Conformity of filling stations to safe distance guidelines in urban Ghana: A case study of the Wa Municipality

Abstract

In recent years, filling station disasters have been prevalent in Ghanaian cities. The extant literature showed that enforcing regulations regarding filling stations’ safe distance is a forward-looking step to reducing disaster risks associated with filling stations. However, in Ghana, little is known about the extent of compliance of filling stations with safe distance guidelines in the scientific literature. The study examined the level of conformity of filling stations in the Wa Municipality to two national standards on safe distance—the Ghana National Petroleum Authority (GNPA) 30.8 m health safety distance between a filling station and residential property, and the Ghana National Fire Service (GNFS) 50 m fire safety distance between a filling station and residential property. In addition, we explored nearest residents’perspectives concerning filling stations risks. Geographic Information System (GIS) and in-depth interviews were employed in data collection and analysis. The results show that a considerable number (33.3%) of filling stations failed to comply with the GNFS 50 m guideline and 9.1% with the GNPA 30.8 m guideline. Non-compliance with filling stations’ safety guidelines was fueled by low enforcement of regulations. Nearest residents revealed that they were exposed to risk of disease and fire through noise pollution, air pollution, fuel spillage and emotional stress. We call on regulatory agencies of filling stations in urban Ghana to rise beyond personal and partisan interest and strictly enforce guidelines on siting filling stations and other physical development regulations

Keywords:

• filling station
• gas station
• Geographic Information System
• Ghana
• safe distance guidelines
• risk

1. Introduction

Increasing reliance on automobiles for transportation has resulted in high demand for fuel, and by extension a rise in the establishment of filling stations in cities. A filling station, also known as a petrol station, petrol pump, fuel station, or gas station (Batambock et al., 2021; Zoleikha et al., 2015) is any facility that sells fuel and engine lubricants for automobiles (Afolabi et al., 2011). Major fuels sold at filling stations include petrol, diesel, liquified petroleum gas (LPG), and kerosene. Although filling stations play an important role in transportation, they impact negatively on humans and the environment when not handled with care. They are reported to cause air pollution through the emission of Volatile Organic Compounds (VOCs), groundwater and surface water contamination, loss of life and properties arising from explosions and fires, and traffic obstruction around fuel station sites (Karakitsios et al., 2007; Matori & Aulia, 2010; Sehgal et al., 2011; Terrés et al., 2010; Vitale et al., 2015). The steadily growing literature has reported a plethora of catastrophic disasters that arise from improper siting of fuel stations in cities in Nigeria (Arokoyu et al., 2015; Olaniyi, 2021; Tukka & Odunaiya, 2018), Zambia (Taylor et al., 2016a), Kenya (Karanja & Gathitu, 2018) and Ghana (Dangboor et al., 2015; Boison et al., 2018; Douti et al., 2019). Thus, fuel station disasters appear to be common in cities across sub-Saharan Africa.

Over the past decade, Ghana has witnessed two major filling station disasters in its capital city, Accra. The first is what many refer to as the twin flood and fire disaster, which rocked the country on 3^rd June, 2015 (Graphic Online, 2015a). The disaster came about through an explosion of a filling station at the Kwame Nkrumah Circle, Accra, during a heavy downpour. About 159 people lost their lives and several others sustained varying degrees of burns and injuries (Graphic Online, 2015b), a majority of whom were seeking refuge at the filling station when it was raining. In addition to the deaths and injuries, properties worth over $428,000 were destroyed (Africa News, 2016; Myjoyonline, 2015). Barely 2 years after the twin flood and fire disaster, a natural gas filling station also exploded at the Atomic Junction, Accra, on 7^th October, 2017 (Aljazeera, 2017). The fire from the gas filling station spread to a nearby petrol station, causing another explosion of underground fuel tanks (Aljazeera, 2017). The explosion killed seven people and injured 132 people (Aljazeera, 2017).

To help minimise the risk of filling stations on people and the environment, there is unanimity in the literature that filling stations must be sited away from residential, public, sensitive and densely populated areas (Mohammed et al., 2014; Mshelia et al., 2015; Terrés et al., 2010). However, there are no global standards on the distances between filling stations and other physical developments because of variations in location context and conditions. Based on the local conditions in Murcia, Spain, Terrés et al. (2010) recommend that, a minimum distance of 50 m should be maintained between petrol stations and residential properties and 100 m for “vulnerable” facilities such as hospitals, health centres, schools and care homes. Similarly, in Cameroon, filling stations must be sited 100 m away from residential buildings, schools, hospitals and other public facilities unless it can be clearly shown that there would be no effect concerning noise, visual interference, safety considerations or smells and fumes (Batambock et al., 2021). In Nigeria, the Department of Petroleum Resource (DPR) indicated that a fuel station should be sited at least 50 m away from the built environment (Arokoyu et al., 2015; Mshelia et al., 2015). The DPR also stated that fuel stations should be at least 100 m from schools, health facilities, theatres, and other public and semi-public buildings, and a distance of at least 15 m from the edge of the road to the nearest pump (Arokoyu et al., 2015; Mshelia et al., 2015). In Zambia, the Energy Regulation Board recommends that a filling station should have a 50 m minimum distance from residential or public buildings, a 500 m minimum distance from the nearest filling station and a 40 m buffer zone of open space from the road (Taylor et al., 2016a).

