Domestic violence against men: unmuting the reality of the forgotten gender

Abstract

This study explored the forms of domestic violence experienced by men in contemporary South Africa. Domestic violence is mostly portrayed as a crime perpetrated by men against women. The harsh reality, however, is that women are also culprits and active participants in the commission of the crime. Unfortunately, a heavy silence masks this assertion, and only a few studies give credence to this, particularly in South Africa. From the findings of a just completed doctoral study which utilised a qualitative approach, this article examines the various forms of domestic violence experienced by men in South Africa. The study was conducted in three South African provinces: Gauteng, Limpopo and KwaZulu-Natal. Thirty (30) participants were interviewed for the study. Findings indicate that the dominant forms of domestic violence against men are physical, verbal, emotional, financial and legal abuse. The implications of these findings for an inclusive campaign against domestic violence are discussed.

Keywords:

• Domestic violence
• intimate partner violence
• gender-based violence
• abuse
• gender
• South Africa

REVIEWING EDITOR:

• Heng Choon (Oliver) Chan, Department of Social Policy, Sociology, and Criminology, University of Birmingham, Birmingham, UK

SUBJECTS:

• Crime and Society; Crime Prevention; Criminal Justice - Criminology; Cultural Criminology

Introduction

Domestic Violence (DV) is a global issue that transcends religious and socio-cultural boundaries (Thobejane, 2012). Scholars have described it as a grave problem that takes place behind closed doors in many homes, often with impunity (Gateri, Ondicho & Karimi, 2021). Despite its pervasiveness, it is still one of the least talked about human rights, public health, and criminological issues in many African societies, including South Africa (Gateri, Ondicho & Karimi, 2021; Kigaya, 2021; Mutahi, 2017; Thobejane & Luthada, 2019).

Although the dominant view is that DV is a gendered crime that is perpetrated by men against women, there seems to be a gender imbalance in its reporting, especially as regards the experiences of men who are victims in Africa, particularly in South Africa (Kigaya, 2021; Obegi et al., 2017; Thobejane & Luthada, 2019). Moreover, the focus has been more on women. While reports on DV perpetrated by women against men exist as it is commonly seen in DV statistics, most of these statistics have consistently shown that the rates and impact of DV perpetration by women against men are significantly smaller in comparison to those perpetrated by men against women.

The disproportionality is also reflected in both social and criminal justice responses to the crime, with much focus on how to provide support for the female victims of DV, while there is less concern for the male victims. Such disparity will not only impact male victims psychologically, but will also shape policy intervention and criminal justice responses to crime in society (Scott-Storey et al., 2023). Men victims of DV may also not get justice or be able to secure the required support from the State.

For a gender-balanced society and an effective response to DV crime, scholars have advocated for the need to understand the experiences of men who are victims of DV and share information on the various forms of DV men suffer from (Mshweshwe, 2020; Scott-Storey et al., 2023). Hence, the essence of the current paper. This article not only contributes to the existing body of knowledge on DV but also casts an illuminating light on the various forms of DV men suffer from in South Africa to inform appropriate policy formulation and necessary intervention.

In addition, while there are existing studies on the forms of Domestic Violence Against Men (DVAM) across the globe (Arnocky & Vaillancourt, 2014; Perryman & Appleton, 2016; Rollè et al., 2018), most of these studies have geographical and contextual limitations. Since many of them were conducted in Western societies, it may be challenging for their findings to be generalised to a non-Western cultural context, such as South Africa. The socio-cultural context of DVAM in South Africa differs from that of the West on the grounds of beliefs, dynamism, and experiences.

Domestic Violence Against Men (DVAM) thrives in South Africa (Barkhuizen, 2015a; Graaff & Heinecken, 2017). However, the publicity of this dimension of DV is relatedly not amplified like those against women. As in many African societies, several cases of DVAM in South Africa go unreported; even the few that are reported are often not documented by the authorities (Barkhuizen, 2015a; Graaff & Heinecken, 2017; Tshoane et al., 2023a). The scale of this problem is further worsened by the fact that most victims of DVAM tend to be silent about their ordeal due to historically driven sociocultural beliefs that ‘cowboys don’t cry’ (Barkhuizen, 2015b, p. 47). Communities also deny its existence, with fear that the admission could be an onslaught on the integrity of the affected family (Gathogo, 2015; Kigaya, 2021). Patriarchal beliefs of male superiority, sociocultural stereotypes of masculinity, fear of stigmatisation, and feelings of embarrassment also make it difficult for men to seek assistance and get justice (Gateri et al., 2021; Barkhuizen, 2015b). In fact, the conception that women can abuse men is unimaginable and difficult to believe.

