The 2022 Ethiopia’s first-ever national dialogue formation: analyzing challenges and prospects

Abstract

Ethiopia held its first national dialogue in response to historical and present issues. This study critically explored the opportunities and challenges of Ethiopia’s present national dialogue. To this end, both the primary and secondary data were collected. To collect primary data, focus group discussions and semi-structured interviews were conducted with representatives of various political parties and key informants. Books, articles, reports, and news are examples of secondary data used in this study. As a result of the findings of this research, the prospects include the development of the Ethiopian National Discussion Commission, the release of political prisoners, favorable reactions to the importance of national discussion, and Ethiopian religion and cohesion. On the other hand, the study explained that the controversy surrounding the establishment of Ethiopian national dialogue, the reduced inclusiveness of the national dialogue process, conflict with the TPLF and Shene, the inclusion of the TPLF and Shene as terrorists by the Ethiopian parliament, a lack of good governance, political polarization (centripetal and centrifugal forces), and imperial syndrome are all posing challenges to the current Ethiopian national dialogue. Overall, despite the major hurdles, the national conversation initiative has a high chance of uniting Ethiopians. Finally, the report recommended that the Ethiopian National Dialogue Commission draft a clear activity plan and begin its implementation as soon as possible.

IMPACT STATEMENT

In 2022, Ethiopia is forming the first-ever, national dialogue. This research examines the challenges and prospects of the national dialogue. Focus group discussions and semi-structured interviews were employed for different political parties and key informants to collect the primary data. Secondary data include books, articles, reports, and news. the findings of this research revealed that the establishment of the Ethiopian National Dialogue Commission, the release of political prisoners, the positive responses on the importance of the national dialogue, and Ethiopian religion and cohesion are the prospects. Contrarily, the study also explained that controversy regarding the establishment of Ethiopian national dialogue, the less inclusiveness of the national dialogue process, the conflict with TPLF and Shene, the inclusion of TPLF and Shene as terrorists by Ethiopian parliament, lack of good governance, the political polarization (centripetal and centrifugal forces) and imperial syndrome are challenging current Ethiopia’s national dialogue.

Keywords:

• Challenge
• commission
• dialogue
• Ethiopia
• national
• prospect

REVIEWING EDITOR:

• Robert Read, Economics, University of Lancaster, Lancaster, UK

SUBJECTS:

• Government; International Political Economy; International Politics; International Relations; Political Philosophy; Security Studies - Pol & Intl Relns

1. Introduction

National dialogue is a public political cycle pointed toward many public entertainers amid profound political emergencies, post-struggle circumstances, or during significant political changes (Haider, 2019). A national dialogue is utilized as an equivalent for formal discussions between at least two gatherings to contention and to depict a more casual course of correspondence between restricting gatherings leading to dealings or cycles pointed toward diminishing heightening staying away from struggle without substantial desires to continue toward the exchange stage (El-Battahani, 2014). National dialogue keeps on standing out as truly newsworthy all over the world and has as of late been proposed or gathered in nations confronting a portion of the world’s most unmanageable and dangerous contentions (Paffenholz et al., 2017).

Furthermore, National Dialogues, according to Blunck et al. (2017), are nationally owned political processes aiming at establishing agreement among a broad variety of national stakeholders in times of significant political crisis, post-war scenarios, or during major political transitions. Similarly, Barnes (2017) said that National Dialogues foster ownership within new political, economic, and social systems, intending to establish new institutions and negotiate a new or revised social compact between the state and its population. Developing socio-political procedures that may serve as containers for peacefully ­resolving these issues is critical, and serves as the experience foundation for further institutional transformation and nation-building.

It should be noted that the inspirations for participating in a national dialogue differ and rely vigorously upon whether the exchange is pointed toward advancing grasping, changing the personalities and interests of partners, or essentially pointing toward keeping away from heightening and falling back on savagery (Bourassa & Kruger, 2001). Now and again, entertainers might participate in the public discourse for instrumental or strategic reasons without being associated with serene compromise (Siebert, 2014). In another situation, the exchange might be forced on the gatherings by the UN Security Committee or other outer entertainers without an adequate interior obligation to agree (Murray & Stigant, 2021). From Togo (2006) to South Sudan (2016–2020), national dialogue is viewed as a promising method for overseeing political emergencies and changes. With commands going from political change to constitution production and harmony building, national dialogue is met to resolve issues of public significance, generally well-established reasons for struggle featured by political mobilization or furnished uprisings (Hartmann, 2017; Paffenholz et al., 2017).

In South Sudan, a national dialogue that started in 2016 was concluded at a national conference in November 2020. Currently, Ethiopia is attempting to have a national dialogue to conclude the issues, which are primarily established in political issues and talk. Ethiopia’s ensuing nation-building ventures are perilous in Ethiopia, concurring with Olkeba Jima (2021). The Solomonic tradition that ruled Ethiopia until the 1974 transformation was outright government (Atnafu, 2017). The Marxist-Leninist military junta that came to control after the drop of Sovereign Haile Selassie was a military tyranny and did not look for the endorsement of Ethiopian individuals on the nature and character of the state (Minority at Risk, 2004).

Following the demise of the Derg dictatorship in 1991, the Ethiopian People’s Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF) took control (Minority at Risk, 2004). The Tigray People’s Liberation Front (TPLF), Amhara Democratic Party (ADP), Oromo People’s Democratic Organization (OPDO), and Southern Ethiopian People’s Democratic Movement (SEPDM) comprise the EPRDF (Temin & Badwaza, 2019). The shift, however, did not begin with a negotiated peace agreement but rather with a military triumph in Ethiopia (Lyons, 2019; Vaughan & Tronvoll, 2003). Therefore, the ethnic federal structure was imposed without the necessary democratic discussion that a new social compact demanded (Abbink, 2009; Tronvoll, 2000).

The political settlement codified in the 1995 constitution addresses the longstanding countrywide query and consequently instructs broad aid. The procedure by which the settlement was accomplished was not democratic. The government did not attempt to treat the crisis of legitimacy by enforcing significant standards and targets (Veen, 2016). The EPRDF was mainly characterized by an undemocratic machine, mass killing, torture, corruption, domination of the TPLF, and declining Ethiopianism but increasing ethnocentrism (Olkeba Jima, 2021).

