Life as struggle: a narrative of coping strategies of elderly refugees in South Africa

Abstract

In Africa, the social displacement resulting in migrations has caused different levels of vulnerability for the refugees and governments of host countries. In South Africa, with one of the highest numbers of refugees in Africa, contention for socio-economic space and cultural differences occasionally result in violence between refugees and local people. For the elderly refugees, risk exposure and hardship have generated interest from scholars and officials. This article focuses on the narratives of coping strategies of elderly refugees in Post-Apartheid South Africa, specifically focusing on the Eastern Cape province of South Africa. Using qualitative data gathered from refugee communities in the Eastern Cape Province, the study found that most elderly refugees lack access to social support, exposing them to different levels of risk and vulnerability. This context foregrounds the narratives of alienation and suffering and the coping strategies against these challenges.

Keywords:

• Refugees
• government
• stakeholders
• elderly
• coping mechanism

SUBJECTS:

• Social Work
• Sociology
• Social Policy

REVIEWING EDITOR:

• Komalsingh Rambaree, Social Work and Criminology, University of Gävle, Gävle, Sweden

Introduction

Conflict-induced displacement is not a new phenomenon in South Africa. Its history and development could be traced to the Khoisan-Dutch wars of 1659, 1674, and 1677. It should be recalled that the arrival of the Dutch explorers at the Cape of Good Hope in 1652 led to serial dispossession of land belonging to the indigenous African people, the Khoi and the San, collectively known as ‘Khoisan’. After a period of resistance to European conquest, the Khoisan were subdued by the might of Dutch settlers, and they eventually became refugees in their land (Military Information Bureau, 1986). Similarly, the Mfecane wars waged by the Zulu kingdom on other indigenous Southern African ethnic groups in the 19th century, which culminated in the forced migration and displacement of several indigenous peoples in different tribal communities in South Africa (Richner, 2004), added to the legion of refugees in colonial South Africa. In addition, the Great Trek,¹ The migration of the Dutch into the interior parts of South Africa in the 18th century, which the Boers led² resulted in the massive displacement of tribal groups such as the Xhosa, Sotho, Zulu, Swazi, Tsonga, Southern Ndebele, Tswana, Pedi, and Pondo. Subsequently, many of these people became refugees in the territories claimed by the Boer trekkers (Etherington, 2014).

In the early 20th Century, South Africa witnessed a vast array of refugees due to the enactment of the Natives Land Act of 1913, which initially apportioned only 7 per cent³ of the total land to most Africans (Modise & Mtshiselwa, 2013). Under this skewed land policy, most black South Africans became refugees in their land (Crush & McDonald, 2001, p. 2). It should be noted that when the apartheid system of government was finally institutionalised from 1948 as a result of the ascendancy into power of the Afrikaner nationalists (Clark & Worger, 2016), refugees from African countries and some other Third World countries were restrained from entering South Africa. Although South African borders were porous during the early years of the apartheid government, thus allowing migrant workers mostly from neighbouring Southern African countries to gain access into the country, the migration was subsequently under control with the enactment of the Aliens Control Act of 1963. Nevertheless, black and other non-black refugees from conflict-stricken areas started streaming into South Africa from 1993 through 1994 when the apartheid system of government was overturned (De Jong et al., 2006). However, the present refugee-related questions in South Africa started during the apartheid period, specifically in the 1980s, when many Mozambicans fled their country to South Africa in their thousands to seek refuge from the civil war in their country (Wentzel & Tlabela, 2006). By the early years of the post-apartheid government (i.e. post-1994), the number of refugees and asylum seekers in South Africa had risen to 22,000. Most came from Congo, Somalia, and Angola (Oucho, 2006).

