‘They have deliberately left us to kill each other’: dehumanisation and gang violence in African* townships

Abstract

This article discusses the dehumanisation experienced by marginalised South African ekasi (African township) youths. More particularly, it explores how dehumanisation in the two African townships of Bophelong and Nyanga in South Africa has increased young people’s vulnerability to youth gangs. The research question is: how does dehumanisation contribute to gang violence in African townships? The paper adopts a qualitative approach and purposive sampling. The findings show that there is a strong link between dehumanisation and youth vulnerability to gangs. Many young people are excluded from access to fundamental human rights, which exposes them to multidimensional development challenges and pushes them towards a life of gangs and crime. Government, civil society, and the private sector must work together to intentionally address the root causes of youth gang violence in African townships.

Keywords:

• African gangs
• Bophelong
• dehumanisation
• ekasi
• Nyanga
• structural violence
• Ubuntu

REVIEWING EDITOR:

• George Mudimu, Development Sciences, Marondera University of Agricultural Sciences and Technology, Marondera, Zimbabwe

SUBJECTS:

• Social Work
• Anthropology
• African Studies
• Sustainable Development

Introduction

The dominant political and academic narratives on gangs in South Africa are largely about Coloured gangs, Coloured gangs from the Cape Flats of Cape Town, in particular (Kinnes, 2014, 2000; Pinnock, 2019, 2016; Standing, 2006). Prior research has extensively studied the issue of Cape Flats gangs, noting the intricate link between the gangs and the Group Areas Act of 1950 which displaced families and fractured social norms and structures (Pinnock, 2016, 2019). For example, Pinnock (2019) asserts that the decision by the apartheid government to dislocate Coloured communities from Cape Town’s inner city triggered a vicious cycle that now necessitates army intervention. This dislocation from District Six, paved the way for the emergence of gangs. According to Pinnock (2019) the forced removals of people under the Group Areas Act in Cape Town inevitably led to a social disaster. The Act’s framework, which designated certain areas for specific racial groups, destroyed communities and social networks, causing widespread disruption and hardship—which led to increased crime and gangs. Before the forced removals, there were smaller and less organised gangs. However, the harsh living circumstances on the Cape Flats saw the emergence of hierarchical and violent gangs (Pinnock, 2016, 2019). Before the forced removals, there were social networks and social norms were upheld (Pinnock, 2016). But the forced removals disintegrated families, robbed people of their homes, disrupted communities and facilitated the collapse of social control over young people (Howes, 2018; Pinnock, 2016; 2019). This contributed to the formation of gangs (Dziewanski, 2021; Pinnock, 2016). Research also offers various insights into the formation of modern-day Coloured gangs, most of which are linked to the socio-economic conditions of their communities (Du Toit, 2014; Dziewanski, 2021; MacMaster, 2010).

While much has been written on Coloured gangs in the Cape Flats, in this study, I posit that the issue of ekasi gangs is not well documented. However, there is a steady growing body of research that has investigated the issue of ekasi youth gangs and there seems to be a shared conclusion that marginalisation and poverty are contributing factors since most of the young gang members come from disenfranchised upbringings (Mguzulwa & Gxubane, 2019; Ndhlovu & Tanga, 2021a, 2021b; Sefali, 2014). Other studies also suggest that the construction of masculinity among marginalised African men is the driving force (Maringira & Masiya, 2018; Ndhlovu & Tanga, 2021c; Sefali, 2014). However, not much has been documented on the link between dehumanisation and gangs in marginalised African townships. This study seeks to fill this gap by using Ubuntu and Structural violence as theoretical frameworks. This research provides valuable insights into the factors that contribute to gang violence in African townships, which could be used to develop targeted interventions. By understanding the relationship between dehumanisation, and gang violence using Ubuntu and structural violence as theoretical lens, researchers, communities, policy makers and practitioners can develop interventions that are more effective in reducing violence and promoting peace in marginalised African townships.

For this study, the term dehumanisation refers to ‘poor living conditions, poor sanitary conditions, lack of pure drinking water, insufficient medical facilities, lack of education, actual and/or perceived poor economic conditions’ (Bharti, 2012, p. 29). It also refers to insecurity, powerlessness, voicelessness, ‘structural violence’ as well as violence that includes murder. The dehumanisation of a people can precisely be justified on the basis of that dehumanisation as they are no longer seen as fully human, and their suffering is no longer seen as a violation of human rights. This can lead to a vicious cycle of dehumanisation, where dehumanised people in turn dehumanise others, which leads to more violence (Kaufmann et al., 2011). This study argues that the South African government has dehumanised African communities by failing to provide fundamental human services which guarantee their needs in the first place. This has manifested in gang violence where the dehumanised youths dehumanise each other and their communities through gang violence. The study was conducted in two marginalised South African townships, Bophelong in Gauteng and Nyanga in the Western Cape.