Consequently, the EPRDF confronted national protests that introduced Abiy to power in 2018 (Temin & Badwaza, 2019). After Abiy ascended to the throne in the course of his period as a prime ministry the Ethiopian human beings were on the one hand motivated by using the desire, amongst different things, to democratize the federal gadget and make certain complete enforcement of the constitution (Abebe, 2021). Alternatively, changing and/or amending the existing constitution and ethnic federalism causes the death of innocent human beings inside the four corners of Ethiopia (Abbink, 2009). Likewise, Ethiopia is on the verge of crumbling, and the imposition of a political answer that lacks consensus among Ethiopia’s diverse population will result in the crumbling of the state (Gudina, 2007a). Thus, Ethiopia will survive if leaders and elites unite to forge a new countrywide consensus and build a new political order that guarantees the honor, coexistence, and solidarity of the people.

To this end, Ethiopia is on the verge of an inclusive national dialogue procedure in which all stakeholders can come together and speak about vital national troubles to attain a common and lasting political answer. A national dialogue could allow rival ideologies (Papagianni, 2013) and communities in Ethiopia to redefine their relationships and promote higher expertise on the troubles that divide and polarize. A national dialogue ought to help bridge the space between different actors and foster a subculture of communication and collaboration (Hobbs et al., 2018). Due to political reforms in Ethiopia, however, demands for a negotiated political solution have been rejected for many years, and Ethiopian domestic politics has been producing consistent violence and anxiety for years (Veen, 2016).

Political tensions and deep reports of democratization and kingdom-building tactics remain unresolved in Ethiopia’s political reforms (Lie & Mesfin, 2018; Smith, 2007). There is disagreement among Ethiopians about the history of Ethiopia (some believe Ethiopia is 150 years old, while others believe Ethiopia is 3 million years and older), heroes, flags, statues, anthems, and other national symbols (Gebre, 2021). Furthermore, ethnic parties have emerged, many of which have overtly sectarian messages. Some have played a role in ancient interethnic conflicts and reignited land disputes that have brought about mass displacement (Van Badwaza, 2019; Van Der, 2018). Consequently, while national dialogue is an opportunity to settle accounts with the ghosts of the beyond and renegotiate destiny, it will not be without challenges. Subsequently, this research addresses the challenges and perspectives of the current national dialogue in Ethiopia.

2. Theoretical framework

Scholars of peace and conflict have used special procedures to analyze dialogue. Unilateral technique to victory, method to retreat, and approach to adjustment (Ndekwo, 2020). The excellent situations of the dialogue favor the enforcement of a unilateral will, withdrawal, or compromise. Talks can cease significantly in unilateral destruction or mutual annihilation (Filson & Werner, 2004). Long-status animosity among rivals with extraordinary energy imbalances can be frozen without further provocation. Negotiated settlements are generally based on agreements that mirror accommodation. These exceptional forms of warfare are not always mutually exclusive (Kathman & Benson, 2019).

Enforcing unilateral selections/unilateral victory technique is when negotiations bring about an outright victory in a conflict or different form of forced war of the route; this does not require tremendous negotiations to satisfy the wishes of the opposite facet. Accordingly, the victorious camp has the power to determine the fate of the vanquished (Mandel, 2006). The dominant birthday celebration no longer senses any regulatory or bodily compulsion to treat other celebrations mercilessly. In this situation, a party uses both physical and mental coercion toward maximum-prone and marginalized parties (Howard & Stark, 2017). Accordingly, if victory is completed by absolutely destroying the alternative side’s competitiveness or resilience, the winner might also dissolve the losing aspect’s organizational systems or deny a legitimate property of autonomy (Powell, 2002).

While the national dialogue process is prolonged and neither aspect imposes conditions on the other, ending communication can be a new aim, consistent with the withdrawal method (Harmon-Jones & Gable, 2018). In which dialogue is not always as essential as survival, retreat is seen as a more viable choice than forever and ever embroiled in deadlocked battles. When the dialogue parties sense that they are no longer moving towards victory, it is not unusual to desert the quest for superiority. Even looking for a more powerful method of discussion is counterproductive in an environment of increasing control by way of allies and needless enemy introductions (Shankman & Klein, 2003). Underneath the retreat technique, a complete retreat may be considered appropriate in situations ranging from the high fee of a brutal fight to the possibility of a complete defeat.

On the other hand, in keeping with the accommodation/negotiation approach, variations must be resolved through negotiation or open dialogue (Granofsky, 2009). Cooperation is a vital element in dialogue. Common concessions can be derived from an awareness of the problem of accomplishing what every guerrilla completely desires. Dialogues may be carried out through robust bonds between dialogue events. If withdrawal is not possible due to geographic or economic ties, the events are also obliged to interact in dialogue. Conviction and mutual acceptance of the validity of all differing claims are reflected in compromise settlement (Cloke, 2006).

The researcher chose an accommodating/negotiating approach, as it indicates that dialogue can remedy a few problems, even leaving others unresolved. Mutual delight results from win-win solutions, where each party benefits and does not use a loss to the opposite. However, the accommodating method notes that dialogue is not without its challenges, as every facet sets its own terms for negotiating with the beyond (O’Reilly & Parker, 2013). Similarly, in Ethiopia, the current national dialogue is being challenged by different factors, especially the TPLF and Shene, which are lowering confidence among the Ethiopians.

3. The methodology of the study

This study employs a qualitative approach. Semi-structured interviews and focus group discussions were used to gather data from representatives of political parties (Prosperity Party (PP), Oromo Federalist Congress (OFC), Oromo Liberation Front (OLF), Oromo National Party (ONP), Tigray People Liberation Front (TPLF), National Movement of Amhara (NAMA), Ogaden Liberation Front (ONLF), and Ethiopian Citizens for Social Justice (EZEMA)). The Ministry of Peace, Ethiopian National Dialogue Commission Members, Ministry of Justice, Ethiopian National Elders Association, Ethiopian Religion Association, Historians, Researchers, Activists, and Youths were partaken to draw out their views that helped the study be relevant and augmented. All informants were selected purposively because of their active and dominant roles in the current Ethiopian social, economic, and political activities.

The Interviews were held with thirteen (13) informants (one participant from each political party, eight in number (8), and one representative each from (the Ministry of Peace, Ethiopian National Dialogue Commission Members, Ministry of Justice, Ethiopian National Elders Association, and Ethiopian Religion Association) five in number (5). In addition, a Focus Group Discussion was conducted with 12 purposively selected twelve (12) participants (historians, researchers, activists, and youth, each of whom contributed three participants). In total, twenty-five (25) informants were selected for both the interviews and focus group discussions. In doing so, an equal chance of representation was given to all selected informants while conducting the interviews and focus-group discussions. Furthermore, in addition to primary data (interviews and focus group discussions), secondary data, including books, articles, magazines, reports, and archives, were used. In doing so, the study triangulates secondary data with primary data. Therefore, an accommodation approach was used to elucidate the challenges and prospects of Ethiopian national dialogue. Finally, the collected data were analyzed using content and thematic data analysis.