Therefore, this paper aims to present a context-specific empirical information on the dominant forms of DVAM in South Africa. The study is driven by the consciousness that a proper understanding of the various types or forms of DV experienced by men will be a starting point for finding an enduring solution to the menace in contemporary South Africa. This article is driven by one key question: what are the prevailing forms of DVAM in South Africa? Using a representative sample of 30 participants from an in-depth interview with survivors and other relevant stakeholders in the fight against domestic violence, this study explores the dominant forms of domestic violence experienced by men in South Africa.

Literature review

Men’s experiences of domestic violence

Domestic Violence (DV), also known as domestic abuse or Intimate Partner Violence (IPV), is a crime that often takes place within the domestic or family setting (Gateri et al., 2021). The term is also used interchangeably to mean spousal abuse – which usually takes place within the context of marriage or between persons in intimate relationships. It also covers heterogeneous relationships between people who were once in intimate relationships – divorced or separated (Karanja, 2013; Chelangat, 2016). DV is defined as any behaviour or action ‘within an intimate relationship (past or current) that causes or has the potential to cause physical, sexual, or psychological harm, including acts of physical aggression, sexual coercion, psychological abuse, and controlling behaviours, including financial abuse’ (Scott-Storey et al., 2023, p. 858; also see World Health Organization, 2010). The pertinency of the basic components of this definition to the forms of domestic violence perpetrated against men by women is of utmost importance to this study.

The growing debate about whether the forms or nature of domestic violence perpetrated by women against men is similar in connotations and impacts to those perpetrated by men against women is voluble (Johnson, 2011; Morgan & Wells, 2016). However, the vociferousness of this debate conflicts with the overarching narratives that consider male victimisation as ‘forbidden’, even as many men continue to experience DV at the hands of women (Corbally, 2015; Fiebert, 2014). This violence often results in severe physical and psychological injuries and could sometimes snowball into what scholars describe as ‘intimate terrorism’ (see Hines & Douglas, 2010; Morgan & Wells, 2016).

Existing literature explains men’s experiences of DV, their forms, and the factors that shape them. Worthy of note is the role of gender norms in the understanding of the nature and the type of domestic violence experienced at the hands of women (Scott-Storey et al., 2023). Gender is construed as a social construct that continues to change in response to historical and social contexts (Scott-Storey et al., 2023). It provides explanations for the variations in expressions, interpretations, and encounters of DV between men and women (Allen-Collinson, 2009; Scott-Storey et al., 2023). Most of the social construction of men are rooted in societal expectations characterised by patriarchy, which makes men dominant in virtually all spheres of society (Perryman & Appleton, 2016).

Conformity to patriarchal hegemony puts men under undue social pressure to always strive to maintain such historical and social belief and stance to their own detriment. This explains why it is difficult for people or society to conceive or accept that men can be victimised by women (Nybergh et al., 2016). It also has implications for how men perceive, interpret, and react to DV perpetrated against them by women. For example, in an Italian-based study, Entilli and Cipolletta (2017) found that male victims of DV made a case for the actions of their female partners and did not react to physical attacks they experienced because they believed in upholding what society construed as the attitude of ‘an ideal man’. In another study conducted by Morgan and Wells (2016), men who were victims of DV explained that their society does not believe in the notion that men can be victims of DV. Hence, self-defence by a man in the face of DV is possibly stigmatised and may play a significant role in women-perpetrated abuse tactics (Allen-Collinson, 2009; Scott-Storey et al., 2023).

Evidence from previous studies has also shown that men do not perceive or consider DV perpetrated against them by women as abusive (Scott-Storey et al., 2023; Hogan, 2016). An explanation for such trivialisation may be nuanced by the effect of gender socialisation or the social construction of society. Beyond trivialising their experiences, the social construction of society also makes it challenging for them to share their experiences or seek appropriate support (Allen-Collinson, 2009; Scott-Storey et al., 2023).

Forms of domestic abuse experienced by men

Men who are victims of DV experience a variety of violence or abuse. From a sample of 302 men seeking DV support services, Hines and Douglas (2015) found that men experienced or suffered from a range of physical, psychological, and sexual abuse or violence, and manipulating or controlling schemes. Virtually all the study findings were consistent with the definition offered by WHO on DV (see World Health Organization, 2010), as captured in Scott-Storey et al. (2023, p. 858). DV against men may also take the form of emotional, verbal and financial abuse.

Physical abuse

Physical abuse is often considered or viewed in the context of battering (or physical assault) by a spouse or cohabitant (i.e. spousal abuse) (Barber, 2008). Research has shown that men do report spousal abuse in private but find it very difficult to report the same in public (Kumar, 2012). Physical violence between intimate partners is very common in both developed, developing and underdeveloped countries (Adebayo, 2014). Physical violence is the intentional use of physical force with the potential for causing death, disability, injury or harm Some authors have attributed this form of abuse to the violent nature of human beings. They contend that human beings, by nature, are violent and aggressive (Kumar, 2012; Maguire, 2010).