Theoretical frameworks

Ubuntu

Ubuntu is a moral philosophy that advocates for harmony, social responsibility and peace. Ramose (2002) makes this explicit when he avows that Ubuntu is about being humane and respectful, evident in the maxim ‘umuntu ngumuntu nga bantu’ which he translates as ‘to be a human being is to affirm one’s humanity by recognising the humanity of others’ (2002, p. 37). Letseka (2013) argues that Umuntu ngumuntu ngabantu suggests the dependence of human beings on other human beings for survival. Agyeno (2019) buttresses this point arguing that the objective of Ubuntu is to boost social harmony in the promotion of communal cohesion, peace and stability. It aims to infuse values of kindness, trust, peace, tolerance and love in individuals. In this context, Ubuntu is used to call on the South African government to uphold its constitutional promise to treat all citizens with fairness, justice, and dignity by providing them with the basic services they need. Ubuntu also means that youth gangs involved in gang violence can begin to see each other as human beings and instead of killing each other and destroying communities, they can act with kindness towards each other and promote peace and social harmony. In essence, the idea behind Ubuntu is to create a sense of moral citizenship. van Breda (2019) expanded the concept of Ubuntu to include not only present social relations, but also relationships that are mutually respectful with wider and more diverse groups of people, accountability to past and future generations, and a commitment to the earth. Ubuntu emphasises the interconnectedness of all people. It is based on the belief that our humanity is defined by our relationships with others and that our actions affect others, and that we have a responsibility to each other. Ubuntu can therefore offer a way to counter the dehumanisation.

However, despite post-apartheid South Africa’s claim to Ubuntu and the restoration of human dignity, dehumanisation within communities and by the government on its citizens has persisted. This dehumanisation undermines the unity and peace that post-apartheid South Africa aspires to achieve. This brings into question the authenticity of the concept of Ubuntu widely promoted by various researchers, communities, academics, and the state. This also calls into question the willingness of the government and communities to practice and embrace Ubuntu to cultivate the values of kindness, dialogue, trust, peace, and love. In South Africa where the dehumanisation of ‘others’ is pervasive, Ubuntu is therefore a useful intellectual resource to remind communities and the government of the importance of intentionally and purposefully practicing Ubuntu which ultimately leads to the common good.

Structural violence

Structural violence describes how social structures and institutions can perpetuate harm by denying individuals or groups access to basic needs. This systemic form of violence, though often less visible than direct acts, can have far-reaching and lethal consequences, contributing to excess mortality and exacerbating existing inequalities (Lee, 2019). Galtung (1969) defines Structural violence as the harm caused by unjust social, political, and economic systems. This systemic oppression, manifesting in discrimination based on race, ethnicity, religion, gender, sexual orientation, and other factors, creates conditions that disadvantage marginalised groups, leading to significant physical, psychological, and socio-economic harm (Burton et al., 2021; Galtung, 1969). Systemic barriers within society restrict the opportunities of certain groups, hindering their ability to achieve a fulfilling quality of life. These barriers can manifest in political, economic, religious, cultural, or legal forms, and are often reinforced by established institutions, making them difficult to recognise and dismantle. Structural violence, embedded within social institutions and processes, operates differently than obvious acts of physical violence; it systematically denies individuals or groups the resources and opportunities necessary for a fulfilling life (Butchart & Engström, 2002; Gupta, 2012). Structural violence, often invisible and deeply engrained in social systems, is upheld by institutions and normalised practices. It emerges from structures that systematically disadvantage certain groups. These entrenched inequities can appear naturalised yet cause profound harm and are as damaging as direct violence, albeit more insidious and persistent. The denial of access to vital societal resources perpetuates both physical and psychological suffering (Winter & Leighton, 2001). Winter and Leighton (2001) further assert that while structural violence is damaging on its own, it also breeds an environment where direct violence becomes a tool of resistance for the chronically oppressed, who understandably resort to it. This paper investigates how state dehumanisation and its failure to provide essential services to its citizens contributes to the complex social problem of gangs. To deepen the analysis, the concept of Structural violence will complement the Ubuntu framework. While ubuntu offers insights into countering dehumanisation, it falls short in explaining the systemic forces driving gang violence in marginalised South African townships. By integrating Structural violence with dehumanisation, we can gain a more holistic understanding of how young men, feeling powerless and marginalised, may resort to gangs and violence as a distorted means of reclaiming agency and control.