4. Findings and discussions

4.1. Prospects of the current national dialogue

As a solution to the long and existing widespread political, social, economic, and historical problems that Ethiopia is/had facing/faced (Fisher & Gebrewahd, 2019), Abiy’s administration is launching national dialogue. This national dialogue can be a helpful approach for ending extensive divergence. Here, the prospects of the current national dialogue processes are discussed.

4.1.1. The establishment of the Ethiopian National Dialogue Commission

National dialogues remain headlined around the world and have been proposed or convened in international countries facing some of the arena’s maximum intractable and deadly conflicts (Murray & Stigant, 2021). As a result, in 2022, the Ethiopian Parliament ratified the first-ever majority law. In this context, the Ethiopian National Dialogue Commission was established. The commission consists of 11 members whose undertaking is to facilitate inclusive techniques of discussion and reconciliation that heal wounds, build consensus on key troubles, and assist Ethiopia in remedying its complicated issues.

Regarding the processes of the election, the Focus group discussants stated that,

The House of Peoples announced the selection of 42 commissioners to the National Dialogue Commission. They were chosen via public nominations available to the public. Ambassador Tadelech Hailemichael, Hirut Gebreselassie, Ayrorit M/Diyasin (Ph.D.), and Zenebwork Tadesse are among the ladies on the list of nominees.

Furthermore, the interviewees remarked,

For five days commencing February 4th, the general public was encouraged to remark on the nominations via the chamber’s online platform. Of the nominees, 11 were chosen and presented to the House of Representatives by the Chair for final approval. The process of selecting commissioners was overseen by a commission entrusted with carrying out obligations from nomination to appointment. The House of Representatives established an Advisory Group for the Commission to guarantee a transparent, fair, and participatory process. The Commission has important functions, including facilitating collaboration between diverse segments of society and identifying the core reasons for disagreements regarding critical national problems, as outlined below.

In addition to the data presented above, it is clear that the current administration is launching a national dialogue process to promote talks among many stakeholders regarding critical national problems. This was Ethiopia’s first historical trend. Interlocutors and speakers in the group praised the government’s efforts and commitment to resolving issues via national discussion for the first time in Ethiopia’s history.

4.1.2. The release of political prisoners

Other aspects of Ethiopia’s national dialogue include the release of major political detainees. Many political parties fled Ethiopia to the rest of the world during the EPRDF (Gudina, 2007b). According to an interview with the Ministry of Peace, practically all Ethiopian political groups stepped in following the election of Abiy Ahmed as Prime Minister. However, substantial political conflicts gradually developed between the then-government and rival groups. As a result, leaders of the rivalry were imprisoned, including Eskinder Nega of the Balderas for True Democracy, Jawar Mohammed of the Oromo Federalist Congress, and Sebhat Nega of the Tigray People’s Liberation Front (interview with the Ministry of Justice, 2022).

The Interviewee from the Ministry of Justice explained,

The Ethiopian government freed many opposition leaders and activists from prison on January 7, 2022, after the Attorney General withdrew accusations against them. The caller claims that the release of Bekele Gerba, Jawar Mohammed, Eskinder Negi, Sibhat Negi, and other detainees, the majority of whom have been imprisoned since July 2020, will lead to an agreement on the country’s destiny. In what has been a terrible and traumatic year for Ethiopians (Ministry of Justice, 2022), it was a welcome breath of relief for the Ethiopian Christmas celebration (KI, 2022).

Similarly, data from the National Association of Ethiopian Seniors reveal that the present administration’s release of political prisoners would be a distinctly good message for the population’s inclusion. The administration also announced that we have freed detainees from achieving long-term peace through extensive national dialogue. Since the competitive government took office, over 60,000 political leaders have been released (Badwaza, 2018; Berming, 2021; Temin & Badwaza, 2019).

4.1.3. The positive responses on the importance of the national dialogue

Ethiopia launched a promising but tough path in response to huge anti-government protests for more than three years, catapulting Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed to power in early 2018 (Adem & Ebrahim, 2020). Ethiopia is creating national discussion groups to seek long-term peace. The bill was supported by 287 legislators in Ethiopia’s federal parliament, 13 opposed it, and one abstained. Without a doubt, the people directly elect members of the Ethiopian National Dialogue Commission, who will enable the debate of viewpoints and differences on the topics.

Accordingly, based on data collected from all interview informants and focus groups that

In Ethiopia, it is critical to establish broad communication among major Ethiopian players to resolve critical internal concerns and reach an agreement on a transition management framework. The initiative and commitment of the current government to the formation of national discussion committees are crucial steps toward reducing tensions that may arise because of political disagreements and ethnic polarization. It is also critical to bring all stakeholders together and reconcile divergent ideas for the country’s future. Building on the Initiation of Dialogue on Political Reform, we will announce our intention to initiate a series of high-level discussions on major topics relevant to Ethiopia’s long-term peace (KI and FGD, 2022).

In Ethiopia, it is critical to establish broad communication among major Ethiopian players to resolve critical internal concerns and reach an agreement on a transition management framework. The initiative and commitment of the current government to the formation of national discussion committees are crucial steps toward reducing tensions that may arise because of political disagreements and ethnic polarization. It is also critical to bring all stakeholders together and reconcile divergent ideas for the country’s future. Building on the Initiation Dialogue on Political Reform, we will announce our intention to initiate a series of high-level talks on major topics relevant to Ethiopia’s long-term stability.

The Interviewee also reconfirmed that

Ethiopia needs current attempts to encourage national discussion now more than ever. Existing civic society activities must not be overlooked. The Multi-stakeholder endeavor for National Dialogue, which formed Ethiopia’s National Dialogue Commission, is one such endeavor. The Committee seeks to bring the contentious topics to the table and address them one by one to gradually build consensus. It will aid in the participants’ faith in the notion of discussion. Comprehensive national conversation can assist Ethiopia in bolstering its efforts to overcome peace and security concerns (KI, 2022).

According to the facts, there is potential for peaceful dispute settlement through well-designed real national conversation and negotiation. According to the panelists, preparation for this might begin, but for such a process to be inclusive, the country must first achieve peace. As a result, it is possible to conclude that the shared commitment to the importance of the National Dialogue Commission is a good prospect for an effective and comprehensive national dialogue capable of resolving the points of contention (proposal of the National Dialogue Commission expert) that has been agreed upon by all parties.