There are 26.4 million global refugees (UNHCR, 2021), out of which South Africa hosts 76,754 (World Bank, 2021). Gauteng Western Cape and Eastern Cape Provinces are the most preferred destinations for many refugees because of their economic activities (Khan & Rayner, 2020; Nyirongo, 2019). Scholars (Esses et al., 2017; Gunst et al., 2019) have highlighted problems faced by refugees of all categories, including access to secondary and higher education, access to healthcare, unemployment, accommodation, environmental risk, security, discrimination and xenophobic attacks from members of host countries.

Fundamentally, of serious concern to this study is the displaced elderly refugees in South Africa. According to the WHO (2018), older people constitute about 8.5 per cent of the total number of world refugees, most of whom are women. The plight of the displaced elderly refugees is reportedly tragic (UNHCR, 2000). The UNHCR’s Report on Older Refugees (1991, p. 1) states that older refugees face three major challenges: social integration, adverse selection, and chronic dependency. Similarly, Lipson and Omidian, (1992) note that the situation of elderly refugees is considered different and unique from other people in refugee-like situations because of their perceived fragility due to their old age. Besides, Bazzi and Chemali (2016) and Stewart et al. (2015) note that most elderly refugees lack access to medication and social support in their host countries.

In South Africa, existing literature shows that elderly refugees are perceived to contribute little or nothing to the South African economy. Consequently, they are marginalised (see Feni, 2012; Papp, 2011). More so, refugees in South Africa face many challenges, such as problems accessing refugee documents, socio-economic exclusion, access to education, and many more (Dadzie, 2017; Masuku & Rama, 2020; Stewart et al.,2015). However, there is a dearth of literature and empirical research on the challenges of the elderly refugee population as a vulnerable group in South Africa and the Eastern Cape. Ramlagan et al. (2013) pointed out that their marginalisation results in social isolation, poverty, and depression, among other challenges. Against this background, this study examines the situations of the displaced elderly in the selected cities and towns in South Africa’s Eastern Cape Province – a province with a teeming refugee population.

Away from home: understanding the discourse on elderly refugees and vulnerability

Elderly refugees face several challenges (HelpAge International & Samuel Hall, 2016). While there are limited empirical studies on challenges confronting elderly refugees in South Africa, a number of these studies exist in other contexts (Barbelet, 2018; HelpAge International, 2012, 2016; Hutton, 2008; Strong et al., 2015). These studies show that displaced older people face many challenges when fleeing from their homes and seeking refuge away from them (Barbelet, 2018; HelpAge International, 2016). Strong et al. (2015) argue that there are challenges when elderly refugees seek interventions and assistance from host communities, governments and international organisations. Barbelet (2018) noted that they are vulnerable on different fronts. According to Hutton (2008), refugees are vulnerable in their communities and vulnerable in their host communities. HelpAge International and Samuel Hall’s (2016) report shows that most refugees left their communities to avoid further vulnerability due to crises. However, they are more likely to be vulnerable in host communities due to a lack of acceptance or partial acceptance (HelpAge International & Samuel Hall, 2016).

From the studies across African countries such as Somalia and other hot spots, HelpAge International (2013) and Allaire (2013) have noted that displaced elderly people experienced various challenges at different phases of displacement. Some of them (especially those elderly living with disabilities) might not be able to flee their communities during intense crises due to physical frailty. Some of the elderly who could flee could have to be increasingly dependent on some of their family members and host communities. Suppose their family members and host communities cannot provide what they need or are unwilling to cater to their needs. In that case, they are more likely to be marginalised, neglected, discriminated against, and persecuted.

Furthermore, some of the displaced elderly might not be able to cope or may not have the ability to adapt to their host communities. They may not have access to information related to their situation nor understand how to access assistance from government or international agencies. The study by HelpAge International (2017) on the displaced elderly people in Ethiopia revealed that about 73 per cent of displaced elderly people chose protection from psychological abuse as their most important priority. In a study conducted by Concern Worldwide (2017) in the Central African Republic, one older woman said that ‘the only help we could offer each other was advice; and our prayers to God …. Before, we had only heard talk of war, but we had never lived it. The Seleka were in our village and raped girls, even elderly women. But when we arrived as refugees, we lived the worst’ (Concern Worldwide, 2017, p. 24). This account is about the refugees and their displacements in the Central African Republic in 2012.