Overview of literature

Despite the detrimental consequences of violence, some researchers have suggested that it can also be a form of communication. Van der Merwe (2013) makes this explicit when he avows that violence is a way of communicating a message when other channels of communication have been blocked or are ineffective. For example, if a group of people are being marginalised by a government, they may resort to violence to express their frustration and to demand change. Altbeker (2009) makes a similar argument stating that violent revolts grow out of revolting living conditions. He argues that when people are living in poverty and oppression, they may resort to violence to demand change. Blunt (2020) echoes this and further affirms that violence can be seen as a form of ‘last resort’ for desperate people. When people feel that they have no other way to communicate their message, they may resort to violence. The above authors point to the importance of understanding the context in which violence occurs. They argue that violence is not simply a random act of aggression, but rather a way of communicating a message (Altbeker, 2009, Blunt, 2020; Van der Merwe, 2013).

More than half of South Africans are living in poverty, and the country’s economic growth has stalled. Inflation is still high, and the unemployment rate is nearing 30% (Francis & Webster, 2019). In South Africa, youth unemployment is a major problem. According to Statistics South Africa, in 2021, 59.5% of the unemployed people were young people aged 15–24. This rate is high regardless of education level. It is also reported that some of these young people are not in employment, education or training also known as NEETs (Statistics South Africa, 2021). Many of them live emkhukhwini (slums), which are areas characterised by marginalisation and poverty that has further dehumanised them (Flavian, 2018). Hargovan (2015) has observed that young people in South Africa continue to live in communities that are characterised by high rates of poverty, unemployment, substance abuse, and weak social cohesion. Lomme (2013) expounds on the multifaceted poverty facing them noting that not only is this poverty economic or social, it has an impact on their individual psyche, self-esteem and self-confidence. Furthermore, it is experienced as dehumanising and insulting to their dignity (Lomme, 2013). Zlobina et al. (2023) buttress this point as they link this dehumanisation with social inequality and human rights violations, highlighting how it denies the humanness of others. The authors further note that dehumanisation can lead to various human rights violations.

Against this background, I note that it is widely documented that many gang members are from marginalised and disadvantaged communities. This serves as evidence of the link between dehumanisation and gang involvement. Research suggests that violence is often a symptom of underlying needs. Many violent young people are vulnerable and come from backgrounds of poverty and deprivation (Maringira & Masiya, 2018). Household poverty and neighbourhood deprivation are both strongly associated with violence. This means that people who grow up in poor households or in deprived neighbourhoods are more likely to engage in violence (McAra & McVie, 2016).

Maringira and Masiya (2018) found that townships where young people live have been historically affected by apartheid policies, leaving them vulnerable to participating in gangs and other forms of criminal activities. Wegner et al. (2016) add that ekasi youths are pushed towards gangs due to poverty, problems at school, dysfunctional family structures, drug addiction, and a lack of opportunities. In their qualitative study titled ‘Perspectives of former gang members on aspects leading to gang involvement in a semi-rural area in the Western Cape’, Van der Merwe and Swanepoel (2017) identified three reasons why young people join gangs. First, poverty and unemployment can push young people into gangs. Second, gangs can provide a sense of belonging and participation that young people may not find elsewhere. Third, gangs can serve as a surrogate family for young people who have been neglected or abused by their biological families. Maringira and Masiya (2018) stress that gangs often form in communities that are characterised by extreme poverty, fractured families, and financial hardship. Young people in communities with few resources and opportunities may feel hopeless and despairing. Gangs can provide a sense of belonging, protection, and financial gain, which can be attractive to young people who feel like they have no other options. Feltham (2021) notes that poverty, deprived living conditions, a loss/lack in livelihood and hopelessness (all forms of dehumanisation) are closely intertwined with violence-and that marginalised people use violence as a way of expressing their frustration at the dehumanisation. A study by Haslam and Loughnan (2014) found that there is a strong link between dehumanisation, aggression and violence noting that the dehumanisation of people contributes to violent actions. Van Der Linde (2019) consequently reports that statistics from the South African Police Service (SAPS) indicate a massive increase in gang related murders. The above encapsulate what dehumanisation is and how it is a risk factor for gang involvement and the consequent violence. On the other hand, Breen, Daniels and Tomlinson (2019)’s study on youth gang involvement in a South African Township identified four factors that can help prevent youths from joining gangs and these are access to resources, academic success, positive peer relationships, and supportive adult relationships. Rapid urbanisation, as populations concentrate in complex urban centres, also exacerbates the risks of conflict and instability. Disparities in living standards within these fast-growing cities create fertile ground for resource-driven conflict. The growth of marginalised urban areas often fosters criminal networks and youth gangs among others further undermining security for vast segments of the population (Patel & Burkle, 2012). Studies suggest that rapid population growth in South Africa, particularly within townships and informal settlements, significantly contributes to socio-economic pressures that can exacerbate violence. Much of this urban population growth is driven by rural-to-urban migration and immigration, as individuals seek economic opportunities. These dynamics, coupled with existing issues of socio-spatial and economic inequality, create a context where violence and crime are prevalent and often exceptionally brutal (Brankovic et al., 2020; Mahajan, 2014: 8). By appreciating that youth gangs from marginalised communities are conveying a message through violence, the government and various youth development practitioners can begin to address the root causes of gang violence (Van der Merwe, 2013).