In Ghana, key institutions responsible for the siting of fuel stations are the Physical Planning Department (PPD), Environmental Protection Agency (EPA), Ghana National Petroleum Authority (GNPA) and Ghana National Fire Service (GNFS). These institutions are responsible for outlining guidelines and regulations for the siting of fuel stations in the country. Although all four (4) regulatory institutions agree that filling stations must not be sited close to residential areas, it is only the GNPA and GNFS that have explicit guidelines on safe distance between filling stations and residential properties. According to the Ghana National Petroleum Authority, filling stations are supposed to be at least 30.8 m or 100 feet away from residential areas (Boi-Dsane, 2017; Today online, 2016). On grounds of fire safety, the GNFS guidelines say that a fuel station should be at least 50 m away from residential properties (GNFS, 2010). Notwithstanding these regulations and recent filling stations related disasters in urban Ghana, it is common to see filling stations located in close proximity to residential buildings in the Wa Municipality. This can cause serious hazards to residents living around such petrol stations. It is against this background that the study draws on the compliance theory to examine the level of conformity of filling stations in the Wa Municipality to two national guidelines on safe distance—the Ghana National Petroleum Authority (GNPA) 30.8 m health safety distance between a filling station and residential property, and the Ghana National Fire Service (GNFS) 50 m fire safety distance between a filling station and residential property. The study also draws on the social control risk perception theory to explore the perspectives of nearest residents on the risks filling stations posed to them.

Extant studies (e.g. Boison et al., 2018; Damnyag & Aazagreyir, 2020; Dangboor et al., 2015) on filling stations in Ghana have not paid enough attention to the level of compliance of filling stations to physical planning standards and the risks their locations may pose to urban residents. This study therefore draws on the compliance theory to understand the level of compliance of filling stations with the GNFS and GNPA safe distance guidelines in the Wa Municipality, Ghana. It also employed the social control risk perception theory to understand the risk posed by filling stations to urban residents. The findings of the study and associated recommendations will better inform interventions on filling stations’ disaster risk reduction in Ghana and similar developing countries as emphasised by the Sendai Framework for Disaster Risk Reduction 2015–2030 and the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development. We argue that strict compliance with the guidelines governing the siting of fuel stations and residential facilities is a significant step to reducing disaster risk associated with fuel station disasters in Ghana.

2. Theoretical review

We approach this paper from two theoretical lenses—the compliance theory and the social control theory of risk perception. The overarching aim of this study is to communicate policy options for reducing disaster risks associated with the siting of fuel stations in urbanities across developing countries with specific reference to urban Wa, Ghana. Conceptually, we describe disaster risk reduction as the framing of elements or strategies deemed appropriate for the minimization of vulnerabilities and disaster risks with the aim of preventing and mitigating the adverse consequences of hazards under the broader context of attaining sustainable development.

2.1. Compliance theory

The compliance theory (CT) traces its root to the work of Etzioni (1975) who explored the organisational structure and how power can be exercised to shape human behaviour. Following the framing of the compliance theory, Etzioni advances three major types of organisational power: utilitarian, coercive, and normative, and argues that they are required in shaping human behaviour for the attainment of organisational goals (Lunenburg, 2012). While the theory provides useful insights into organisational governance and the attainment of goals, a recent body of literature has emerged arguing that the theory is useful for guiding and shaping human behaviour across society (Étienne, 2010; Lunenburg, 2012). As a result, some scholars suggest the application of the theory in urban planning and city governance, while others consider the theory to be relevant in studying and unpacking the dynamism and mechanisms surrounding the occurrence of urban disasters (Li et al., 2010).

Indeed, compliance theory is pertinent in studying compliance-induced behaviour as well as the rationale behind such behaviour (Cleven & Winter, 2009). Therefore, multiple perspectives involving regulators and regulatees are suggested to trigger compliance with state laws and regulations concerning the proper siting of fuel stations. Here, the argument is that compliance with safety rules and regulations concerning the siting of fuel stations in the urban frontiers has the proclivity to reduce disaster risk, whereas non-compliance increases and aggravates the threats of disaster risk. Therefore, the intent is to interrogate why the diverse actors within the urban setting comply with or fail to comply with rules and regulations regarding the siting of fuel stations.

In advancing debates on the applicability of the compliance theory, several scholars have contributed to defining compliance. According to Foorthuis et al. (2009), compliance fundamentally explains an agreed behaviour of an individual (actor) to well-laid-down and documented rules and regulations, norms, conventions, and standards to be followed in society. Compliance is shaped by the existence and willingness of an actor who performed certain duties in an organisation or society to have a certain level of understanding, capabilities, and choices and to a broader extent, equipped with some degree of independence (Hollis, 1994). This study contextualised actors as the proprietors of fuel stations in urban Wa who are expected to demonstrate compliance with the rules and regulations regarding the siting and management of fuel stations. In addition, the argument is that the issue of compliance with the siting of fuel stations should not focus on only the fuel station owners but residential property owners also need to demonstrate commitment to the standard rules for building close to fuel stations. Furthermore, discussions on compliance have placed relevance on the existence and enforcement of laws, guiding principles, and the general application of social norms and prescriptions (Harris & Cummings, 2007). Social norms are legally and/or voluntarily expected behaviours that individuals are expected to abide by, whereas documented rules and regulations, laws, and codified principles constitute policy guidelines and frameworks (Foorthuis et al., 2009). It must be noted that abiding by social norms, laws, regulations, and standard principles largely inure to compliance and is a forward-looking step to reducing disaster risk.