Most spousal or physical abuse in men often commences with an argument between partners (abusing each other) and later escalates to physical assault of the man by his spouse or partner. Physical abuse is the intentional use of physical force against one’s partner, which has the potential of causing death, disability, injury, or harm (Adebayo, 2014). It includes but is not limited to, scratching, pushing, shoving, and throwing, grabbing, biting, choking, shaking, slapping, punching, burning, use of a weapon and other forms of missile at one’s spouse (Adebayo & Kolawole, 2013). While slapping was identified as the most prevalent form of physical abuse in most intimate partner violence or DVAM, beating with a weapon was identified as the least common (Malik & Nadda, 2019). For instance, Fiebert (2014), conducted a bibliographic study which examined 209 studies (out which 161 were empirical studies, 48 were reviews/analysis of approximately 201,500 sample size), and found that women are generally aggressive, and indeed more violent (Dobash & Dobash, 2004; Kumar, 2012) than men in their intimate relationships (Kumar, 2012).

Sexual and verbal abuse

Like physical abuse are sexual and verbal abuse. These two forms of abuse often go hand in hand. There are reports of DVAM in the form of sexual and verbal abuse in some societies. For instance, in India, many men have reported that their wives often withhold sex from them without any genuine reason (Kumar, 2012; Sarkar et al., 2007). Women who are involved in DVAM are also verbally abusive. They hurl insults on their male partners and sometimes extend it to their parents. Many men have complaints that when they return home from work or other engagements, and their wives want to deny them sex, they pick a fight or start rumbling and cursing. It was established that women mostly use denial of sex as a weapon or tool for negotiation or to make demands, or to secure favour from their spouse or male partners. The experiences are traumatising for men in such relationships, especially when they are customarily not inclined to having sex outside marriage (Kumar, 2012; Sarkar et al., 2007).

Additionally, some cultures, particularly in Africa, have various traditional mechanisms of conflict resolution, including disputes between spouses (see Bello & Olutola, 2016). However, the entrenched notion in most African societies that wives cannot abuse their husbands, or that women cannot abuse men, undermines the credibility of those mechanisms. This partly explains the reasons for the heavy cloak of silence on incidences of DVAM in Africa. Men who were abused by their spouse will also prefer to keep their experiences to themselves to avoid being ridiculed in their communities (Gateri et al., 2021; Mwanyuli et al., 2019; Kubai, 2014). For instance, in some communities in Southern Nigeria, a man who cannot defend himself against female violence is considered as weakling and reduced to a laughingstock (Obarisiagbon & Omage, 2019).

Verbal abuse could also manifest in the form of fault-finding, harassment and intimidation, especially in relation to their partner’s profession or occupation, attitude, and sexual life, as some of them are unable to sexually satisfy their wives due to age or health related problems. However, physical disability in the bedroom has been reported to have occurred as a result of the barrage of insults, and sarcasm, by most wives (Kumar, 2012). Such verbal abuse could also lead to mental torture (Kumar, 2012). However, society is often made to believe that women cannot harass or verbally abuse men (Kumar, 2012).

Emotional abuse

Emotional abuse is another form of DVAM reported in literature. Emotional abuse also known as psychological abuse is ‘any non-physical behaviour or attitude that is designed to control intimidate, subjugate, demean, punish, or isolate another person’ (see Engel, 2003, p. 12; Karakurt & Silver, 2013, p. 804). Beyond this definition, scholars have averred that emotional abuse can also manifest in a symbolic fashion – as a form of symbolic violence – which are sometimes displayed in some types of physical behaviour. Such behaviours are usually intimidating in nature and could be demonstrated in different forms. Symbolic-like violence abuse (emotional abuse) often comes in forms such as, ‘destroying or threatening to destroy objects the victims value, slamming of doors, throwing dishes, furniture or other objects, and driving recklessly while the victim is in the car’ (Engel, 2003, p.12). Such abuse could also be a milder form of violence, such as ‘shaking of fist or fingers at the victim, making threatening gestures or faces, or acting like he or she wants to kill the victim carry symbol threats of violence’ (Engel, 2003, p.12).

The effects of emotional abuse are grave. Emotional abuse has the propensity of causing a prolonged traumatic disorder in victims, which can further result in chains of psychological problems. Regardless of gender, the core effects or impacts of emotional abuse on victims are depression, confusion, low-self extreme, feelings of failure or worthlessness, self-blame, feelings of hopelessness, lack of motivation, difficulty in concentrating or making decisions, and suicidal thoughts or self-destruction in the extreme (Engel, 2003, p.12). Emotional abuse is a form of manipulation that systematically erodes victim’s self-confidence and sense of self-worth, to mention a few.