Method

Using Ubuntu and Structural violence as theoretical frameworks, the study took a qualitative approach with a focus on the link between dehumanisation and youth gang violence. The approach was adopted because it gave a voice to the ‘voiceless’ ekasi youths who have experienced dehumanisation. It also gave former gang members in ekasi a platform to share their stories in their own words. The population of the study was made up of unemployed youths between the ages of 14 and 35, former youth gang members aged between 14 and 35 as well as informants from the government and civil society sector working on various youth and gang violence issues. Before conducting the sampling, the researcher had a specific target population and specific characteristics in mind (Battaglia, 2011) A purposive non-probability method was used to select a sample of 36 youths and 36 informants. The sample consisted of 18 government representatives (provincial and local government), 18 civil society representatives, 18 unemployed youths, and 18 former gang members. Dehumanisation through unemployment can be a risk factor for gang involvement as young people without access to legitimate opportunities may turn to gangs for a sense of belonging and income. This study utilised unemployed youth as a sample to explore the potential link between unemployment, gang involvement, and/or crime. Former gang members were chosen based on self-identification and their ability to contribute to the research question. The informants, specifically, were selected for their relevant work experience and knowledge of gang dynamics.

In-depth interviews were conducted with all informants, including young former gang members. The interviews lasted for 30–40 minutes each. Focus group discussions were held with unemployed youth in each province. These discussions lasted for 60–90 minutes each. Field notes were also taken to supplement the recorded data. The transcribed interviews were then analysed using Tesch’s (1990) method of analysis. All interviews were transcribed into English and the data organised into thematic categories and subcategories. The major themes were reported first, followed by the minor themes.

To protect the participants from harm, the following ethical considerations were adhered to: (i) participation was voluntary and all willing participants were informed about the key elements of the research, including the objectives and their role in the study, (ii) the researcher only recorded the interviews with the consent of the participants. (iii) To ensure the safety of the participants, pseudonyms and composite profiles were used. (iv) Informed consent was obtained through both a signed form and verbal consent. Participants reviewed and signed the form, providing additional verbal confirmation of their agreement. (v) The University of Fort Hare’s Inter-Faculty Research Ethics Committee also issued an ethical clearance certificate (reference number, TAN101SNDH01) prior to the recruitment of the research participants.

Results and discussion

This section begins by describing the participants, then discusses the themes and subthemes that emerged from the data. It is important to note that not all young men from marginalised communities are involved in gangs or criminal activity. There are marginalised ekasi youth who are not part of gangs or engaged in problematic behaviours.

Participants profiles

For this research, eighteen former gang members were individually interviewed. The youngest were aged 15 and the oldest was 35 years old. All of them were unemployed except for one who occasionally does ‘piece’ jobs. They all joined gangs when they were young with the youngest having joined at the age of 10 years. All of them dropped out of school for various reasons including expulsion for selling drugs, substance abuse, joining gangs and fear of being killed by rival gangs among others. Most of them came from female headed households.

Eighteen unemployed youths formed part of focus group discussions, coincidentally, some of them were also former gang members. The youngest was 18 and the oldest were 35 years old. All of them dropped out of school including two who dropped out of university. Their reasons for dropping out of school included drug abuse, expulsion for selling drugs, involvement in criminal activities among others. Most of them came from broken, chaotic and female headed families and only two lived with both parents.

The informants had a variety of backgrounds and worked in different sectors, including government and civil society. They focused on issues related to youth, gangs, social and community development, and law enforcement.

Theme 1: human conditions

Subtheme 1: exclusion from socio-economic opportunities pushing many youths to a life of crime and gangs

The South African Constitution guarantees the right to a good quality of life for all citizens (Republic of South Africa, 1996); but study findings show that countless ekasi youths are still excluded from accessing socio-economic opportunities. This exclusion was projected in that many are unemployed and unemployable which has pushed them to a life of crime and gangs as succinctly demonstrated in the following narrative by informant A, a government representative:

…Like I said before, we can talk about gangsterism but the main cause is poverty. Because these guys you find that they are unemployable even if they go out and look for jobs, they are drop outs, they don’t have qualifications, and the quick way to make money is to sell drugs… So mostly since they are unemployable, they are being lured in by these drug lords and gangsters since they are the ones who are offering them something and so that’s how they sustain themselves.