In Ghana, there are normative guidelines for establishing a filling station (Figure 1). An investor who wants to establish a filling station must first apply to the National Petroleum Authority (NPA) through the sponsoring Oil Marketing company (OMC) with copies of the site plan and block plan of the proposed site for “no objection letter.” The “no objection letter” together with other relevant documentations is submitted to the Physical Planning Department (PPD) for assessment of the site compliance to zoning regulations. If the site meets the required zoning regulation, the investor then proceeds to apply for a fire permit from the Ghana National Fire Service (GNFS) and an environmental permit from the Environmental Protection Agency (EPA). Next, the investor applies to the Statutory Planning Committee (SPC) of the District Assembly for a development permit. Upon attainment of the development permit, the investor submits the development permit together with the fire and environmental permits to the NPA for verification and granting of construction permit. In this study, two physical planning standards regarding the siting of filling stations are examined—the Ghana National Petroleum Authority (GNPA) 30.8 m health safety distance between a filling station and residential property, and the Ghana National Fire Service (GNFS) 50 m fire safety distance between a filling station and residential property.

Figure 1. Processes involved in acquiring a permit to site a filling station in Ghana (Damnyag & Aazagreyir, 2020).

2.2. Social control risk perception theory

The social control risk perception theory, postulated by Hirschi (1969) is one of the many theories that has been widely used in studying risk perception of an individual’s connectedness to and association with an entity, organisation, or social phenomenon. Social control risk perception theory posits that connectedness to an entity or organisation influences behaviour conformity that can reduce the likelihood of high-risk behaviour. Here, this study considers connectedness and affiliation to fuel stations as a phenomenon that residents need in order to develop conformity so that they can reduce the associated disaster risks. The study, therefore, adopted the social control risk perception theory to enable us to obtain a more nuanced perspective of how residents within the safe distance zone of fuel stations perceive disaster risk.

The literature maintains that one’s ability to identify hazards within his/her geographic sphere of influence contributes to safety within the environment and—is an important means of reducing the risk associated with such hazards (Clarke & Ward, 2006; Neal et al., 2000). Phoya (2012) emphasised that risks/impacts judgment and communication depend greatly on how the individual involved in the process perceives risk. Some scholars suggested the adoption of an integrated approach that takes into cognizance the local people’s perspectives on disaster risk reduction (Cuaton & Su, 2020; Vasileiou et al., 2022). Thus, perception of the risk/impact is the central focus of risk assessment and communication. On this premise, it is argued that in-depth knowledge and perception of risk associated with fuel stations are necessary steps toward communicating and creating awareness of a disaster-free environment.

3. Empirical review

3.1. Compliance of filling stations with physical planning standards in sub-Saharan Africa: an overview

Most studies on compliance of filling stations with physical planning standards in sub-Saharan Africa have been conducted in Nigeria, with a majority reporting gross disregard for the standards. To begin with, a study by Arokoyu et al. (2015) on petrol filling stations’ location and minimum environmental safety requirements in Obio Akpor local government area found that 76% of filling stations did not comply with the 400 m distance between filling stations, while 67% did not comply with the 15 m distance between a filling station and a main road. Similarly, in Maiduguri and Jere in Borno State, Nigeria, Mshelia et al. (2015) found that 74% of petrol stations did not adhere to the 400 m distance between them as required by the DPR. About 51% of filling stations also did not comply with the minimum 50 m distance between them and residential buildings (Mshelia et al., 2015). Olaniyi (2021) also examined the locations of filling stations vis-a-vis physical planning standards in Oyo, Nigeria, and found that 30.77% of the filling stations failed to comply with the DPR guideline that a filling station must be 50 m away from residential buildings. The study again revealed that 41.03% did not conform to the minimum distance of 15 m away from main roads.

Lawali et al. (2020) also analysed the spatial distribution pattern of petrol-filling stations with respect to the physical planning standards in Damaturu Metropolis in Nigeria. Findings from the study established that most (98.5%) of the filling stations satisfied the minimum requirement of 15 m from roads. Also, all the filling stations met the minimum distance of 100 m from health-care facilities and schools. However, many filling stations did not meet the criteria of a 400 m minimum distance to each station. Furthermore, in Akure Metropolis in Nigeria, Tukka and Odunaiya (2018) found that 54% of filling stations conformed to the 400 m required distance from one another, while the remaining 46% did not conform. Also, the results of filling stations’ conformity to the required 15 m distance from the road show that only 40% of petrol filling stations conformed, while 60% of petrol filling stations did not. Batambock et al. (2021) in their auditing of filling stations in relation to standards in Douala municipalities in Cameroon observed that 83.55% of the filling stations in Douala municipalities were within 40 m of human settlements, which is much less than the 100 m required by law. It was further observed that 99.34% of filling stations did not comply with the 7 m distance between a filling station and main roads, 16% did not comply with the distance between a filling station and health facilities, 38.16% of filling stations did not comply with the 500 m distance from one another, 21.3% did not comply with the 100 m distance between a filling station and an educational establishment.

Many factors account for the non-compliance of filling stations with physical planning standards in sub-Saharan Africa. In Borno State in Nigeria, Mshelia et al. (2015) attributed non-compliance of filling stations to people developing close to them and also a lack of enforcement of regulations. Batambock et al. (2021) made a similar assertion in Douala municipalities in Cameroon. Mohammed et al. (2014) also identified inadequate capital and logistics on the part of regulatory bodies, ignorance of fuel station owners, poor attitude of owners of fuel stations towards safety rules/regulations, unavailability of land and profit maximisation as the causes of non-compliance of filling stations with location standards/guidelines in Kano, Nigeria. For Tukka and Odunaiya (2018), indiscriminate location of petrol stations in most Nigerian cities is due to a lack of developmental control.