Although emotional abuse is experienced by persons in both intimate and heterogenous relationships, and by both genders, however, most academic writings, particularly in Africa, focus more on those experienced by female or women. Research has also shown that beyond physical and emotional abuse, men also suffer financial, verbal, sexual and legal abuse from women. For instance, a qualitative study conducted by Save Family Foundation, which interviewed 1650 husbands between ages 15 and 49 years, found that economic violence (32.8%) was widespread, followed by physical violence (25.2%), emotional violence (22.2%), and sexual violence (17.7%) (Kumar, 2012; Sarkar et al., 2007). The study further showed that all these forms of DVAM constitute serious public health concerns with extensive health consequences, such as stress disorders and mental illness (Kumar, 2012).

Financial abuse

Studies have also shown that DVAM sometimes manifests in the form of financial abuse (Kumar, 2012; Sarkar et al., 2007). In some settings, particularly in India and some parts of Pakistan, where there is an increasing dependency of men on women (as a result of an increased level of employment in women in comparison to men), men tend to experience financial, emotional and sexual abuse from their partners (Kumar, 2012; Sarkar et al., 2007). The idea of being financially dependent on women makes many men suffer financial abuse, which may also transform into mental and emotional abuse in the extreme. The idea of leaving such relationships often produces feelings of anxiety and depression (Kumar, 2012).

Women tend to also use their financial or economic power as a weapon of subjugation. This is common in many cultural settings. Women whose male partners financially depend on them sometimes threaten legal action against their partner over some disagreements or disputes, and sometimes as a way of compelling the submission, and or cooperation of their partners. There are also instances where women initiate legal actions against their partners or spouses as a means of accessing or claiming almost half, or some parts, of the financial fortune of their partners. This is common in relationships in which the man is financially buoyant than the woman, or in relationships where the women completely depend on men financially. Such legal abuse is particularly more pronounced in this era of democracy where there is a sharp increase in feminist movement, with bourgeoning agitations for gender equality and respect for the rights of women.

It is important to note that while most of the above cited studies, and corpus of others were conducted in Asia, America and some part of Europe, there are dearth of research or information on the various forms of DVAM in Africa. Where there are reports, they are mostly anecdotes from media reports, not based on credible empirical findings. Moreover, most the above cited works would likely have cultural and contextual limitations – since they were product of non-African societies. Hence, there is the need to unpack the African contextual experiences. Therefore, the primary aim of the current study is to flesh out key information on the dominant form or manifestations of DVAM through a qualitative study of participants from South Africa.

Domestic violence against men in South Africa

It is important to note that domestic violence against men flourishes in South Africa. Men who suffer or are victims of DV in the form of physical or emotional abuse from their female spouse or partner are frequently ignored, scorned, or rejected, in part due to a lack of study on this ‘darker side’ of domestic violence (Barkhuizen, 2015a). Despite the prevalence of this menace, there are no accurate statistics on the extent and dimensions of the crime in the country. This lacuna is further nuanced by a somewhat parochial dominant traditional belief that men cannot be abused by women in Africa. This is evident in the various gendered campaigns that focus solely on the female gender. For instance, every year, 16 Days of Activism is a nationwide scheduled events for campaigns against violence against women and children. However, there is heavy cloak of silence on domestic violence against men. Where then are the rights of men?

In addition, since its foundation, South Africa has had domestic violence legislation. The Prevention of Family Violence Act of 1993 was improved by the 1998 Domestic Violence Act 116 (DVA). According to Vetten (2005), this Act was amended because the PFVA denied men a fair hearing. According to Van Niekerk et al. (2015), the legislative documentation acknowledged severe violence and prioritised vulnerable populations, including women and children. However, the abuse of men was ignored. According to Kimberg (2008), shelters, restraining orders, police aid, perpetrator arrests, and counselling empower victims of intimate partner abuse. The 1998 Domestic Abuse Act allows police to assist domestic violence victims in finding shelters. However, we are yet to hear reports on men who are victims of domestic abuse.

Since these policies disregard men, abuse faced by men are not reported. In 2019 alone, 600,000 men reported cases of abuse by women (Foubert & Bridges, 2017). Despite numbers, law enforcement considers males to be ‘second-class victims of domestic violence’ (Foubert & Bridges, 2017, p. 693). To prevent harm, for an inclusive gendered society, it is important to study domestic violence against men (Safariolyaei & Amiri, 2017). According to SAPS statistics, ‘31 girlfriends murdered 47 males between April and June 2020. Ten men were raped (perpetrator unknown), 67 female partners attempted murder, 951 assaults with serious bodily harm (131 girlfriends, 61 wives), common assault (116 girlfriends, 95 wives), and contempt of court were committed (58 counts committed by wives and 45 by ex-girlfriends)’ (SAPS, 2021; also see Tshoane et al., 2023b, p. 60).