Young people also shared their frustrations noting that most of them are found wandering around the streets or committing crime because they have nothing to do. They expressed a sense of desperation and isolation perceiving that they are in a situation where they are ‘pushed towards gangs and crime’ as there is no one to help them. The following sentiments are captured from unemployed youth B1 from Bophelong and unemployed youth N1 from Nyanga. Their words highlight the challenges they face and the factors that contribute to their involvement in gangs.

There are no jobs here Ausi Khanya, it’s a case of each man for himself. A man has to wake up and make a plan to make cash or else he and his family will starve.

Sis Khanya, I don’t want to lie to you, here its each man for himself, there are no jobs. If people had access to jobs, decent jobs, they wouldn’t be roaming around the streets killing each other.

The two narratives illustrate the dehumanisation of young people, which is evident in their lack of access to socio-economic opportunities and their subsequent involvement in gangs and crime. Many of the participants perceived that poor young people who are unemployed, unemployable and lack skills and qualifications are more likely to be lured into gangs. The above narratives reflect a sense of anger and frustration at the status quo which has left young people with limited opportunities for legitimate employment except to resort to illegitimate sources. A lack of access to socio-economic opportunities is a major risk factor for involvement in crime, including gang violence. This is supported by a growing body of research, including studies on youth gangs in South Africa (Hargovan, 2015; Mguzulwa & Gxubane, 2019). The gang narratives in Nyanga and Bophelong seem to suggest that if youths had access to decent jobs, they would be less likely to join gangs or commit crime. This is because they would have a legitimate way to earn a living and support themselves and their families. Again, there is some evidence to support this claim. Studies have shown that employment can help to reduce violence and crime (Bruce, 2015). These findings show that exclusion from socio- economic opportunities can lead to a vicious cycle of dehumanisation, where people feel that they have been dehumanised by the systems meant to serve them and they in turn dehumanise others through crime and violence. Guided by the concept of structural violence, results indicate that ekasi communities may experience structural violence, evidenced by limited access to basic necessities and democratic rights. These findings align with the theory’s assertion that harm inflicted through unjust social, political, or economic systems constitutes structural violence (Galtung, 1969).

Subtheme 2: exposed to too many illegal taverns which are a breeding ground for gangs

The study found that there are a disproportionately high number of taverns in townships, both legal and illegal. These taverns can be a breeding ground for gangs and criminal activity. The following narratives expound on this. For example, unemployed youth B2 said:

Another thing Ausi, taverns are too much. In my area I can’t even count them, these taverns are a breeding ground for gangs.

Informant B, another government employee from Bophelong also reiterated:

Townships are a hub of taverns, both legal and illegal; as a result, the youth are exposed to too many taverns. If a person decides to open a business in the township, a tavern is the first thing that he thinks of. They are a huge business around here.

From Nyanga informant C, also a government employee maintained:

Another issue in Nyanga and many townships is the issue of access to alcohol at all times of the day and night. And the problem is there is no regulation, it is so destructive in the communities. There is an enormous link between alcohol and violence…

FGM1, a former gang member from Nyanga also reported:

There are too many taverns in Nyanga, too many and they should be closed early; they should not be open 24/7. People are killing each other in those places Sis Khanya.

The above narratives suggest that taverns are a common sight in townships. This is likely due to a lack of resources and recreational facilities (Ndhlovu, 2020). Consequently, taverns provide a place for people to socialise and a temporary escape from dehumanisation. The findings also indicate that opening a tavern can be a profitable business venture in townships. This is likely due to the high demand for alcohol in these communities. It could also be due to high unemployment levels as well as limited socio-economic opportunities (Ndhlovu, 2020). However, it is important to note their role in destroying communities. As noted by the study participants, taverns contribute to crime, violence, and other social problems. Studies have shown that in many communities, there are more taverns and shebeens than youth centers or child-friendly recreational facilities. This makes it easy for children to access alcohol, and some start drinking as young as 13 years old. This is a serious problem, as alcohol can have harmful effects on children’s physical and mental health (Mogapi, 2015). This is a very concerning social work/development issue, as youths who are already faced with a number of developmental obstacles are more vulnerable to the negative effects of alcohol and drug use. Findings also show that alcohol is freely available at all times of the day and night, and that this lack of regulation is contributing to dehumanisation- as people are ‘killing each other.’ Other studies have also shown that when people are intoxicated, they are more likely to behave in ways that are harmful to themselves and others (Osuafor & Okoli, 2019). These acts of dehumanisation are a violation of the principles of Ubuntu which emphasises the importance of community and shared humanity.