In Kitwe, Zambia, Taylor et al. (2016b) reported that entrepreneurs of fuel distribution products often influence personnel involved in spatial planning to approve their preferential locations for siting their filling stations even when that site contravenes standards. Taylor et al. (2016b) further reported that most filling stations did not comply with the physical planning standards because they were established before the enactment of regulations and standards. In Wa, Ghana, Dangboor et al. (2015) also noted that some filling stations and residential properties were established before the area was planned. Dangboor et al. (2015) further attributed non-compliance of filling stations with standards to low collaboration among the regulatory authorities and inadequate staff and logistics to effectively monitor land base projects.

3.2. Potential risk of filling stations

Although filling stations help meet transportation needs, they are not without problems. According to Perisayamy et al. (2017), the rapid rate of growth in vehicles in Abu Dhabi has resulted in the need for more petrol filling stations; however, the existence of these filling stations play an important role in increasing fire and explosion when fuel is not handled safely. Furthermore, it has been widely reported that fuels can be harmful to health by causing damage to skin, eyes and respiratory problems if inhaled. Hazards of fire or explosion are potentially serious threats that must be considered in relation to siting filling stations by emergency response facilities such as fire stations and hospitals if an accident occurs (Auliaa et al., 2016).

In Ghana, Baffour et al. (2014) observed that the majority of filling stations do not have vapour recovery systems; hence, various hydrocarbons are easily released into the air during fuel delivery posing environmental hazards. It has been established that exposure to diesel, petroleum fumes, and fuel components such as benzene and formaldehyde can bring about a variety of adverse health effects such as cancers, acute myeloid leukaemia, acute non-lymphocytic leukaemia, asthma, headaches, and mucosal symptoms (Lynge et al., 1997; Perisayamy et al., 2017; Steinemann, 2008). Leakage of petrol from underground tanks if not properly managed may run into streams and rivers, particularly those near to waterbodies. Pollution of water sources can have cumulative impacts on those who source such water (Dangboor et al., 2015).

Another critical potential risk in siting petrol filling stations is the neighbourhood effect. According to Okafor and Adebayo (2017), the top three potential risks of filling stations in neighbourhoods are the increase in noise pollution within the neighbourhood, the increase in the cost of living within the area and the increase in air pollution. Okafor and Adebayo (2017) noted that properties sited close to petroleum filling stations have a tendency of being reduced in value due to the risk and danger posed to human health and properties. Sometimes, it may even cost more to insure such residential properties due to higher risk of danger. In the works of Olaniyi (2021) and Mshelia et al. (2015), nearest residents of filling stations also suffer from air pollution, fire outbreak, traffic congestion, traffic accidents, noise and soil pollution.

4. Materials and methods

4.1. Study area

Wa Municipal is one of the 11 Municipalities/Districts in the Upper West Region of Ghana. The Municipality was conveniently chosen for the study because the authors reside there, and this reduced the cost of data collection. The municipality lies within latitudes 9º50’N to 10º10’N and longitudes 2^o16’W to 2^o40’W (Figure 2). It is bound to the north by the Nadowli-Kaleo District, to the east by the Wa East District and to the west by the Wa West District. It covers a land area of about 234.74 km^2, representing 6.4% of the total landmass of the Upper West Region (Wa Municipal Assembly, 2018).

Figure 2. Map of Wa Municipality.

Of the 11 Municipalities/Districts in the Upper West Region, Wa Municipal is the most urbanised (Ahmed et al., 2020). According to the 2021 Population and Housing Census, the population of the Municipality stands at 200,672, with 71.4% residing in the urban area, mainly the Wa township (Ghana Statistical Service, 2021). The 2010 Population and Housing Census further shows that the growth rate of Wa stands at 4%, which is slightly higher than the national growth rate of 3.4% (Ghana Statistical Service, 2014). This resulted in a population density of 542 persons per kilometre square. The economy of the Wa Municipality is dominated by the commerce and service sectors, which together employ 51.3% of the working population. Manufacturing and the local craft industry also employ 18.4%, while agriculture engages 30.2% of the working labour force in the Municipality.

In terms of transportation, Wa is an important nodal town in northwestern Ghana. It connects to all other districts in the Upper West Region, Burkina Faso and Southern Ghana. The main trunk roads in the Municipality include the Kumasi—Tamale road, Lawra—Hamile-Burkina Faso road, the Tumu—Leo road and the Dorimon—Burkina Faso road. Compared to other districts in the Upper West Region, the Municipality has the largest traffic volume, making it attractive for the location of filling stations. It hosts more than 500 commercial vehicles, 1,000 private cars and 8,000 motorbikes (Ghana Statistical Service, 2014). In addition to these, the municipality receives more than 500 vehicle passages on a daily basis.

4.2. Study design and data collection

The study employed a mixed-methods research design, comprising desk reviews, geospatial methods, and in-depth interviews. A disk review was carried out on the theories underpinning the study, and also on similar works to situate the study within the existing literature. After the desk review, geospatial methods were employed in data collection and analysis. Two spatial data were gathered; geographic coordinates of filling stations and 2020 Landsat land cover image of Wa. The geographic coordinates of the filling stations were mapped using hand-held GPS devices (Garmin eTrex) and converted to a shapefile in ArcMap (version 10.8), while the 2020 Landsat land cover image was also downloaded from Google Earth. The spatial data were analysed by creating buffers of 50 m (GNFS fire safety guideline) and 30.8 m (GNPA health safety guideline) around the filling stations in ArcMap. This was then overlaid with the Landsat land cover image and ground truth was carried out to ascertain the number of residential properties within the 30.8 m and 50 m buffer zones of each filling station.

