as the need to employ a Muslim halal executive full-time (JAKIM, 2015).

Previous research has examined the relationship between restaurant ambiance, food menus, and ethnicity (Kim & Lee, 2022; Lu et al., 2015; Tantanatewin & Inkarojrit, 2018). However, the connection between the religious beliefs of business owners and the business environment, specifically in relation to halal food industry, remains unclear. Therefore, the purpose of this study is to examine the strategic utilisation of interior design and ambience in restaurants and cafes as a means of subtly communicating halal to Muslim consumers. This may be achieved by analysing wall decorations observed inside restaurants and cafés, specifically those that resonate with Muslim customers. We argue that the perception of halal can be established among Muslim customers by establishing a connection between interior decorations and the religious beliefs of the restaurant’s owner.

The first contribution of this study is to provide empirical findings that corroborate the influence of social identity on the identification of Islam among restaurant and cafe owners. For some Muslim owners, the presence of Islamic images and symbols as wall decoration may serve as a divine reminder for themselves as well as their employees and customers. Displaying religious symbols in restaurants strengthens the religious identity of the owners and communicates to Muslim patrons that they share a devotion to Islam (Kavas et al., 2020). Consequently, displaying Islamic images and symbols could effectively project the Muslim identity of business owners, thereby attracting Muslim customers even if the restaurants and cafes do not have halal certification.

This is evidenced by the prevalence of wall decorations with Islamic images and symbols in more than half of the restaurants owned by Muslims, where all 7 high-display of images were found in Indian-owned restaurants. Due to the country’s predominant Muslim population, it may be advantageous from Indian-owned to display Islamic images and symbols in order to attract Muslim customers. Moreover, the images and symbols indirectly indicate that the owners are Muslim, so the cuisine must be halal in the eyes of Muslim customers. Because their physical appearance and the language they speak are not relatable to the majority-Muslim Malay population, it is beneficial for Indian-owned businesses to do so. Therefore, the display of Islamic images and symbols, which is more prominent inside Indian-owned restaurants, may strengthen their Muslim identity, aligning it with that of the majority Muslim population in Malaysia, signifying the importance of intergroup relations (Ashforth & Mael, 1989; Brown, 2020).

On the other hand, Malay-owned restaurants and cafés had a lower prevalence of display of Islamic images and symbols, with less than half of Malay-owned restaurants have no-display. Nonetheless, it is possible for Muslim customers to discern the Malay’s identify from the food menus and the physical characteristics of the service staff, which could lead them to associate the business with the Malay, indicating the strong association of food with ethnicity (Reddy & van Dam, 2020). As a result, they may imply that since the owner is Malay, he/she must be Muslim, and thus the food should be halal. As the Malay is identified with Islam in Malaysia, the owners may not need to affirm this religious affiliation openly. This observation potentially provides a rationale for the absence of religious symbols and images in some Malay-owned restaurants and cafés, as they continue to attract Muslim consumers despite lacking halal certification, which is consistent with the concept of oneness in social identification (Ashforth & Mael, 1989).

The second contribution of this study is the expansion of the existing body of research on halal business. The halal food industry has shown steady growth over the last 20 years, resulting in increased involvement of global corporations in the halal food sector. Notably, KFC, McDonald’s, Starbucks, and Subway have obtained halal certification for their establishments in Malaysia. Having acquired halal certification, none of these multinational restaurants feature wall decorations depicting religious symbols and images. In fact, none of the interior decoration, ambience, and environment inside the restaurants do convey any sense of religious affiliation. Besides, they do not have menus of food with pork or alcoholic beverages, despite the fact that the major shareholders of these multinational corporations do not identify themselves as Muslims. It means that they do not convey a religious message to Muslim consumers through the restaurants’ atmosphere and interior design because they already have halal certification. Since major shareholders of the multinationals do not identify themselves as Muslims (Calder, 2020), displaying Islamic images and symbols in their restaurants and cafes could mislead consumers about their identity.

Our research revealed that restaurants and cafes that are owned by individuals who do not identify themselves as Muslims and do not have halal certification employ a similar strategy by incorporating interior decorations devoid of religious connotations. Despite the fact that some establishments may offer alcoholic beverages in order to appeal to non-Muslim customers, our study shows that all restaurants and cafes in this category refrain from serving pork. Every time we encountered Muslim customers in these types of restaurants and cafes, we were unable find pork on the menu. Besides, the interior decoration and ambiance do not associate with other faiths. In essence, the study implies that the culinary offerings, atmosphere, ambiance, and design have the potential to create an impression of religious impartiality, hence potentially being perceived as halal by Muslim patrons.