Furthermore, the lived experiences of conflict-induced refugees in Africa are similar to the experiences of those in other parts of the world. For instance, studies conducted by Porter et al. (2008) and Dako-Gyeke and Adu (2017) on the experiences of Liberian camped refugees in Ghana revealed that many refugees are confronted with a lack of social services and accommodation. This makes their situation precarious, especially the older refugees. Thus, many refugees dreamt of repatriation and returning home when the situation was calmer. Nonetheless, it is observed that those refugees who return home are usually those in Africa rather than those in resource-rich countries. Somali refugees in Uganda, Kenya, Tanzania, and other African countries may return to their countries when stability returns. This is because the overall conditions in these host countries may be similar to the ones at home.

It should be noted that the poor security conditions at home made them become refugees in the first place. A study conducted by Horn (2010) in Kenya found that refugees face a protracted length of displacement, affecting their daily lives. The problems that the refugees encounter in the camp which make them susceptible to psychosocial issues include lack of food, insecurity in the camp, idleness, and harsh environment (Horn, 2010).

In South Africa, displaced refugees face difficult life experiences while trying to survive (Rugunanan & Smit, 2011). This could be because refugees in South Africa are not staying in camps where supportive services could be provided as obtainable in some Western countries. Therefore, living in rural and urban areas of the host country could be difficult. For instance, a qualitative study of challenges faced by refugees in South Africa revealed lack of security, lack of employment, lack of support coupled with the stress and endless frustration of getting ‘refugee and asylum’ permits from Department of Home Affairs as daily life experiences they have to contend with (Rugunanan & Smit, 2011, p. 12). In addition, the study also revealed that many of the participants reported daily worries of fear of survival, protection against crime, housing, and discrimination as part of their lives in South Africa as refugees. The absence of proper permits hampers formal employment for refugees, dereliction of employers to acknowledge non-South African certificates and qualifications was a major problem (Landau et al., 2005). Even those who are fortunate to get paid employment may not receive wages that are commensurate with the efforts they put in Idemudia et al. (2013). A study conducted among refugees in Durban, South Africa, found that 79% of refugees reported that DHA did not permit them to own a business; 68% of the refugees revealed that lack of valid documents prevented them from accessing government facilities, especially health care services, and employment; 87% of the refugees indicated that the host community members are always hostile to them, and 76% revealed that inability to speak the language of their hosts leads to another barrier (Apalata et al., 2007).

The narratives above summarise the traumatic experiences of refugees in their host communities while trying to survive and secure a decent livelihood. Some challenges they faced in South Africa include financial incapacity, inadequate health services, hostile environment, physical and verbal attacks from the local population, and rape. Based on the experiences of these refugees, they develop physical and psychological problems during their journey and integration in South Africa. The major gaps highlighted in the above literature need to be enumerated. One, there are limited empirical studies on the experiences and coping strategies of elderly refugees in South Africa. Most of the existing reports on it are anecdotal and conceptual. There is a need for empirical insights to guide policies on the victims. Second, most existing studies focused on the source countries (hot spots in Africa such as Somalia, Central African Republic, among others); there are limited studies in recipient countries such as South Africa.

Theoretical framework

The study draws on stakeholder theory. The theory was developed by Mitroff (1983) and further improved in the work of Edward Freeman in his book ‘Strategic Management: A Stakeholder Approach’ in 1994. The rationale behind this theory was to draw a framework capable of addressing managers’ concerns and, in the context of this study, the state. The state is saddled with a high level of organisational needs and changes and individuals’ needs, interests, and concerns (Freeman & McVea, 2001). The authors further explain the approach sought to broaden the concept of strategic management beyond its traditional economic roots by defining stakeholders as ‘any group or individual who is affected by or can affect the achievement of an organisation’s objectives’ (Freeman & McVea, 2001, p. 4). This theory is adopted to ease the identification of key stakeholders in refugee management discourse. Using the theory, the following stakeholders are identified: (a) the South African government, (b) NGOs and FBOs, (c) members of the host communities, and (d) the elderly refugees. The government and the refugees are the major stakeholders in refugee discourse. This is because the government play a major role as the first contact and receiver of refugees in any host country (IOM, 2020). It should be noted these stakeholders were qualitatively determined as they cannot be subjected to quantitative measures.