In addition to the spatial analysis, in-depth interviews were conducted with the Regional Director of the GNFS, Regional Manager of the GNPA and 20 household heads who live within 50 m of filling stations (herein referred to as nearest residents) to understand why some filling stations did not comply with the guidelines. The interview guide of nearest residents also explored their perceptions of the risk filling stations pose to them. Although about 35 households live within the 50 m radius of the filling stations, only 20 household heads were available and willing to participate during the field data collection, which occurred between May and August 2020. Interviews were conducted with household heads who are largely males (18 respondents) and two female-headed households. Each interview session lasted between 30 and 45 min. Informed consent was sought from the interviewees by explaining the purpose of the study and assuring them that their views would be used only for academic purposes. This was done in the native language of the interviewees (Waale/Dagaare) of which the first, second, and fourth authors are native speakers. Furthermore, the qualitative data collected through in-depth interviews were analysed using NVivo with guidance from Rapley’s (2011) qualitative data analysis approach, comprising detailed examination of transcripts, coding and grouping of codes into themes. Striking statements are presented as quotations to illuminate synthesised data.

5. Results and discussions

5.1. Characterization of filling stations

As at the time of field survey in July 2020, 33 filling stations were located in the Wa Municipality with only one being non-functional (Table 1). Of the 32 filling stations that were functional, 81.3% deal in liquid fuel and the remaining 18.7% sell liquified petroleum gas (LPG). Goil Marketing Company has the highest (8) number of filling station outlets in the Municipality. Total and Petrosol Oil Marketing Companies Limited followed with five and four outlets, respectively. Galaxy, Excel, Frimps, Jusbro, AP, Star Oil, Grid and Shell Marketing Companies also have a few outlets in the Municipality.

Table 1. Profile of filling stations in the Wa Municipality

S/N	Name	Year of establishment	Functional status	Type of fuel sold	Latitude	Longitude
0	Total 1	2018	Functioning	Liquid fuel	10.055140	−2.494823
1	Grid	Unknown	Functioning	Liquid fuel	10.054722	−2.494421
2	Excel 1	2015	Functioning	Liquid fuel	10.053782	−2.493638
3	Jusbro	2016	Functioning	Liquid fuel	10.049667	−2.492363
4	Galaxy oil	2000	Functioning	Liquid fuel	10.029483	−2.489901
5	Frimps	2009	Functioning	Liquid fuel	10.028134	−2.489492
6	Enazif gas	2011	Functioning	Gaseous fuel	10.025726	−2.489662
7	Petrosol 6	2020	Functioning	Liquid fuel	10.02506	−2.489367
8	Total 2	2003	Functioning	Liquid fuel	10.024726	−2.489229
9	Joekona gas	2010	Functioning	Gaseous fuel	10.023981	−2.489281
10	Goil 1	2020	Functioning	Liquid fuel	10.018605	−2.487652
11	Total 3	2016	Functioning	Liquid fuel	10.004196	−2.480181
12	AP	2015	Functioning	Liquid fuel	9.975676	−2.463316
13	Link gas	2020	Functioning	Gaseous fuel	10.041125	−2.523910
14	Petrosol 1	2018	Functioning	Liquid fuel	10.03977	−2.524337
15	Press gas	2014	Functioning	Gaseous fuel	10.029621	−2.536638
16	Goil 2	1993	Functioning	Liquid fuel	10.056976	−2.524855
17	Goil 3	2005	Functioning	Liquid fuel	10.061000	−2.508386
18	Total 4	1999	Functioning	Liquid fuel	10.062472	−2.506180
19	Goil 4	1990	Functioning	Liquid fuel	10.062610	−2.506517
20	Petrosol 2	2017	Functioning	Liquid fuel	10.076687	−2.0530915
21	Goil 5	2018	Functioning	Liquid fuel	10.092488	−2.52238
22	Total 5	2014	Functioning	Liquid fuel	10.094125	−2.523471
23	Goil 6	1992	Functioning	Liquid fuel	10.070896	−2.504820
24	Star oil	2015	Functioning	Liquid fuel	10.070400	−2.504128
25	Excel 2	2013	Functioning	Liquid fuel	10.070034	−2.503597
26	Petrosol 3	2016	Functioning	Liquid fuel	10.070582	−2.498131
27	Biyad gas	1985	Functioning	Gaseous fuel	10.072031	−2.490321
28	Shell oil	2017	Functioning	Liquid fuel	10.079091	−2.489135
29	Petrosol 4	2015	Functioning	Liquid fuel	10.094510	−2.479672
30	Goil 7	1993	Functioning	Liquid fuel	10.067357	−2.490505
31	Goil gas	Unknown	Non-functioning	Gaseous fuel	10.065448	−2.491347
32	Petrosol 5	2020	Functioning	Liquid fuel	10.049372	−2.504478

Further analysis by the year of establishment showed that the first liquid fuel station—Goil 4—was established in 1990. Between 1990 and 1999, only five liquid fuel stations were established. Additional three liquid fuel stations were established between 2000 and 2010. From 2011 to 2019, 18 more liquid fuel stations were established. With regard to gas, the first filling station in the Municipality—Biyad gas—dates back to 1985. This station enjoyed a market monopoly until 2011, when the Enazif gas station was established. Four additional gas stations were established between 2012 and 2019. All filling stations had operational permits from the GNPA, GNFS, Physical Planning Department (PPD), and Environmental Protection Agency (EPA).