According to former Gauteng Social Development MEC Nandi Mayathula-Khoza, one in three victims of gender-based violence are male. Important. Men fear stigma and hence do not report crimes. Arguably, the exclusion of men from various gender-based violence initiatives is partly attributed to the patriarchal sentiments that are rooted in most South African culture. Patriarchy also limits the effort of the state and community to combat violence against men, given that there are no governmental awareness programmes and shelters to assist abused men.

Theoretical framework

The social learning theory is considered in this study to explain DVAM. Though the theory is often used in most domestic violence discourse, its applicability to the current study cannot be overemphasized. The theory postulates that deviant behaviour is often a product of certain attitudes and social norms that are learned from the family setting or acquired through interaction with a broader social group. This implies that deviant behaviour such as DVAM could be learnt either from the family setting or from society. The proponents of this theory contend that aggressive strategies for resolving conflict can be learnt from the family setting, especially through younger persons’ conscious observation of the behaviour and actions of their parents or guardian or elderly persons in their neighborhood or communities. In fact, people’s early childhood experiences were found by ethnographic researchers to shape their attitudes or behaviour in adulthood (Jewkes et al., 2015). Such experiences could have significant transgenerational implication for violent behaviour (Jewkes et al., 2015).

In the current discourse on DVAM, it is evident that childhood experiences of family dynamics, structure, and relational patterns account as some of the contributory factors, or the foundation from which women who violate or abuse their spouse learnt their behaviour (Gateri et al., 2021). Such childhood experiences have the tendency to cement an internalised perception about life, particularly how to react to provocations, and sometimes, the need to be aggressive, or violent to get results. Unfortunately, one major criticism of this theory is that while it explains the rationale behind violent behaviour in people, but it fails to hold the abusers or perpetrators of anti-social behaviour responsible for their actions. Moreover, extra-family or extra-environmental factors may also shape deviant or criminal behaviour.

Method

The study adopted a qualitative approach. The approach was considered appropriate, given the nature of the study, which requires in-depth knowledge and experience sharing the phenomenon under study. The qualitative research approach also allows for a robust understanding of participants’ views of a phenomenon, which may not be thoroughly explained using a survey approach.

Research site, participant selection criteria and sample size

The study was conducted in three South African provinces: Gauteng, KwaZulu-Natal, and Limpopo. Although South Africa has nine provinces, however, these three provinces were selected as representatives of the country owing to their cosmopolitan status. Although Gauteng is South Africa’s smallest province by area, it has the largest population. The province is also home to virtually all South African ethnicities, cultures, and languages, including immigrants. Despite its small size, Gauteng is also considered as the economic centre of South Africa. Financial services, transportation, manufacturing, and mining are the main industries. KwaZulu-Natal is the country’s second largest economy. The future of the province lies in its positioning as a gateway to other African countries. Limpopo is also one of South Africa’s nine provinces and the fifth largest. Limpopo Province is South Africa’s northernmost province, which shares borders with Mozambique, Zimbabwe and Botswana. The selected provinces were the only provinces that have shelters and organizations aiding men victims, which explains why they were considered for this study.

Participants for this study were selected from the Police (specifically, the South African Police Service, Non-Governmental Organisations (NGOs), Social Development Services, Traditional leaders, community members, and other state commissions in the three provinces. Through a purposive sampling technique, we were able to draw a sample of fifty participants from these institutions for participation in this study. Out of this sample, only 30 were willing and actively participated in the study. A major criterion used in selecting participants for the study was their years of experience in their various organisations and their involvement – whether directly or indirectly in domestic violence and how it affects men. Others were those that have experienced domestic violence referred to the primary researcher from some of these organisations. Specifically, sampled participants from the above-indicated institutions or organisations had a minimum of 15 years of active engagement and experience in domestic violence matters and how it affects men in South Africa.

Specifically, participants from Gauteng province comprised of two (2) officials of the South African Police Service (SAPS); officials of NGOs such as Aka Sosha (1) official, Moshate (1) official, Matrix (1) official, Famsa (1) official; others include: community member (1) official, Commission of Gender Equality (2) officials; The Commission for the Promotion and Protection of the Rights of Cultural, Religious and Linguistic Communities (CRL Rights Commission) (2) officials.

Participants from Limpopo comprised of South African Police Service (2) officials; House of Traditional Leaders (1) official; Real Men (1) official; Social Development Services (2) officials; Munna Ndi Nnyi (2) officials; Community members (1) official; Famsa (2) officials. Participants from KwaZulu-Natal are comprised of members of South African Police Service (SAPS) (2) officials, Community members (2) officials, NGOs such as Open Doors (2) officials, and Famsa (2) officials. All participants from NGOs were survivors of domestic violence. These men were contacted and requested to participate in the study. Additional data was obtained from key informant interviews and supplemented by information from secondary sources, including published and unpublished works, journal articles, and online resources.