Bauer et al. (2016) discovered that persons who have been exposed to war violence tend to behave more collaboratively after the conflict. People who have been exposed to combat violence tend to behave more collaboratively and altruistically, which is referred to as ‘prosocial’ conduct. They also reviewed the data presented here to underline that war is not only one of the most important forces influencing economic growth and the formation of state institutions. But it also appears to have complicated and multidimensional consequences on postwar people, society, and politics.

On March 8, 2022 (AMECO), the Ethiopian Women Federation asked women to play a critical role in ensuring the newly constituted National Dialogue Commission’s success in its long-term aspirations.

The Federation President, Askale Lemma, went on to say the following about her releases:

Women are one of the most vulnerable components of society during conflicts, thus they must play the most crucial role in attaining the goals of national dialogue. She highlighted those women are required to contribute significantly to the protection of the nation’s sovereignty, as well as to make every effort to preserve the country’s long-term peace. Recognizing the benefits of the national discussion for women, she stated that the federation was involved in offering comments during the drafting of the national dialogue declaration. She further stated that the federation has created its structure in every area of the country and conducts significant events to actively involve its members in national discussions. After appreciating the government’s commitment to holding a broad national conversation, the President underlined the Federation’s willingness to engage in the problems that the committee would bring to the table. She also states that the federation established a peace council elected from the federation in each Kebele to safeguard national sovereignty. The Chairman encouraged everyone to work together to carry out the national conversation and to be willing to sit around the table and have discussions to grasp the committee’s key objectives (Ethiopian press Agency, 2022).

In general, all of the informants, both interviewees and focus group discussants, had a good reaction to the formation of national dialogue in Ethiopia. As a result, this is one of the promising opportunities for the Ethiopian national dialogue.

4.1.4. Ethiopians’ religion and social cohesion

The other prospect is the social cohesions of Ethiopians. Peace, as it is always said, is in the hands of people. People can maintain their peace or can create hostilities and disrupt their security and safety (Haynes, 2019).

Accordingly, the interview with the Ethiopian Religions’ association revealed,

Ethiopians have indigenous cultural and traditional assets that they have long used to foster solidarity, togetherness, peace, and a sense of belonging among themselves. Individuals have created a scenario in which individuals of different religions coexist. All religious people, mostly Christians and Muslims, have similar principles. They, for example, stand by one another in both happy and sorrowful moments. This is an opportunity that must be taken advantage of. This sort of arrangement was made possible by the federal government’s quick growth strategy. When this chance is denied, it might be a formula for simple mobilization based on religious group membership, and hence a prescription for violence. Existing discussion and encounter mechanisms should be used to promote understanding and awareness among individuals of all religions. Unfortunately, enhanced community bonds are occasionally tainted by tension and dread (KI, 2022).

One of the key consequences of effective peace-building initiatives is social cohesiveness, which refers to the quality of interactions and dynamics that exist between groups in society (Schiefer & Van der Noll, 2017). Region, ethnic or socio-cultural identification, religious and political convictions, social class or economic sector, or traits such as gender and age can be used to differentiate groups. Peace-building prospects include strengthening social cohesiveness both vertically (state-citizen interactions) and horizontally (between groups and between groups) (Olney et al., 2019). As a consequence, the findings of this study accord with the authors.

Furthermore, the focus group discussants and interviewee from the Ethiopian Religion Association remarked,

We Ethiopians continue to believe that our country is a covenant nation, and hence we anticipate a tremendous supernatural gift. Economic and political concerns of today are viewed as a transient summons to dedication and diligence in the Lord. Faith in the Ethiopian Renaissance will offer the Earth many advantages. As a result, Ethiopia will awaken and extend its hand to God. Ethiopia’s last benediction is also prevalent. Through music and lyrics concerning Ethiopia’s divine destiny, our artists and other amazing developments continue to provide optimism (KI and FGD, 2022).

As a result, the nation has seen centuries of fusion between main religions (Christianity and Islam). Religion and social cohesiveness also play a part in integrating the country’s ethnic populations and have been blamed for inter-ethnic and inter-religious trust and cohabitation. Thus, coherence in Ethiopia is characterized by its interaction with society, and religion and society are fundamentally linked (Abbink, 1998; Karbo, 2013).

Based on the evidence presented above, prayers for the fulfillment of the covenant continue in earnest across all religious lines. Their perspective is theological, yet it is what theologians and many believers, particularly those of the Christian religion, think (Erlikh, 2010). It may be viewed as a potential for national debate because it is founded on the perspectives of a large number of believers.

4.2. Challenges of the current national dialogue

Ethiopian lawmakers have enacted legislation to create a national conversation committee. On Wednesday, the Federal Parliamentary Assembly decisively approved, with 287 votes in favor, 13 against, and one abstention. The formation of the panel, according to the law, would pave the path for national consensus and defend the country’s integrity. The administration of Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed has also committed to forming such a group to find common ground on contentious matters. However, the national discussion process encounters the most difficulties.

4.2.1. Regarding the establishment of a National Dialogue Commission

According to the results of data collection from interviewees and focus group participants, there is a consensus on the importance of national dialogue to bring about lasting peace by ending threats to the world. past and present national threats in Ethiopia. However, there are different views on the committee member selection process.

Accordingly, the interviewee informants from OLF and OFC focus group discussants remarked,

We are closely monitoring Ethiopia’s plans to begin a national dialogue process to promote talks among all stakeholders on critical national problems. The formation of a National Dialogue Commission with undetermined limits was approved unilaterally by the administration. Trustees to lead the National Dialogue Committee are being chosen without open procedures or thorough engagement with stakeholders and significant activists. Although we applaud the liberation of certain political prisoners, we understand that hundreds remain imprisoned. We hope that this initial gesture indicates that the ruling party intends to free all remaining political prisoners and is prepared to engage in good-faith conversations. However, the Ethiopian government is not an impartial and independent body positioned to form a committee capable of acting as a neutral convenor, an essential condition for dialogue. the nation successfully covered (KI and FGD. 2022).

Furthermore, the interviewee from NAMA explained,

To interact with stakeholders and obtain feedback on major issues to be addressed, an advanced conversation is necessary. These consultations should also help to shape the dialogue’s design. The structure and regulations of the discussion must be considered, as well as the main agenda; the criteria for identifying participation, which may include, but are not limited to, political parties and armed groups; the seating arrangement; and a realistic schedule, all of which must be specified in an implementation plan. A good communication strategy is essential for establishing and sustaining trust, communication processes, countering disinformation, and, if required, behavior modification (KI, 2022).