5.2. Spatial distribution of filling stations

A visual analysis of the distribution of filling stations in the Wa Municipality (Figure 3) shows that they are clustered in the Wa township. This observation was confirmed by a Nearest Neighbour analysis in ArcMap 10.8. The Nearest Neigbour statistics presented in Figure 4 reveals a Nearest Neighbour Ratio of 0.697070, Z-score of −3.329126 and a p-value of 0.000871, which is highly significant. The location of filling stations is significantly influenced by traffic volume, competition on the road, visibility, land use in the region, the nature of the road, as well as environmental and legislative demands (Boison et al., 2018; Karanja & Gathitu, 2018). Most of the filling stations are located within Wa (23), especially on the Hamile—Kumasi/Tamale highway (16) because of high traffic volume and by extension high demand for fuel. Similarly, in the La-Nkwantanang Madina Municipal Assembly in Ghana, Damnyag and Aazagreyir (2020) observed that most of the filling stations were located along major roads due to high traffic volume. Also, in Douala Municipalities, Cameroun, Batambock et al. (2021) observed that most filling stations were either along major roads or in thickly populated human settlement areas or where there are markets that can be easily accessed by customers. As one moves outside Wa—the Central Business District (CBD) of the Municipality—filling stations become fewer due to less traffic, except on the Kumasi-Tamale road where traffic volume is always high.

Figure 3. Spatial distribution of filling stations in the Wa Municipality.

0 = Total 1; 1 = Grid; 2 = Excel 1; 3 = Jusbro; 4 = Galaxy Oil; Frimps = 5; 6 = Enazif Gas; 7 = Petrosol 6; 8 = Total 2; 9 = Joekana Gas; 10 = Goil 1;11 = Total3; 12 = AP; 13 = Link Gas; 14 = Petrosol 1; 15 = Press Gas; 16 = Goil 2; 17 = Goil 3; 18 = Total 4; 19 = Goil 4; 20 = Petrosol 2; 21 = Goil 5; 22 = Total 5; 23 = Goil 6; 24 = Star Oil; 25 = Excel 2; 26 = Petrosol 3; 27 = Biyad Gas; 28 = Shell; 29 = Petrosol 4; 30 = Goil 8; 31 = Goil Gas; 32 = Petrosol 5;

Figure 4. Nearest neighbor statistics of filling stations distribution.

5.3. Level of compliance of filling stations with the GNFS and GNPA residential safety distance guidelines

With respect to the GNFS guideline that a filling station must be 50 m away from residential development on grounds of fire safety (GNFS, 2010), 66.7% (22) of filling stations complied with the guideline while 33.3% (11) did not. Filling stations that did not comply with the guideline include Jusbro, Star oil, Goil 1, Goil 2, Goil 3, Goil 6, Excel 2, Peterosol 3, Total 4, Galaxy oil and AP (Table 2). Figure 5 shows the aerial view of some filling stations with residential properties within the 50 m fire safety zone. The number of residential properties within the 50 m buffer zone of the fillings stations that did not comply with the guideline ranged from five for Jusbro to one for Goil 2, Peterosol 3, Total 4, Galaxy oil and AP (Table 2).

Figure 5. Aerial view of some filling stations showing residential properties within the GNFS 50m fire safety zone.

Red circle = 50 m buffer around filling station; Yellow fuel gauge = filling station

Table 2. Number of residential properties within the safety zones of filling stations

S/N	Name	No. of residential properties within the 30.8m GNPA health safety guideline	No. of residential properties within the 50m GNFS fire safety guideline
0	Total 1	0	0
1	Grid	0	0
2	Excel 1	0	0
3	Jusbro	2	5
4	Galaxy oil	0	1
5	Frimps	0	0
6	Enazif gas	0	0
7	Petrosol 6	0	0
8	Total 2	0	0
9	Joekona gas	0	0
10	Goil 1	0	2
11	Total 3	0	0
12	AP	0	1
13	Link gas	0	0
14	Petrosol 1	0	0
15	Press gas	0	0
16	Goil 2	0	1
17	Goil 3	0	3
18	Total 4	0	1
19	Goil 4	0	0
20	Petrosol 2	0	0
21	Goil 5	0	0
22	Total 5	0	0
23	Goil 6	1	4
24	Star oil	1	4
25	Excel 2	0	2
26	Petrosol 3	0	1
27	Biyad gas	0	0
28	Shell oil	0	0
29	Petrosol 4	0	0
30	Goil 7	0	0
31	Goil gas	0	0
32	Petrosol 5	0	0

In addition to the 50 m fire safety buffer, another 30.8 m buffer around the filling stations was created to ascertain if the filling stations complied with the GNPA health safety guidelines. Of the 33 filling stations surveyed, 90.1% (30) complied with the health safety guideline while 9.1% (3) did not. The three filling stations that did not comply with the guidelines include Jusbro (on Kumasi road), Star Oil and Goil 5 (both at T. Junction) (See Figure 6 and Table 2). From the ground truthing, two residential properties were within the 30.8 m buffer of Jubro filling station. For Goil 6 and Star Oil, only one residential property was within the 30.8 m buffer zone.

Figure 6. Aerial view of filling stations showing residential properties within the GNPA 30.8m health buffer zone.