Data collection technique and procedure

A semi-structured interview technique was adopted for the study. This was done to elicit valuable information from the study participants. Interviews were held between the last quarter of 2021 and second quarter of 2022. All were conducted by the first author after securing permission from appropriate authorities. Prior to data collection, participants had been notified about the study. On the appointed days of data collection, the researcher explained the purpose of the study to the participants. This was followed by ethical explanations. Specifically, participants were informed of their rights to participate in the study and withdraw without penalty voluntarily. They were informed of the confidentiality of the information they supplied, as the study was for academic purposes. Key ethical information for conducting research involving human participants was conveyed to them. Thereafter, only 30 persons consented to participate in the interview. Each interview was audio recorded and documented after securing the consent and permission of the participants to do so. The interviews were in-depth and done on a one-on-one basis. The interviews took place at locations chosen by the participants. Each session lasted for an average of between 40 minutes. Some of the semi-structured interview questions included the following:

1. What, in your view, are the experiences of men known to you regarding domestic violence from their spouse or intimate partner?

2. What form of domestic violence/abuse do you think men often experience?

3. Why do you think DVAM has persisted in South Africa?

However, the current study only focuses on point two: the form of domestic violence/abuse men experience in the hands of their spouse or intimate partner.

Method of data analysis

Data from this study were analysed using thematic analyses. Coding was completed after the initial transcription and review of the raw data. Preliminary coding was important to allow the researcher to identify and generate the dominant themes. This was done after a thorough analysis of the interview transcript had been done to organise the relevant data in line that align with the identified themes (Mkhwanazi et al., 2020). Credibility check was also conducted to ensure the validity of data, and to certify the findings adequately capture the opinion of the participants (Rajakaruna et al., 2017). Other measures adopted to ensure the validity of the data include: voluntary participation and the declaration that the study was strictly for academic purposes and thus required sincere information (Dhlewayo et al., 2021).

Findings

Qualitative data from the interviews provided information on the various forms of domestic abuse experienced by men in South Africa. The analyses in this section are based on the 30 interviewed participants shared among the study sample. ‘P’ and a number indicate the views of each of the selected participants. It is important to state that a thematic/narrative approach was adopted in presenting the findings of the study. The approach became imperative considering the nature of the study and the need to present detailed information on the study participants’ views.

When asked about the dominant form of domestic violence experienced by men in South Africa, the following are the resonating themes and a selection of the views of the participants:

Emotional abuse

Many of the participants identified emotional abuse as one of the major forms of abuse suffered by men at the hands of their female partner or spouse. Emotional abuse was supplemented with psychological and physical abuse in most of their explanations. A selection of their views is reported below:

P3- Most men suffer from emotional abuse rather than physical abuse. Yes, there are men who are subjected to domestic violence within their circles/homes this often happens in the form of emotional abuse.

P8- men’s exposure to emotional abuse was shadowed by the societal perception that abuse was physical and not psychological. This created an environment where one becomes a victim of unacknowledged yet consequential psychological abuse.

P8-Society views domestic violence as a physical encounter rather than an emotional and psychological encounter… hence that perception gives room for it to continue happening while nothing is done about it.

P13-Emotional abuse is common in men and it is associated with all the other forms of abuse as abused men experience emotional downturns. For instance, after physical abuse, one might ‘feel humiliated and ashamed’, while financial abuse tends to leave someone feeling ‘worthless.’ This puts emotional abuse as both a direct action and an indirect result of domestic violence against men.

Financial abuse

Another form of DVAM that was mentioned by the participants was financial abuse. Many indicated that some women use this to oppress their spouse. A selection of their views is presented below:

P9- I suffered financial abuse. Yes, I did, and no one would help me. I was left to fend for myself. When one gender feels worthless, one would be left with no options than t be frustrated. This problem is destroying families due to unequal treatment.

P7- Yes, financial abuse is common, especially for men who are not working depending on their partner. Such abuses were often in the form of deprecation of means of survival and open humiliation that made one feel ‘worthless’. Financial abuse can also include being denied access and appropriate control of one’s money as mentioned by P17.

Verbal abuse

The same participants add verbal abuse against men as a common occurrence in South African households alongside physical abuse:

P13-Yes, they do. Many women abuse men daily in homes, financially, verbally, economically and physically.

P4- Yes, verbal abuse. It is probably the most common form of abuse that men in South Africa endure. The general nature of abuse is verbal, and it is one of the most acts of violence committed to me. Verbal abuse also came with emotional abuse connotations.