The Interviewee with activists, researchers, youths, and activists exposed,

The process goals should inform the design of the discourse. Furthermore, this approach must take into consideration current events, including the war in Tigray and other crises in Ethiopia, as well as detentions and strangling of key opposition voices. Atrocities, recent killings, and displacements are all examples of political prisoners. They also mentioned that the process may start with a mediation committee, which would educate the public about mediation and its purposes. Several significant discrepancies between groups and parties should be explored, and a working committee comprised of all stakeholders should be formed to discuss and, at the very least, establish a partial consensus. The objective should be to develop a unified national program (KI, 2022).

In general, the country is prepared for a national conversation. However, as seen by the facts presented above, Ethiopia’s approach to developing a national discourse is difficult. The process of national dialogue is typically time-consuming and one-sided. The current Ethiopian National Dialogue group is inadequately prepared and does not form a diverse and broadly represented group capable of preparing for all facets of the problem. conversation. There is no nomination from the preparation committee, which may be contentious and typically results from protracted talks. In general, the makeup and methodology of such a commission affect whether it is considered legitimate by various political factions and the public.

4.2.2. The less inclusiveness of the national dialogue process

National dialogues have been undertaken in Sudan, Kenya, Tunisia, Senegal, Yemen, the Central African Republic, and other conflict-affected countries in recent years to develop agreements among numerous national players and prepare the way for long-term peace and political changes (Murray & Stigant, 2021). Evidence suggests that when national dialogues are broadly inclusive, domestically owned, globally backed, and procedurally fair, they contribute to fruitful and long-term peaceful transitions (Carisch et al., 2017).

A meaningful national dialogue must also be inclusive. It should also incorporate a larger range of actors from society as a whole. Inclusivity is vital in mediation as well, although National Dialogues can often accommodate a bigger spectrum and a greater number of players. While there is no standard or ideal size, dialogue groups can be small, such as the 12–55 participants in the Eastern and Central European roundtables, medium-sized, such as the 565 participants in Yemen, or large, such as the 1,600 or more participants in Afghanistan’s Emergency Loya Jirga (Planta et al., 2015).

In the context of Ethiopia, the discussants noted that, in the instance of Ethiopia,

It is the only realistic post-conflict intervention capable of assisting the country in addressing the difficult and controversial concerns of identity, belonging, inclusion, governance, and constitutional priorities. Many Ethiopians and other stakeholders have been calling for a comprehensive national conversation to tackle the country’s multi-layered conflict for several years. The Ethiopian People’s Revolutionary Democratic Front has opposed efforts for a negotiated political settlement for over three decades (FGD, 2022).

Furthermore, OFC, OLF, ONP, and TPLF interviewees forwarded that

An open and thorough dialogue is a constructive solution to address Ethiopia’s multiple political challenges. Immediate halt of hostilities followed by complete ceasefire agreements between Federal Government troops and all armed groups in the regional states of Oromia, Tigray, Benishangul Gumuz, Amhara, and Afar to establish an atmosphere favorable to inclusive political discourse. All remaining political detainees must be released immediately and unconditionally to ensure the integrity of the national discussion (KI, 2022).

Furthermore, data from the ECSJ and NaMA interviews suggest the formation of an independent and impartial commission to promote a thorough, participative, and transparent national discussion that is monitored by the organizers and approved by all parties. The sources also called on the international world for help for such a neutral group and procedure, stating that the government-funded National Dialogue cannot reliably carry out its historic and crucial task.

Furthermore, they advocate for carefully synchronizing the various stages and features of the national dialogue process to foster trust and a calm climate conducive to meaningful consultation. means. This would need the government of Ethiopia to open up political space to allow for free media, grassroots talks, and discussions with all citizens. Informants also report more thorough and proactive engagement with all stakeholders on the place, timing, organizer, pace, conduct, scope, and execution of the agreements established between the participants of the conversation. However, if the administration continues to conduct the national debate in less inclusive ways, it will be ineffective.

4.2.3. The conflict with TPLF and Shane

Currently, in addition to other factors, TPLF and Shane are continuing to be the major challenges to peace and security. The International Crisis Group summarized the lead-up to the election and the aftermath as follows:

Since 2018, when Tigray’s rulers began to lose most of the federal control they had long had, Addis Ababa and Mekelle have been embroiled in a power war. Abiy solidified his influence after entering office in April of the same year by unifying Ethiopia’s regional ruling parties into a new Prosperity Party by the end of 2019, while also pushing up attempts to open up the economy and domestic political space. However, the Tigray People’s Liberation Front (TPLF), the main party in Tigray that has controlled Ethiopian politics for decades, has refused to join Abiy’s merger, claiming that the new structure undermines the regional autonomy established by the 1995 constitution. Due to the COVID-19 epidemic, the federal government delayed national elections in June 2020, extending the tenure of all elected politicians until a vote could be held. Tigray considered the extension unlawful, notwithstanding Addis Ababa’s ruling, and held its regional vote in September. The newly elected TPLF leadership was then proclaimed illegitimate by Abiy’s administration, opening the door for military intervention (KI, 2022).

Tigray and Shane are the largest, most frightening, and most pressing of the issues (Lyons, 2019). According to data from interviews conducted by the TPLF and OFC, as the conflict in Ethiopia reaches a climax, opponents of Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed are creating a coalition to have a safe national discussion. A national conversation to resolve the problem appears to be a pipe dream. Further statements from a TPLF source,

According to reliable accounts, there is no security or law in many regions of Tigray, and the government is still unable to provide basic amenities to the majority of Tigrayans who remain, let alone those who have fled. They escaped to Sudan. As the government has declared, humanitarian help is beginning to arrive in Tigray, but not in sufficient quantities or all locations. Although the government has let journalists (who are still in danger of detention) and diplomats enter Mekelle under strict supervision, it appears that combat between the government and TPLF forces continues in other areas. Eritrean soldiers appear to be present and free to operate as they like. The longer this goes on, the more harm is done, the deeper the polarization the more entrenched each side’s views become, and the longer it takes to resolve the crisis. While these threats continue, talking about national dialogue is a headache for us (KI, 2022).

According to sources questioned by the PP, ECSJ, and NaMA, the TPLF and Shene had a big and divisive political role in causing turmoil and chronic bloodshed in Ethiopia’s history. They destroy resources and murder people in diverse parts of northern, western, and southern Ethiopia (Girmay & Teshome, 2017). They were cruelly tortured, burnt alive, and pushed into innocent bystanders by automobiles, tanks, and other military vehicles. However, the TPLF and Shane have a habit of criticizing the government. They continue to exploit their diaspora in Western nations to cultivate ties and acquire power in Western media against innocent individuals. As a result, they are still important obstacles for Ethiopia’s next national conversation.