Red circle = 30 m buffer around filling station; Yellow fuel gauge = filling station

From the ground truthing, the study also found some businesses in close proximity to filling stations. About 48.5% and 24.2% of the filling stations were found to have small-scale enterprises within 50 m and 30.8 m of their radius, respectively. These enterprises were mainly phone shops, clothing shops, sawmills, food kiosks, building materials shops, vulcanizers, provision shops, motor/bicycle mechanic shops, bread shops, drinking spots, hairdressing salons and dressmaking shops.

In the literature, non-compliance of filling stations with safe distance guidelines is not only peculiar to Ghana but a common problem in Africa. For example, Batambock et al. (2021) observed that in Cameroon 83.55 % of the filling stations in Douala municipalities were within 40 m of human settlements, which is much less than the 100 m required by law. It was further observed that 99.34% of filling stations did not comply with the 7 m distance between a filling station and main roads, 16% did not comply with the distance between a filling station and health facilities, 38.16% of filling stations did not comply with the 500 m distance from one another, 21.3% did not comply with the 100 m distance between a filling and an educational establishment. Also, in Nigeria, a study by Arokoyu et al. (2015) on petrol filling stations’ location and minimum environmental safety requirements in Obio Akpor Local Government Area showed that 76% of filling stations did not comply with the 400 m distance between filling stations, while 67% did not comply with the 15 m distance between a filling station and main road. Similarly, in Maiduguri and Jere, Borno State, Nigeria, Mshelia et al. (2015) found that 74% of petrol stations did not adhere to the 400 m distance between them as required by DPR. About 51% of filling stations also did not comply with the minimum 50 m between them and residential buildings (Mshelia et al., 2015).

5.4. Causes of non-conformity of some filling stations to the GNFS and GNPA safe distance to residential property guidelines

Following up on the results presented in section 5.3, the study delves into the causes of non-compliances of some filling stations with the safety guidelines. Interactions with one of the key officials of the GNFS revealed that the office does not and will not grant fire safety permits to filling station developers if the proposed site of the filling station does not comply with the 50 m fire safety distance. When the attention of the official was drawn to results from preliminary analysis and ground truthing which showed that there were residential properties within a 50 m radius of some filling stations, the response was that most of the filling stations were established before the current leadership of the Ghana National Fire Service in Wa. However, the officer admitted to being a part of the team that conducted the fire safety assessment for the establishment of Jusbro and Petrosol 3 in 2015, two of the filling stations that did not comply with the 50 m fire safety guideline. However, in defence, the officer indicated that at the time the fire safety assessment was carried out, there was no residential property within the 50 m radius of the filling station but after the establishment of the filling station, he observed that some people came to build very close to these filling stations.

The investigating team further questioned an official from the Regional Fire Service team to understand why in spite of having a representative on the Statutory Planning Committee that issues building permits to developers including residential developers, people are still allowed to build close to filling stations. The response was as follows: “do people in Wa apply for building permits before building?” A rhetorical response that suggests that most people in Wa do not apply for residential building permits. The official went on to say that although the Statutory Planning Committee is backed by law to stop or pull down such buildings, it was difficult to enforce due to political interference and social relations. An official of the GNPA and some filling station Managers corroborated the assertion of the Regional Director of the GNFS that it is rather residential developers who built close to the filling stations and not the other way round. One of the filling stations Managers lamented as follows:

“I get so annoyed whenever someone comes and asks me why the fuel station is sharing a wall with this house (pointing towards a house by the fuel station). It is not the fault of the owner of the fuel stations but the house owner. The fuel station will be there then someone will come and build the house by it and not leaving any distance from the house to the fuel station. This house here (points again to a house located close to the fuel station) was built three months ago and it is just by where the tanks are buried. The planning authorities have done nothing about it and the owner of the station cannot go and tell them not to build the house there because the plot belongs to them”.

(Manager 10: Fuel station 17, 2020)

An official of the GNPA added that the Wa Municipal Assembly is supposed to protect safe zones from developers by either buying such lands from landowners or ensuring that they are not developed, but they do not. The official claimed that there have been instances where the attention of city authorities was drawn to encroachers and nothing was done about it. Most residents also cited bribery and corruption, and political interference as the reasons why some filling stations are located in close proximity to residential units. A resident stated as follows “a majority of the fuel stations are owned by politicians, their relatives, wealthy men who sponsor their political campaigns, or persons in higher authority. So anywhere they want to site a filling station they do it. You know money talks in our system”.

From the in-depth interviews, it emerged that the main factor accounting for the non-compliance of some filling stations with the safety guidelines is the lack of enforcement of physical development regulations due to bribery and corruption, social relations and political interference. Similarly, in Borno State in Nigeria, Mshelia et al. (2015) attributed non-compliance of filling stations to the physical planning guidelines to lack of enforcement of regulations. Batambock et al. (2021) made a similar assertion in Douala municipalities in Cameroon. Dangboor et al. (2015) also attributed the non-compliance of some filling stations to the absence of a spatial plan at the time the stations were built, weak collaboration among the regulatory authorities and inadequate staff and logistics to effectively monitor physical developments.

5.5. Perceived risk of filling stations on neighbouring residents

All 20 neighbouring residents we interacted with reported air pollution and risk of poor health as their major problems. Some of them stated as follows:

I must admit that air pollution is the major nuisance we are facing in this area. I hope you can smell the petrol yourself. There are no two ways about that … we are breathing in chemicals which are quite detrimental to our health. You and I know petrol is composed of several chemicals–though I cannot point to any specific disease. You the educated ones know there are some underlying health implications associated with staying close to the filling station.