Subtheme 3: dumped in ghettorised communities

Findings suggest that youths from Bophelong and Nyanga feel that they are being dehumanised and treated as less than human because they live in squalor. They feel excluded from society and denied basic resources. As a result of this dehumanisation, it appears that they have retaliated by joining gangs, and dehumanising each other and their communities through violence. B3, an unemployed youth and former gang member in Bophelong explained:

As you can see Ausi Khanya, we live emkhukhwini (slums). We live on top of each other. No one cares for us, we are excluded from everything. They spend all their time and resources on the white people who already have, but us who don’t have don’t get any attention. We were just dumped here and it’s like they have deliberately left us to kill each other…

The above excerpt, in part, reflects the lived experiences of young, marginalised youths from Bophelong and Nyanga. It describes their dire living circumstances, the neglect from the government and other development role players, and the sense of abandonment, hopelessness and desolation that results. It seems that youths see themselves as living in a place that is physically, socially and politically marginalised. In particular, B3’s perception that ‘no one cares for us’ suggests that he feels that they have been dehumanised and are therefore not seen as worthy of being treated with Ubuntu. His proclamation that ‘it’s like they have deliberately left us to kill each other,’ is particularly concerning. It suggests that he believes that the government and other development role players are intentionally creating conditions that will lead to violence and death among the people who live in slums. His words are a reminder of the harsh realities that many South African young people face (Endoh, 2015; Jobson, 2015). They underlie the importance of fighting for social justice and equality through promoting Ubuntu. His sentiments highlight the impact of dehumanisation. When people are dehumanised, they are seen as less than human and therefore not worthy of the same rights and protections as others. This can lead to a vicious cycle of dehumanisation, including gang violence as in the case of Bophelong and Nyanga.

Informant D, an academic based in Cape Town added:

…And these are influenced by the environment they are growing up in or exposed to. I could have easily become a gangster if I had grown up ekasi…the reality of the matter is a township is nothing else but a dumping area… I mean there is the internalised inferiority complex that is brought about by the shame of staying in a township. That’s why they do what they do…

Informant D notes the issues that contribute to gang violence in townships stating that these factors include the environment that people grow up in as well as the internalised inferiority complex that comes from living in a ‘dumping site.’ The informant’s argument is supported by several studies that have shown that the environment in which people grow up can have a significant impact on their behavior. For example, studies have shown that many children who grow up in impoverished and gang plagued areas are more likely to become gang members themselves (Lauger & Lee, 2019; Ndhlovu & Tanga, 2021d). The informant also mentions the internalised inferiority complex that can come from living in a ‘dumping site.’ His statement seems to indicate that when people feel inferior, they may be more likely to join gangs to make themselves feel superior through violence. The quote highlights the importance of environmental and social factors in shaping behavior. All of these tie to the structural violence theory as ekasi youth are hindered by social structures from reaching their full potential. These findings indicate the importance of promoting Ubuntu to fight dehumanisation by creating a society where equality is engendered and communities are given the resources, they need to improve the quality of their lives.

Theme 2: obstacles to quality of life

Subtheme 1: exposure to abnormal levels of crime

Findings show that crime is deeply ingrained in both townships. Many of the young people interviewed have a prison record, a significant finding that suggests that people who grow up in disadvantaged environments, are more likely to engage in criminal activity. This is because they are exposed to violent crime, poverty, and other risk factors from a young age. In 2020, president Cyril Ramaphosa acknowledged that violent crime disproportionately affects black and impoverished communities (Republic of South Africa, 2020). This is likely due to the country’s high levels of corruption and crime, which have had a disproportionately negative impact on these communities (Malala, 2015).

In Bophelong, B4, an unemployed youth who is also a former gang member and an ex-offender, offered a glimpse into the lived experiences of people who have been caught up in the cycle of crime. He said:

Ausi, crime is a big issue here in Bophelong. As you can see most of us here have been to prison because of our criminal activities and it’s not just us, it’s our families before us. There is too much crime Ausi.

B4’s statement highlights the multidimensional manifestations of dehumanisation facing ekasi people. They are unable to make a living in a sustainable and legit way, so they have turned to crime as a means of escape from poverty. Understanding the perspective of people who have committed crime could be vital in addressing the root causes of crime.

In Nyanga, FGM2, a former gang member said:

Sis Khanya, people come here to do their dirty things. Every person who wants to do anything dirty or criminal comes to us. The police need to look at the roots not just attack us, there is a lot of corruption going on.

The former gang member seems to be suggesting that people who live in marginalised communities are often seen as criminals, which is a form of dehumanisation that denies their humanity and reduces them to their perceived criminality. The participant further suggests that the police often target their communities rather than look for the root causes of crime. This can lead to further dehumanisation as the police may see them as less deserving of protection or respect.

Subtheme 2: Ekasi as a prison

Several young people from both areas used the term ‘ithrongo’ (prison) to describe the restrictive and oppressive conditions in townships. This metaphor is an indication that they feel dehumanised and suffocated by their living conditions. The sentiments from FGM3, a former gang member in Bophelong support the above statement:

Bophelong is like a prison Ausi Khanya, we are trapped, we want to escape but we don’t know how. It’s so hard to escape. Once you are in, you are in for life. Ausi, I can say that only 5% of people from ekasi make it, the rest of us are trapped. It’s like a prison (Shaky voice).