Consistent with the concept of intergroup relation (Brown, 2020), this study demonstrates that restaurants and cafés controlled by multinational corporations or individuals who do not identify as Muslim are actively avoiding conflicts with the majority community. Besides the menus of food that are in tandem with Islamic principles, the interior design and ambiance do not have any identifiable religious connotations; hence, indicating religion neutral. This indicates that the business integrates a discreet statement within its surroundings that demonstrates a sense of respect for the majority by displaying religious neutrality, despite the fact that they do not identify themselves as Muslims. It shows that it is crucial for them to prioritise the menus of food, ambiance, and interior design in order to appeal to Muslim customers. Restaurants that offer a sense of perceived halal to Muslim consumers might be appealing, even if these customers are aware that the establishment lacks halal certification. It implicates that the absence of religious affiliations in the interior decoration and environment of restaurants may be a strategic decision made by business organisations to uphold a diverse and unbiased position towards religious beliefs. This approach aims to prevent divisions and conflicts by embracing pluralism (Van Buren et al., 2020).

This study provides additional evidence that halal perception can be accomplished by aligning one’s identity with the predominant beliefs of the majority of Muslims (Ishak et al., 2016). In Malaysia, it is evident that the perception of halal can be established even in the absence of halal certification for restaurants and cafes by excluding pork from menus and establishing a religiously neutral environment and decoration. On the other hand, the display of wall decorations containing images and symbols recognisable to Muslims may serve to enhance the perception of halal. The results of this study provide evidence to support the significant impact of social conformity on the consumption of halal meals, despite the fact that Muslim scholars hold divergent views on what is and is not halal. Even though Muslim customers can be seen dining in restaurants and cafés that are not halal-certified, the atmosphere, ambiance, and interior design do not indicate otherwise. Moreover, the presence of consumers and restaurant staff resembling those who adhere to the Islamic faith may boost their confidence in the halal status (Khan & Khan, 2020). In addition, raw and unprocessed foods, such as chicken and meat, are widely available in many markets, so there is no reason for Muslim consumers to believe otherwise.

While the acquisition of a halal certificate incurs additional costs and is not mandatory for businesses, it offers some advantages to those that possess it compared to businesses that do not. However, our research demonstrates that the perception of halal may still be established in the absence of halal certification. This can be achieved through the menus of food, as well as the surroundings and interior decorating of restaurants and cafés, which align with the identity of halal perceived by the Muslim community (Ishak et al., 2016). We argue that many businesses have successfully employed this strategy, as we have encountered Muslims dined in restaurants and cafés that are not halal-certified.

As with every other study, this one has some limitations. In relation to the use of food menus as a means of identifying the owner, we are aware that not all foods can be associated with a particular ethnicity. In addition, the ethnicity of the restaurant’s owner may not inherently correlate to the cuisine. Similarly, the use of online resources such as social media may not necessarily be accurate due to the fact that the Internet is a chaotic place where anyone can say anything. However, our findings indicate that, for the majority of cases, there is a correlation between the owner’s identity and the menus, as well as the overall atmosphere, ambience, and decoration of the respective restaurants. Therefore, accurately determining the ownership of restaurant and café businesses as well as their relationship to the design of the interior remain areas requiring further study.

Disclosure statement

No potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).

Additional information

Notes on contributors

Azian Madun

Azian Madun He is a Senior Lecturer at the Academy of Islamic Studies, University of Malaya, Kuala Lumpur, Malaysia. His research interest is in the intersection between religion, business and financial management. He has published a wide range of subjects in Islamic finance, investment management and risk management at various publishers such as the University of Malaya Press, Springer and Oxford Fajar Press, Malaysia. He obtained his PhD from the University of Bath, United Kingdom.

Yusniza Kamarulzaman

Yusniza Kamarulzaman She is the Professor of Marketing, at the Faculty of Business & Economics, University of Malaya, Kuala Lumpur, Malaysia. Her research interest is in consumer research and marketing management. She has published in various journals such as Journal of Macromarketing, Tourism Management, Journal of Consumer Research, and others. She obtained her Phd from the Cardiff University, United Kingdom.