According to the theory, there is a need for stakeholders in refugee management to come together to address the lingering refugee crisis, especially in South Africa. For instance, Macharia (2015, p. 25) study on ‘management planning of UNHCR for refugees in Kenya’ revealed that the involvement of stakeholders in refugee management is important ‘in the most critical stage of strategic planning process needs assessment’. To Lee and Szkudlarek (2021), integrating refugees in Australia requires that major stakeholders such as NGOs, FBOs, individuals, and the government promote refugees’ employment in their various communities as a form of corporate social responsibility. Thus, this theory was used to identify and explain the role of each of the stakeholders in the refugee problem. This is quite essential to understand their narratives on risks associated with elderly refugees and social support systems.

Methodology

The study was based on relativistic ontology and interpretivistic epistemology because the problem under investigation was not measurable and quantifiable. This research philosophy is relevant to this study because it enables the researcher to explore the experiences and coping strategies of elderly refugees in South Africa. Adopting relativism (ontology) and interpretivism (epistemology) justified adopting the qualitative research method. Also, the study adopted an inductive research approach because it was exploratory, as it intends to develop a conceptual framework to understand the challenges, experiences and coping strategies of elderly refugees in South Africa. In addition, the study adopted a case study as it focused on elderly refugees in South Africa. On methodology choice, the study was multi-method as in-depth interviews and FGD were complemented with secondarily sourced data. Importantly, the study was cross-sectional as data collection was done once.

The study was conducted in three cities (Port Elizabeth, King William’s Town and East London. These cities were carefully selected because they represent preferred destinations for many South African refugees. Hence, these three cities were purposively selected. A qualitative research design was adopted to obtain in-depth knowledge of the coping strategies of elderly refugees in post-apartheid South Africa. The population for this study are the elderly refugees in the selected cities of Eastern Cape Province, South Africa. The study adopted non-probabilistic sampling techniques such as purposive and snowballing to select participants. These two non-probabilistic sampling techniques were adopted given the fact that the population has no sampling frame where the sampling size could be drawn. The study employed a purposive sampling technique to identify 30 elderly refugees and 3 government officials, making it a total of 33 participants. The refugees were from seven countries. The Table 1 below represents the sample distribution and their countries.

Table 1. Distribution of participants.

S/No′	Country	Participants
1	Somalia	22
2	Senegal	1
3	Ethiopia	1
4	DR Congo	2
5	Tanzania	1
6	Malawi	2
7	Cameroon	1
	Total	30

Source: Researcher’s fieldwork.

The imbalance in the distribution of participants was because there is a high population of Somalia refugees in South Africa (Ibrahim, 2016; Whitaker, 2020). In addition, only 10 of the participants are female, while 20 are male. The underrepresentation of female refugees was because it was difficult to get access to them. Data were analysed using content and thematic analysis. Content analysis was used to reduce bulk data into manageable proportion as well as practicable fraction. Therefore, the content analysis gives the researchers to the chance of getting the effectiveness of issues and concepts emanating from the interviewees. For instance, immediately after the interviews from the participants were concluded, the audio interviews were further transformed and put into writing which allows the researchers to identify matters and concepts evolving from the interviews. Thematic analysis on the other hand was used to analyse the chronicles of the participants gotten during interviews. For example, from the transcription, the researchers were able to identify the recurring and dominant themes from interviews with elderly refugees and government officials. It is important to note that the themes were developed in line with the research questions. Braun and Clarke (2006) argued that thematic analysis is germane in qualitative research analysis due to the fact that it helps in providing basic methods for conducting other forms of qualitative analysis. Ethical approval to conduct the study was given by the authority of the University of Fort Hare Ethics Committee (UME011SYUS01).