From Nyanga, N2, an unemployed youth who is also a former gang member shared:

Sis Khanya, here your life is a pattern, it’s just a cycle of the same things every day. This is not life. Sisethrongweni sisteri. (We are in prison my sister) (Angry tone).

The above narratives indicate that dehumanisation has a human face and is a lived reality for many young Africans. As observed above, this sense of dehumanisation can lead to negative consequences, including feelings of resignation, dejection and anger, and ultimately gang involvement. The results of Weijters et al. (2009) study are consistent with these findings—they state that children growing up in poverty and other challenging circumstances are more likely to engage in criminal activities, as families in these situations may have less time and resources to exercise control over their children. FGM3’s belief that only 5% of people from Bophelong ‘make it’ also suggests that he has resigned himself to poverty and believes that many people in their community are trapped in an inescapable cycle of poverty and violence an indication of the hopelessness felt by many.

Subtheme 3: exclusion from basic services has resulted in gangs becoming ekasi role models

The majority of participants reported that people who are successful in life often leave ekasi as soon as possible. This leaves township youth with no positive role models. This gap has resulted in gangs becoming role models. FGM4, a former gang member from Bophelong remarked:

Our role models are gangs, drug abusers and drunkards. Just imagine you grow up in a home where your grandmother and sister are always drunk. You look next door, it’s the same situation, alcohol and drugs are just as common as water. Can you escape that Ausi Khanya? We need role models (Pleading tone).

FGM4’s words show a lack of positive role models ekasi. Its highlights a situation where children are surrounded by adults who are involved in gangs, drug and alcohol abuse. This has a profound impact on the children’s development, as they may come to see these behaviours as normal or acceptable. Research confirms that when children do not have positive role models to look up to, they are more likely to engage in risky behaviours themselves (Ndhlovu & Tanga, 2021b). Umuntu ngumuntu ngabantu (I am shaped by the people I interact with/I am a product of my environment), can be interpreted in two ways: positively or negatively. In this case, it is being used in a negative sense. Young people who grow up in communities where negative behaviours are normalised are less likely to develop into healthy, productive members of society. Instead, they are likely to become who and what they see.

Informant E from Nyanga also admitted:

Look, who are the role models? For example as a person who grew up in Nyanga, I work for (withheld) but where do

I stay? I don’t stay there. Now all who can afford have moved out. Now who then becomes the role models? It is the gang members, so our young people are looking up to the gang members. Because these gangs are driving the latest models and are proving to be a source of employment.

The informant’s response highlights that no one wants to stay in Nyanga forever. He notes that the people who can afford to leave Nyanga have done so leaving behind those who cannot. As a result, the gang members have become role models for young people, since they are seen as being successful. The informant’s words highlight the importance of positive role models in young people’s lives. Studies have shown that when young people do not have positive role models to look up to, they are more likely to be influenced by negative role models such as gang members (Luhanga, 2018; Pinnock, 2015). This can lead to young people engaging in criminal activity and making poor life choices.

Theme 3: forced by circumstances to join gangs

Subtheme 1: using crime to meet fundamental human needs

What if I do what I do because of circumstances?

A 14-year-old boy at a rehabilitation camp for young gang members spoke these words, which were echoed by many other youths from both the Gauteng and the Western Cape Provinces. Former gang members from both communities shared similar experiences:

I am not making up excuses Sis Khanya, but the circumstances we find ourselves in force us to join gangs. We are frustrated sisteri (my sister). FGM 5

So what was I supposed to do? (Angry tone) Watch my brothers starve to death? Watch my sisters sell their bodies? No my sister, no (Very emotional tone). FGM 6

I am not working. It’s not like I am not looking Ausi, I can’t seem to find a job, that’s why I ended up getting involved in crime, I wanted to give my mother a break. You understand? (Pleading tone). FGM 7

Many of the young gangs and informants cited the ‘circumstances’ youths find themselves in as drivers of youth gangs. They said that they turned to crime out of necessity, to meet their own needs and those of their families. The findings are consistent with van Lennep’s (2019) report that gangs are a criminal and socio-economic problem: ‘Gangs are ultimately a response to the state vacuum that has existed in the townships for many generations…’ (p.19). The young men interviewed explained that they feel they have no other choice but to join gangs to survive. While Ubuntu speaks of caring for each other and acknowledging each other’s humanity, responses from the participants indicate that they feel dehumanised by the government and other development role players. They perceive that these role players have not done enough to provide them with opportunities that could humanise them and give them a reason to stay away from gangs. This ties with the structural violence theory which stipulates that structural violence occurs whenever people are disadvantaged by economic and political structures and carries the added risk of fuelling direct violence (Galtung, 1969).