(Source: KII with a resident of Goil 2, November 19, 2021)

Even as we sit, you can attest that the odour of petrol and other lubricants is all over our environment. As for me and my household, we are dead and living. Every day, we breathe bad air and by now our lungs are destroyed.

(Source: KII with a resident near Goil 3; November 19, 2021)

A majority of nearest neighbours also mentioned noise pollution from vehicles offloading or buying fuel as another risk they experience daily. One respondent lamented as follows;

We are greeted with noise day-in-day-out. Heavy vehicles move in and out to offload fuel and others to buy fuel. They are the source of the noise I am talking about here. As for the pumping of the petrol, we do not hear any noise to that effect. But like I indicated, the vehicular moment has made this place like a commercial area (Source: KII with a resident of Goil 2, November 19, 2021)

Furthermore, the risk of fire outbreak through spillage from filling stations was also reported by half of the nearest residents we interacted with. One of the nearest residents of Goil 3 filling station shared a fire incident as follows:

Some ten years ago, when I was still young, there was a spillage during the process of offloading by a fuel tanker. I can vividly remember that day. It was not easy at all for the residents here. We started running for our lives when the fuel tanker caught fire, it burnt to ashes but luckily no resident of this area was affected. I was told one of the fuel attendants got burnt but God saved his life.

(Source: KII with a resident near Goil 3; November 19, 2021)

To mitigate the risk of spillage and fire spreading from filling stations to residential properties, one nearest neighbour intends to construct a fence wall to enclose his house. He stated as follows:

Since the siting of the filling station, there has never been spillage but we foresee it happening anytime. So, I am planning to build a fence wall to enclose my house.

(Source: KII with a resident of Goil 2, November 19, 2021)

Last but not least, some respondents indicated that they go through a lot of fear and emotional stress by living close to filling stations, especially after the devastating 3^rd June, 2015 filling station disaster in Accra. Some residents stated as follows:

After the 3^rd June 2015 twin disaster, we all became conscious of living close to filling stations. Our consciences have never set us free … we are living on a time bomb. I am building again around Kpongu to relocate very soon. I am sad about the woes of those who may not be able to relocate. Rooms 1, 2 and 3 (pointing towards the rooms), are all empty rooms … why? Because people fear living by the filling station and will not rent them. As I indicated, when I finally relocate, I will convert this place into a washing bay.

(Source: KII with a resident of Goil 2, November 19, 2021)

We are in a state of constant fear of living close to the filling station. But I am told the filling station is older than our house, implying my late father was not aware of the dangers of staying close to the filling station before building here. The Accra disaster has given us clues that anything can happen … we cannot sleep like any normal residents. As you know, it is only a mad man that will go to bed with his roof on fire. I in particular sleep with one eye open.

(Source: KII with a resident near Goil 3; November 19, 2021)

The interviews held with nearest residents showed they held the perception that they are exposed to diseases and fire outbreaks through air pollution, noise, emotional stress and spillage. Except for emotional stress, other risks have earlier been reported in some previous studies (see Mshelia et al., 2015; Olaniyi, 2021). In a similar study, Mshelia et al. (2015) identified air pollution as the major risk reported by the nearest residents of filling stations in Maiduguri and Jere in Nigeria. It has been established that exposure to diesel, petroleum fumes, and fuel components such as benzene and formaldehyde can bring about a variety of adverse health effects such as cancers, acute myeloid leukaemia, acute non-lymphocytic leukaemia, asthma, headaches and mucosal symptoms (Lynge et al., 1997; Steinemann, 2008). In some previous studies, nearest residents of filling stations have also reported traffic congestion, traffic accidents and soil pollution (Mshelia et al., 2015; Olaniyi, 2021) and exposure to dust (Batambock et al., 2021) as hazards they face.

6. Conclusions

The study examined the level of conformity of fillings stations in the Wa Municipality of Ghana to the Ghana National Petroleum Authority (GNPA) 30.8 m health safety guideline and the Ghana National Fire Service (GNFS) 50 m fire safety guideline. The study also explored the perceptions of nearest residents regarding the risk posed by filling stations. The results of the study showed that 90.9% of the filling stations complied with the Ghana National Petroleum Authority (GNPA) 30.8 m health safety guideline and 66.7% complied with the Ghana National Fire Service (GNFS) 50 m fire safety guideline. The main factor accounting for the non-compliance of some filling stations with the safety guidelines is the lack of enforcement of physical development regulations, arising from bribery and corruption, social relations and political interference. Persons living in close proximity to fillings stations were exposed to risk of diseases and fire outbreaks through noise pollution, air pollution, fuel spillage and emotional stress.

The findings of the study showed that the Wa Municipality is sitting on a bomb if timely action is not taken to ensure that filling stations are located at a safe distance away from residential properties and businesses. The study recommends the following: (1) regulatory bodies of filling stations should intensify public sensitization on the potential dangers of living close to filling stations and the required safe distance zone between a filling station and residential properties (2) regulatory bodies of filling stations in Ghana should rise beyond personal and partisan interests, and strictly enforce filling stations and other physical development guidelines and (3) regulatory bodies of filling stations should collaborate and lease safety zone lands from landowners to prevent the public from accessing such lands.

Disclosure statement

No potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).

Additional information

Funding

This research did not receive any specific grant from funding agencies in the public, commercial, or not-for-profit sectors.