Challenges of elderly refugees in South Africa: empirical voices

From the interviews and FGDs conducted, the number of times participants uttered a word was noted. Thus, the participants’ dominant words were extracted and used for the analysis. Using thematic analysis, the number of times that the participants utter specific words is presented in Table 2:

Table 2. Number of times participants mentioned specific words relating to the challenges of elderly refugees.

Words	Number of times
Accommodation	18
Food	47
Employment	34
Health	43
Water	17

Source: Researcher’s fieldwork.

Refugees have certain rights based on national laws and international conventions, such as the United Nations Refugee Convention of 1951, the Organisation of African Unity (OAU) Refugee Convention of 1969, and the South African Refugee Act of 1998. These include access to decent accommodation, food, employment, and health, among other amenities. According to a government official interviewed:

The South African government is doing its best to protect the fundamental rights of the refugees. All legal refugees are properly taken care of. They are provided with basic services. In fact, 90 per cent of the refugees and asylum seekers comply with the refugee Acts’ (In-depth interview, 55-year-old, Government Official, 12 February, 2020.)

Another government official stressed that ‘all refugees with valid documents are catered for. Their rights are protected, and their needs are provided based on existing policies, and we only enforce such policies. Only the government can provide such services like housing etc’. (In-depth interview, 53-year-old, Government Official, 25 February 2020). One official added that some refugees have even overstayed their refugee permits. He said, ‘Those refugees who have overstayed may not enjoy basic services in South Africa’ (In-depth interview, 57-year-old, Government Official, 12 February 2020). However, most government officials mentioned that while other basic needs of the refugees were attended to, they were not provided with accommodation. They argued that South Africa only accepted them; it was their responsibility to secure accommodation for themselves, though there were plans for those who could not afford it.

Three (3) out of thirty (30) interviewed refugees said the South African government had plans for those who could not afford rented apartments. However, they opined that there were long and tedious administrative processes. For instance, a 67-year-old participant noted that:

although they once said those who cannot afford to pay their rent should come forward, but that time, I had money to pay for my rent, so I did not apply for it. They won’t just give the money to you; it will go through some processes. So, I don’t want to stress myself going through that process because I have my business’ (In-depth interview, 67-year-old, Male (EL), Somali, 10 June 2019).

On what the South African government should do to address the problems of elderly refugees, a participant suggested that the ‘South African government can help the refugees by establishing Rural Development Project (RDP) by providing them houses and shelter. Refugees should be included in their housing policy. Because they are refugees, they have rights like any other person’ (In-depth interview, 72-year-old, Male, Somalia (EL), 12 June 2019).

However, most refugees lamented that they were denied access to essential social services. They reported challenges in access to free or affordable accommodation. For instance, a refugee complained that he struggled to pay for accommodation. He shared his experience thus:

My experience in South Africa has been bad. Some years back I was working, but currently, I am not working and the owner of the house I am staying in keeps asking for his money. The owner keeps locking the house, and I keep breaking the door because I don’t have somewhere else to sleep and I don’t have money to pay the landlord (In-depth interview, 66-year-old, Female (PE), Somalia, 16 June 2020).

Furthermore, a refugee reported that he ‘found it difficult to pay his house rent … the owner of the house keeps bagging us every single month since the lockdown period’ (In-depth interview, 63-year-old, Male (PE), Somalia, 16 June 2020). Most refugees live with people from their respective countries because there is no special accommodation for the displaced elderly refugees in the country. One refugee stressed that the ‘government does not provide special camps for displaced elderly refugees’ (In-depth interview, 66-year-old, Male (EL), Somalia, 10 June 2019).