4.3. The inclusion of TPLF and Shane as terrorists by the Ethiopian Parliament

Ethiopia is organizing a national dialogue to develop consensus among Ethiopians, according to sources inside the ruling Prosperity Party (PP). The informant restated his prior statement that the envisaged comprehensive national conversation does not include negotiations with terrorist organizations designated by parliament.

According to the informant,

On May 5, the House of Representatives (HPR) declared the TPLF and Shane (the government’s designation for the armed force Oromo Liberation Army-OLA) as terrorist organizations. The legislative decision follows the Council of Ministers’ decision on May 1 to designate these groups as terrorist organizations. This move reduces the likelihood of peace talks to resolve Ethiopia’s protracted civil conflict (KI, 2022).

Ethiopia has placed two armed organizations on its terror list, according to panelists, including the Tigray People’s Liberation Front (TPLF), which started a large-scale security operation at the end of last year. Speakers accused the TPLF of attacking the Ethiopian army on 3 November, murdering troops while they slept, and plundering military equipment, forcing the Ethiopian government to initiate a law enforcement action. big tissue. According to TPLF sources, Abiy’s administration launched the conflict to undermine the Tigray area and retain his empire. The TPLF's presence on the terrorist list is likewise one of the advantages of regional reduction. He emphasized, however, that Abiy would never succeed in this cause because we will fight for as long as we live. However, there is still hope for peace, but peace cannot be gained by classifying the TPLF as a terrorist organization. If long-term peace is to be reached, a complete discourse must be conducted.

The Ethiopian government, on the other hand, is engaging in anti-government operations, according to sources from the Ministry of Peace, the Ministry of Justice, the Ethiopian National Association of Elderly, researchers, activists, and PPs. Support Shene, an Oromo Liberation Front military separatist force based mostly in Oromia. They further claim that Shane is killing civilians and wreaking mayhem throughout Oromia and the rest of the country.

Furthermore, regarding the inclusion of the TPLF and Shane into terrorist groups, the informants from the Ministry of Peace, and the Ministry of Justice remarked as follows:

Ethiopia has added two rebel organizations to its terror list, including the Tigray People’s Liberation Front (TPLF), which has started a large-scale law enforcement effort. Shane has carried out a series of assaults in different regions of the nation targeting individuals and public facilities in the two years since the Council of Ministers designated the TPLF as a terrorist organization. On November 3, TPLF militants assaulted the Ethiopian National Defense Force, murdering soldiers while they slept and seizing military equipment, forcing the Ethiopian government to begin a full-fledged offensive. Law enforcement on a huge scale. Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed declared a military conflict on November 28th, following the fall of Mekelle to federal soldiers. The Ethiopian People’s Liberation Front (TPLF) headed a quadrilateral alliance, the Ethiopian People’s Revolutionary Democratic Front, which ruled Ethiopia vigorously for 27 years until 2018 (KI, 2022).

Furthermore, the Ethiopian religious association, HPR, has designated these two organizations as terrorist organizations for equipping, training, and supporting violent forces in addition to carrying out their assaults. According to interviewees, they carried out assaults on citizens and public facilities to attain political objectives. Similarly, according to young people interviewed, if the National Dialogue Commission establishes a Declaration as the foundation for discussions with the TPLF and Shane, it will intensify the situation. Ethiopians are at odds with one another. They even said that the TPLF and Shane are aiming to destroy Ethiopia by separating Ethiopians into several little states because they are killing innocent people and destroying infrastructure. As a result, both groups are causing tension between Ethiopians. Because TPLF and Shane are killing innocent people and destroying infrastructure, they even added that TPLF and Shane are working to destroy Ethiopia by dividing Ethiopians into different small nations. Therefore, both groups should exclude each other from the national dialogue as long as they remain, terrorists.

Despite the current declaration of the Ethiopian National Dialogue and the Abiy administration’s disinterest in including the TPLF and Shane in the National Dialogue processes, some political parties, historians, and scholars have urged the Ethiopian government to remove these designations from the terror list to pave the way for a peaceful resolution of Ethiopia’s ongoing and longstanding disagreement. In their statement, they also stated that their departure from the terrorist organization would pave the way for a thorough national discourse to achieve a peaceful and prosperous nation. By replacing contentious views with constructive and conciliatory ones to assist society in achieving one country’s status. Consensus on major national issues such as the constitution and flag, among others.

4.4. Lack of good governance

Ethiopia was able to withstand the late-nineteenth-century ‘Scramble for Africa’ because of the amazing endurance of its military leader (Minawi, 2020). Ethiopia is the only African country to have defeated a European colonial power while retaining its sovereignty (Tibebu, 1996). Furthermore, in the twentieth century, Ethiopia was the first independent African member of the League of Nations and the United Nations (Yurtsever & Hmaidan, 2019). However, according to young informants and activists, the competitive government is marked by bad administration, massive corruption, and lawlessness, among other things, and remains one of Ethiopia’s major challenges today. Ethiopian politicians, like those in most other African nations, are crooked and have little or no experience. Bad government policies, corruption, and political instability challenge the current national dialogue in Ethiopia.

Furthermore, the researchers, historians, and political parties remarked the following;

Another key issue confronting the Ethiopian National Dialogue today is the systemic exploitation and mistreatment of particular ethnic groups, which is mostly the result of ineffective government policies. The widespread protests by Oromo, Tigray, and Amhara inhabitants are apparent manifestations of the climate produced in modern-day Ethiopia by structural marginalization and failing government policies. Unfortunately, Ethiopia’s corrupt government and the international community are failing to grasp the basic truth that Ethiopia is facing an unparalleled disaster (KI, 2022).

4.5. The political polarization (centripetal forces and centrifugal)

The political polarization between two groups centripetal (Prosperity Party (PP) and Ethiopia Citizens for Social Justice (ECSJ)) and centrifugal (Oromo Federalist Congress (OFC), Oromo Liberation Front (OLF), and Oromo National Party (ONP) is a major challenge to the effective implementation of Ethiopia’s national dialogue. The Oromo People’s Congress (OPC) and the Oromo Federalist Democratic Movement (OFDM) founded the OFC in 2009 (Plaut, 2019). This idea is comparable to Gudina’s, who stated that political polarization and fragmentation are substantially to blame for Ethiopia’s history (Gudina, 2007b).