On the other hand, these narratives can be seen as a call for Ubuntu. Young people seem to be communicating their needs and asking for people to see that they are not just ‘making up excuses’ for joining gangs, but that they are acting out of desperation. The above responses can also be viewed as a challenge to the government to take action to address the root causes of gang violence, or else the problem will only get worse. More young people will be drawn into gangs, and the violence will continue to escalate.

Subtheme 2: they are dehumanised and treated like animals and so become animals

As already noted in the narratives above, a number of human rights violations have hindered the communities of Bophelong and Nyanga from fully enjoying their rights as stipulated in the South African constitution. Exacerbating an already dire situation is their experience of powerlessness which according to Kaufmann et al. (2011) creates feelings of a lost dignity and humanity. As a way of taking back their dignity and humanity, findings show that many young people resort to gang violence which according to Du Toit (2014) is a vicious cycle closely linked to isolation, marginalisation, unemployment, deprivation, and powerlessness. In unpacking the issue of dehumanisation and its impact on young ekasi people, Informant F noted that the youth have been stripped and deprived of their humanity, as a result they cannot value other people’s lives. The informant explained:

It’s also a lack of quality of life. You are basically treated like animals and you are likely to come out as animals… Its quiet deep. That’s why they do what they do…So you are going to come into a community that is dehumanised. Now remember you cannot value the next person’s life if you do not value yours.

In the above statement, the informant, is describing the experience of being treated as less than human, both by the government and other development role players. His words show the consequences of dehumanisation, as these young men who have been dehumanised by institutions are now dehumanising each other and their communities. Studies continue to show how a failure to humanise communities by aggressively and radically addressing socio-economic as well as structural conditions has proliferated the issue of youth and gang violence (MacMaster, 2010). The informant’s words are echoed by FGM8, a former gang member:

Living in this place is frustrating, we are drowning and we have nowhere to relieve ourselves. We need facilities or else we join gangs and do drugs just to forget about our circumstances…

FGM8 shares his experiences of dehumanisation by describing the feeling of being trapped, stuck and hopeless, and how ekasi people are forced to turn to gangs to deal with the indignity of their situation. He uses metaphors, to describe the feeling of ‘drowning’ and having ‘nowhere to relieve ourselves’ which create a sense of helplessness, feeling overwhelmed, stressed out and a desire for an outlet, yet none is availed. His words could also mean that he is trying to plead with the reader and maybe the government to exercise some of the Ubuntu principles like care and social justice. His use of the word ‘frustrating’ speaks of desperation and might be a call for understanding, compassion, and action. Studies have shown that people who are dehumanised are more likely to join gangs or engage in criminal activities. For example, Kaufmann et al. (2011) notes that dehumanisation occurs when human beings are continually deprived of their humanity by other humans; in this case the failure by the state and relevant role players to protect and promote the rights of ekasi youth has dehumanised them forcing them to behave like ‘animals.’ The findings highlight the profound impact of dehumanisation on the individuals who experience it, which can also contribute to the cycle of violence and poverty that traps so many people. The findings indicate that the problem of youth gangs has had a significant negative impact on the living conditions and quality of life in ekasi communities.

Conclusion and recommendations

This study has looked at the interconnection between dehumanisation and the challenge of ekasi youth gangs in the two African townships of Bophelong and Nyanga. Drawing from Ubuntu and Structural violence, it provided a picture of the experiences of marginalised ekasi youths and the meanings they attach to these experiences. It gave them a platform to express their perceptions on the intricate link between dehumanisation and anti-social behaviour. Findings revealed that at the core of youth and gang violence is the issue of dehumanisation, a process of denying ekasi people’s humanity. This has been done through marginalisation and a government that treats ekasi people as less than human. The study recommends that Ubuntu can help to create a more just and equitable society, free from dehumanisation and violence. The study also recommends a multistakeholder and multidisciplinary approach, noting that the government, civil society, and the private sector should work together to intentionally address the root causes of youth gang violence in African townships.

Acknowledgements

I am deeply grateful to the Maria Sibylla Merian Institute for Advanced Studies in Africa (MIASA) for the invaluable research support I received through their writing workshop.

Disclosure statement

No potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).

Data availability statement

The participants of this study did not give written consent for their data to be shared publicly, so due to the sensitive nature of the research, supporting data is not available.

Additional information

Notes on contributors

G. Nokukhanya Ndhlovu

Dr. G. Nokukhanya Ndhlovu is passionate about social justice which has shaped her research interests to include exclusionary development, integrated/holistic people-centred development, structural violence and gender and African masculinities. Driven by a passion for connecting with diverse audiences, Ndhlovu’s work spans academic and non-academic platforms, from scholarly journals to thought-provoking op-eds.