Physical abuse

As earlier indicated, physical violence or abuse was one of the commonest forms of abuse that participants indicated. A selection of the views of the participants are:

P4- There are females who are violent in nature, e.g. occasionally slapping your partner. I also think it’s because violence towards men domestically has yet to be defined comprehensively in this country; hence, people can’t pinpoint when it happens.

P5- Some violent actions were injurious to the unfortunate male partner and there are ‘many men, who are being injured by their ultimate partner…

Considering that most of the participants confirmed the existence of domestic violence against men and elaborated on the forms of abuse experienced, the next question was to evaluate the effectiveness of the reporting of domestic violence against men. Responses from the participants revealed that there are biases in the process of reporting such crimes. These are some of their views:

P11 – DV against men is a grossly underreported crime because of various factors that included the fear of stigmatisation, the view that one would not be believed, shame, and humiliation, among others – all discussed under various themes. Because of this underreporting, it was difficult to ascertain the number of victims affected.

P3 –Well, because of the lack of men abused statistics, I would not be sure of the extent.

P6 – Not all crimes are reported to the Police, the so-called dark figure of crime refers to half of crimes being committed that are never reported to the Police and thus never become part of crime statistics

P11 – That is hard to say because the phenomenon is under-reported in South Africa for reasons stated above in Question 10, but I suspect the numbers are far more astronomical than meets the eye. Because DV against men is poorly reported, its extent was difficult to ascertain. Nonetheless, there was evidence that this was a major societal problem. As confirmed some reports of DV against women tended to reveal the reported or accused men as victims than perpetrators.

P15 – Upon a woman reporting a domestic violence case, we pick it up during our investigation that many of these women who report these cases are the instigators of domestic violence, and when men defend themselves, they come running to report such cases. As of now, SAPS do not have statistics on men’s abuse.

Concerning the difficulties males have when reporting domestic violence, participants stated that men are not treated the same as women when reporting domestic violence crimes to the police. Men were discriminated against, were not listened to, were humiliated, and received no genuine social support.

The interviews probed whether there were any measures put in place by the South African police to effectively deal with male victims of domestic violence or gender-based violence. The interviewees were also asked to share their thoughts on the stigmatisation of male domestic violence victims, this time from law enforcement - Do you think male victims of gender violence face any stigma when reporting their cases to the police?

P19 – Yes, I think they do face stigma. Most male victims indicated that they were judged when reporting their cases, and they were laughed at. They are labelled as weak. Their cases are not taken seriously like those of the opposite gender

P18 – Thus, at police stations, too, victims experienced one or more of these actions: being humiliated and laughed at, being unfairly treated, and discriminated against women and being stereotypically judged. The overall consequence of such actions was desisting from reporting cases of domestic violence against men. The above assertions take the analysis back to the application and enforcement of the Domestic Violence Act. The interviews gave broad perspectives on this Act as a law for the protection of DV victims regardless of gender and the protection of women and children as GBV victims.

From the interviews, the discrimination, humiliation and stereotyping of men and their consequential reluctance to report DV can be viewed as partial or wrong enforcement of this law. Police officers, despite being law enforcement professionals, are mostly observed as carrying forward the stigmas and stereotypes common in society to the disadvantage of domestically abused men. In addition, the reluctance with which men seek professional assistance as victims of domestic violence is almost like their reluctance to seek help from law enforcement.

Discussion

This paper study explored the forms of domestic violence experienced by men in South Africa. A summary of the above findings indicates that DVAM in South Africa is prevalent in South Africa, and it is carried out in different forms, including verbal abuse, financial abuse, emotional abuse, and physical abuse. It specifically exposes the effect of societal stereotypes in inhibiting relevant stakeholders or authorities from assisting victims.

It is evident from the findings that although men suffer abuse in romantic relationships through verbal, physical, and financial means, such acts have persisted because some men are ashamed to report their ordeal and because they know they are likely not to be taken seriously by law enforcement. This lends credence to the views of previous studies (see Kumar, 2012; Sarkar et al., 2007). For instance, research has shown that men do report spousal abuse in private but find it very difficult to report the same in public (Kumar, 2012). The inability to report spousal abuse in men could also be attributed to the cultural belief that ‘men do not cry’, which is a common dictum in most African societies, especially in South Africa. Hence, most male victims of spousal abuse may suffer prolonged depression and other traumatic experiences that accompany domestic abuse. Buttressing the effects of DVAM, Engel (2003) argues that regardless of gender, the core effects or impacts of emotional abuse on victims are depression, confusion, low self-esteem, feelings of failure or worthlessness, self-blame, feelings of hopelessness, lack of motivation, difficulty in concentrating or making decisions, and suicidal thoughts or self-destruction in the extreme (Engel, 2003, p. 12).