Bigotry, intrigue, and political intrigue have become important elements of Ethiopia’s political elite and their leaders, resulting in irritation, disappointment, and rejection of common people across the country (Gudina, 2007b). In other words, political elites are more active in bridging gaps than in forming coalitions, and their vision is hazy when it comes to combining social advantages for national development goals. broader (Tronvoll, 2009). To be sure, political turmoil among Ethiopian political parties is not confined to consecutive ruling parties protecting their prerogatives, but also to opposition groups claiming to be fighting for independence. Explain the failure of the Ethiopian political parties to set a common agenda and the political polarization of that program as a major obstacle to the country’s willingness to hold a national dialogue.

Furthermore, in Ethiopia, there is a distressing lack of elite consensus on several key issues ranging from the national flag, language i.e. one versus multiple languages at the national level, ownership of the capital city, and most importantly the federal structure itself (Hussein, 2017).

The interviewee and group discussant stated their view concerning Ethiopiàs elites as follows:

To break with tradition, the EPRDF government developed a federal structure with regional and municipal governments divided along ethnolinguistic lines in 1995. However, this governance system is being challenged by two dominating forces: nationalist/centric forces, which firmly favor the federal (ethnic) structure and demand that the mechanism be implemented effectively. This arrangement, featuring actual autonomy and equitable representation at the federal level, was criticized by centripetal forces as eroding the country’s cohesiveness. The federal system exacerbated ethnic hostility by weakening national unity, creating suspicion among ethnic groups, and causing conflict between the minority and the majority, according to the second group. Since the introduction of the federal constitution, several ethnic and interethnic conflicts have occurred across and within regions, according to this group. There is a border dispute between the states in the region and minorities in the states in the region do not feel safe because the federal government has failed to ensure citizenship across the country in a uniform manner (KI and FGD, 2022).

Furthermore, the Accord Report (2017) attributes the majority of the aforementioned issues to the ruling party’s failure to adequately implement the federal system. Furthermore, while the EPRDF established a federal governance system on paper, power was extremely centralized at the center, with very little authority delegated to regions, according to researcher and historian sources. As a result, ethnic polarizations and strong nationalist emotions spurred inter-ethnic competitiveness and bloodshed.

Following that, both groups continue to confront political division, and this is likely to be the most crucial subject of the future national conversation. To establish an agreement on the country’s future, Ethiopia’s government and people must engage in true national debate to build an acceptable constitutional design, which includes rethinking power relations between centers and regions. If the national discussion wins the hearts and minds of all citizens, it will have a huge impact on the country’s future.

4.6. Imperial syndrome

The Ethiopian empire, according to activists, historians, and political parties (OLF, ONP, OFC, and TPLF), was formed on the cultural values of the Amhara ethnic group, Ethiopia’s second ethnic group, and is based on the Ethiopian Orthodox faith. Although the empire was overthrown by a military coup in 1974, its influence lives on. Ethiopia today is still an Amhara cultural construct based on the brutal incorporation and assimilation of its vast and diversified population into the Amhara core. PP demonstrates that Amhara cultural values are not predominantly reflected in national identity, manifestation of Ethiopia’s national symbols, and national items. Previous kings, on the other hand, employed their political options to succeed, and the rulers themselves were not Amhara ethnic groupings. As a result, they added, blaming Amhara for any past failures is more of a fallacy than a fact.

Furthermore, the OLF, ONP, OFC, and TPLF say that the Ethiopian Empire’s and the Derg military dictatorship’s nation-building initiatives, which lasted from 1974 to 1991, were intended to develop a single national identity centered on Amhara culture and language. Ethiopianism, the national identity desired by the Ethiopian Empire and Derg, was essentially Amharan nationalism, and Ethiopian nationalism was a subset of Amhara nationalism. One NaMA informant, however, stated that being Amhara means more than simply loving one’s homeland, Ethiopia, and responding appropriately. However, this is not about adopting other cultures and languages.

The informant also expressed his thoughts as follows:

Not just Amhara, but all Ethiopians, including our detractors, consider themselves Ethiopians and promote Ethiopian ideals, symbols, heroes, language, culture, and a way of life that is acceptable to all peoples and nations on the planet. Scholars and elites who depict Amhara as assimilates want to leave a legacy that separates and splits communities apart (KI, 2022).

Contrary to the above concept, informants from OLF, ONP, and OFC remarked that

The Oromo culture, like that of other non-Amhara people, was deliberately destroyed. The Oromo culture has declined. Writing, preaching, or broadcasting in any Oromo dialect is prohibited. These policies have had far-reaching tangible implications, leaving some identities and languages unrecognizable and deafeningly silent. It has also had an impact on ethnic minorities’ socioeconomic chances. In modern Ethiopia, the historical distribution of political goods in terms of communication, recognition, and autonomy has been skewed, benefitting Amharic native speakers disproportionately. This unbalanced connection among Ethiopia’s many ethnic groups served as a rallying cry for the 1974 revolution and the 17-year military struggle fought by ethnic minority forces to free their ethnic communities. The 1995 constitutional agreement sought to resolve these longstanding grievances by establishing a multi-ethnic federal structure that promised each of Ethiopia’s nationalities, ethnicities, and ethnicities an equal amount of money. a considerable degree of autonomy, up to the right to become independent states (KI, 2022).

Overall, it is easy to say that Ethiopian politics is rife with hatred and animosity. Many Ethiopians have expressed alarm in recent years about the rising epidemic of ethnic polarization. Each polarized elite believes they are always being attacked and fought against, but in actuality, they should be fighting for one another. Each polarized group rips apart the fabric of our society as well as our connections, particularly those inside our communities. As a result, this might be one of the most difficult tasks of the present Ethiopian National Dialogue.

5. Conclusions

The national dialogue has long been advocated in Ethiopia as a means of resolving contentious problems and laying the groundwork for national agreement. Thus, as Ethiopia celebrated Orthodox Christmas on January 7, Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed’s government declared an amnesty for some of the country’s most notable political prisoners, ostensibly to calm the national discourse. The action came after the parliament decided to form a National Dialogue Commission to foster national unity and put an end to the country’s endemic challenges. The Ethiopian national conversation, on the other hand, brings both opportunities and problems.

As a consequence of the study, Ethiopia is preparing a national dialogue as a means of resolving contentious problems and achieving national agreement, exhibiting faith in the positive family’s involvement. For the Ethiopian people, the current national dialogue represents an opportunity to build a new route toward peace, political tolerance, national unity, political and economic equality, and a shared destiny. Furthermore, they argue that Ethiopia’s national dialogue process has the following prospects: the formation of an Ethiopian national dialogue commission, the release of political prisoners, and a good reaction to the importance of national conversation, religion, and Ethiopian togetherness. Furthermore, the study concluded that the parties concerned must use their perspectives to keep the peace and unity of the country. Note that the National Dialogue is seen by many scholars and peacemakers as a positive step in resolving controversial issues.

According to the study’s conclusions, Ethiopia is presently on pace to have a national debate, although it confronts significant difficulties. Among the most serious challenges are those related to the Ethiopian National Dialogue’s establishment, the less inclusive National Dialogue process, conflicts with the TPLF and Shene, the Ethiopian Parliament’s designation of the TPLF and Shene as terrorists, a lack of good governance, political polarities (radial and centrifugal forces), and the imperial syndrome. The aforementioned issues are mostly articulated among Ethiopian elites driven by clan/ethnic federalism. Elites and politicians see the present government’s clan-based federal structure as the strongest weapon for destroying the horizontal network of groupings. This ethnic federalism allows politicians and elites to more easily identify with another ethnicity for attack. On the other hand, Ethiopia/nationalism is on the decline as these undesirable attitudes cause hatred and jealousy among groups.

Ethiopia has also been influenced by a lack of belonging, ethnic strife, and catastrophic economic deterioration. Meanwhile, in Ethiopian culture, fraternity, and solidarity, communication and links of solidarity between ethnic groups and their members are diminishing. When ethnic federalism is implemented on Earth, ethnic groups lose their psychological attachment to the rest of their ethnic groups; independent groups pursue their distinct objectives, just as geographically distinct sectors do (African Report, 2020; International Crisis Group, 2020; Temin & Badwaza, 2019). Thus, political divisiveness, shown mostly through ethnic federalism, poses a severe challenge to Ethiopia’s national conversation.

Furthermore, the three main opposition groups, the Oromo Federal Congress, the Oromo Liberation Front, and the Ogaden National Liberation Front, have made statements saying that the process of choosing commissioners is unfair, ambiguous, and faulty. ONLF stands in for. Before the release of their statement, the three parties also declined to attend a meeting called by National Assembly Speaker Tagesse Chafo to debate the candidate list.

However, the Mixed Council of Ethiopian Political Parties, a coalition of more than 53 legally recognized political parties in Ethiopia, including the ruling party, released a statement on February 14. requested that the House of Representatives temporarily halt existing procedures to pick eleven members to lead the National Dialogue Committee in the future. He urged lawmakers to restart the process thoroughly and credibly.

Furthermore, the competition administration collaborated with numerous stakeholders to establish a nationwide debate forum. The Obama administration has long argued, both in the Joint Council of political parties and with other civic organizations, that a thorough national discussion is critical for the country. Ethiopia is ours. It is, therefore, reasonable to infer that if this extensive national conversation is carried out as planned and the public supports it, big difficulties may be handled. overcome, and it will deepen Ethiopian unity by developing a national agreement on the fundamental topic.

Overall, the Ethiopian National Dialogue blew a historic chance to create a new and inclusive society based on shared values and mutual respect. After the Tigray and Shene conflicts and political division, the route to a democratic future will be challenging, but not impossible. What Ethiopia requires now is a thorough national discussion that will serve as a positive engagement tool to establish a new political settlement that will allow Ethiopians to coexist in peace and harmony equal dignity. However, this entails facing Ethiopia’s present complicated political discourse and politicizing its imperial heritage, among other things. Despite the TPLF and OLA's efforts to prolong the deadly conflict, the present ambitious national dialogue project has a fair chance of succeeding and paving the way for lasting peace and prosperity.

6. Recommendations

The formation of the Ethiopian National Dialogue Committee by the government is a positive move toward resolving the people’s fundamental complaints and societal divides. The government, on the other hand, should make effective use of these mechanisms to develop the national peace infrastructure and endeavor to foster national cohesion and tolerance.

More importantly, in an increasingly polarized and already tense political landscape, the government needs to create a platform that truly opens the way for a negotiated political solution to break the current impasse and for peace. peace, and long-term development. To this end, a nationwide dialogue forum should be convened with the participation of political leaders, traditional and religious leaders, youth representatives, and other stakeholders. Ethiopia’s National Dialogue Committee should also quickly develop a clear business plan and commit to implementing it.

To ensure a free and fair national dialogue, the government should expedite preparations for the upcoming national dialogue, including logistical and other preparations, as well as provide other mechanisms governing the dialogue’s conduct, such as the publication of the main agenda on which the national dialogue will take place.

The government should also keep working to reform and professionalize its security forces to develop a legitimate and non-partisan national security force to preserve the state’s interests. This will be critical in improving the operational effectiveness and legitimacy of the troops, guaranteeing a peaceful dialogue process among governments.

Governments should make full use of existing national early warning institutions as well as newly created conflict mapping to avert the start of violent conflict. This will be especially critical during the national dialogue preparations. It should also increase interaction with regional and continental (AU) early warning systems and make better use of information.

The following advice is directed to Ethiopia’s polarized elites and politicians. Elites and politicians must recognize that the population is exhausted and depressed. Many individuals are gasping for air. People expect leaders and politicians to act in ways that go beyond personal interests and short-term political considerations. The people want a leader who will offer them strength and hope, and above all, who will give meaning to the price they have paid and the sacrifices they have made over the years. He yearns for a leader who would speak to people and give them the truth, even if it is difficult to hear. The public wants elites and politicians to succeed, but they also want them to be honest enough to recognize failure.

Overall, Ethiopia needs a national dialogue process that is owned by the country but backed by the international community to serve as a vehicle for all parties to come together and share perspectives. In the future, everything will be different settlement for the future.

Acknowledgments

My first heartfelt thank goes to the informants of this study. My Second sincere gratitude also goes to the reviewers and editors of this manuscript who remark importantly and valuably.

Disclosure statement

No potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).

Additional information

Notes on contributors

Mersha Zenebe Felek

Mersha Zenebe Felek is a lecturer and researcher at the Department of Civics, and Ethical Studies, Salale University, Ethiopia. He received a BA degree in Civics and Ethics from Mekelle University, Ethiopia, the first MA in foreign policy and diplomacy from Hawassa University, and the second MA in Peace and Security Studies from Bule Hora University, Ethiopia. His research areas include the implications of Ethiopian foreign policy dynamics towards the Horn of Africa since 1991, the implications of GERD for the Horn of African states, the impact of domestic violence on women’s autonomy, and the challenges and prospects of Ethio-Egypt diplomatic relations towards GERD, the challenges and opportunities of the Ethiopian first-ever national dialogue.