Although most African society has indigenous ways of resolving disputes (see Bello & Olutola, 2016), including spousal abuse, the same African society promotes patriarchy and rarely believes in the victimisation of men by women. The need to review some historical African traditional beliefs is apposite, especially in this era of feminism, where there is agitation for gender equality and respect for the rights of women.

Moreover, the absence of an inclusive legislation or policy framework could have promoted the prevalence of DVAM in South Africa. Previous studies have shown that the abuse of men was neither considered nor covered in the Domestic Abuse Act of 1988. Buttressing this, Van Niekerk et al. (2015) argued that the legislative documentation acknowledged severe violence and prioritised vulnerable populations, including women and children, but failed to recognise the abuse of men by women. To prevent harm and for an inclusive gendered society, it is important to study domestic violence against men (Safariolyaei & Amiri, 2017).

Limited focus on men’s experiences of domestic abuse in South Africa, as well as in other African societies, also contributes to the growth of the menace (McHugh et al., 2013) Lack of recognition of males as victims of domestic abuse, gender stereotypes, and the absence of an effective punitive measure for women perpetrators of DVAM to be held accountable, the same it is done when it has to do with violence against women by men could worsen the situation (see Gathogo, 2015; Morgan & Wells). The fact remains that women perpetrators of DVAM sometimes learn such acts from their environment. The social learning theory postulates that people’s early childhood experiences could shape their attitudes or behaviour in adulthood (Jewkes et al., 2015). Such experiences could have significant transgenerational implications for violent behaviour (Jewkes et al., 2015). The social learning theory explains that childhood experiences of family dynamics, structure, and relational patterns account for some of the contributory factors or the foundation from which women who violate or abuse their spouse learn their behaviour (Gateri et al., 2021). By implication, there is the possibility that some women who perpetrate DVAM must have learned such violent behaviour from their family while growing up or from their environment. It shows that an effective solution to DVAM will require a combination of factors which transcend just the enactment of inclusive legislation on domestic violence that considers both genders, but a holistic approach.

Conclusion

This qualitative study sought to explore the nature or forms of domestic violence experienced by men in South Africa. In addition to the prevalence of domestic abuse against men in South Africa, our findings indicated that domestic violence against men is ignored in South Africa. There are also incorrect perceptions that only men perpetrate intimate relationship abuse in South Africa. According to the study findings, men in South Africa are subjected to intimate relationship abuse. Men experience mistreatment in romantic relationships as well as verbal, physical, and financial abuse in close relationships. Males are hesitant to disclose DVA for fear of not being believed; also, men have expressed concern in of been wrongly accused of being the perpetrator.

While the findings of the current study are relevant and have implications for effective response to DVAM in South Africa, however, it is not immune to some limitations. First, the study was cross-sectional; hence, it will be difficult to make accurate interferences. Therefore, we recommend a longitudinal study covering all nine (9) provinces of South Africa to generate more accurate findings that can be generalized to the entire country. Additionally, our sample size is not really large enough to accommodate other actors due to financial and time constraints. Hence, we commend a larger sample size for future studies on the subject. However, regardless of these limitations, the study was able to achieve its aim and our findings can be used to develop effective strategies or measures to address DVAM in the country.

Key stakeholders, such as government agencies, civil society, and interest groups, must acknowledge the reality and the multi-faceted drivers of domestic violence against men for comprehensive intervention. Such acknowledgement would pave way for conscious and deliberate efforts to accommodate men into the country’s mainstream gender protection programmes. Changes must be made to the existing stereotyped standards that stigmatize male victims of domestic abuse in order, and there is also the need to sensitise men who have been abused to report their ordeals and seek support from relevant agencies.

Disclosure statement

No potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).

Additional information

Notes on contributors

Sabelinah Tshoane

Sabelinah Tshoane is currently a Lecturer in the Department of Safety & Security Management, Faculty of Humanities, Tshwane University of Technology, Limpopo, South Africa. She has just completed her doctoral study and awaiting graduation. She is a member of Criminological Society of Africa.

Adewale A. Olutola

Adewale A. Olutola is an Advocate of the Law and an Associate Professor in the Department of Safety & Security Management, Faculty of Humanities, Tshwane University of Technology, Pretoria, South Africa. He serves as an editorial board member of different journals. He is also a member of Criminological Society of Africa.

Paul O. Bello

Paul O. Bello is a Post-graduate supervisor at Tshwane University of Technology. He is also a member of Criminological Society of Africa.

Jacob T. Mofokeng

Jacob T. Mofokeng is a Professor in the Department of Safety & Security Management, Faculty of Humanities, Tshwane University of Technology, Pretoria, South Africa. He serves as an editorial board member of different journals. He is also a member of Criminological Society of Africa.