On the other hand, a 60-year-old Somalian refugee in King William’s Town said, ‘I have stayed with a refugee from another country before but currently I stayed with refugees from my country … The experience has been good. I live with my people because we share the same culture and some other things’ (In-depth interview, 60-year-old, Male (KWT), Somalia, 30 June 2019). A participant noted that:

‘I stay with people from my country but some from other countries who are also refugees. We have been living peacefully. There is no problem with the people I am staying with. Some of them are from Ethiopia’ (In-depth interview, 63-year-old, Male(KWT), Somalia, 30 June 2020).

Ten (10) out of the thirty (30) refugees interviewed stayed alone in rented apartments. When asked who rented the apartment and about their means of living, some said their family members were sending money to pay house rent, and some were engaging in informal jobs to pay rent. One participant noted that ‘I am staying alone in a rented apartment. I have got wife and kids in South Africa. There are also people from Somalia who live in my area, and we have a very good relationship’ (In-depth interview, 63-year-old, Male (EL), Somalia, 05 April 2019). A 65-year-old participant from DR Congo stated that he was staying with his homeboys (compatriots) because he could not afford the cost of accommodation in South Africa. He noted, ‘Before I started staying with the ‘home boys’, I was doing well, but things have changed. I was sending money home, but now I can’t because the money I make now is too small, can’t be enough. What makes me stay with homeboy is because I don’t have money’ (In-depth interview, 65-year-old, Male (EL), DR Congo, 29 May 2019).

Similarly, a 68-year-old participant from Senegal indicated that he used to stay with refugees from his country. He narrated, ‘Like two to three of us were staying in the same flat. But for now, I only stay with my brother, my wife and my children … Government did not provide any accommodation for us’ (In-depth interview, 68-year-old, Male (EL), Senegal, 10 June 2019). Furthermore, a 68-year-old refugee noted that:

I was staying in Nahoon. I used to stay in a rented apartment with my children and husband. We used to sleep on the floor. I was staying with coloured people of South Africa then. Every night, they drink alcohol and smoke marijuana. I was always scared at that time. We later stayed with the Somali people. Then we rented a room divided into two: Half for me and the other half for my children. (In-depth interview, 68-year-old, Female (EL), Somalia, 17 June 2019.)

When the refugees were asked whether they had access to essential healthcare services, twenty-six (26) out of the thirty (30) interviewed complained that they lacked adequate access to healthcare services. They lamented that health workers discriminated against them. One refugee complained that ‘those health workers are xenophobic … They delayed me for hours when I went for ordinary check-ups. They were playing me around and insulting me in their local language [Xhosa]. I felt so embarrassed’ (In-depth interview, 66-year-old, Somalia, Female (PE), 16 June 2020). When the researcher asked whether they treated her like that because she was a refugee, she said she had every reason to think that they treated her like that because they disliked foreigners, coupled with her being a refugee. Another refugee reiterated that:

I am a hypertension patient. I have been receiving treatment in one government-owned hospital. But suddenly, they stopped treating me, telling me my refugee permit had expired. All my efforts to plead with them to continue the treatment were abortive. I am unsure if I can survive this condition because I don’t have money to pay my health bill. (In-depth interview, 68-year-old, Female (EL), Somalia, 16 June 2020.)

Similar to the above narrative, another female refugee shared her experience thus:

The government of South Africa doesn’t treat us well, specifically when we go to the clinic. The local nurses and doctors discriminate against other refugees and me. They only treat the locals who came for treatment, but foreigners, especially refugees, are not treated well. They take good care of the locals. Proper medication is not always given to refugees. Sometimes, some expectant refugee parents die from negligence and discrimination by the health workers just because they are refugees; it happened to me (In-depth interview, 67-year-old, Female (KWT), Somalia, 30 June 2019.)

However, two (2) out of the thirty (30) refugees interviewed indicated they had access to healthcare services. One refugee expressed that the ‘South African government provides free access to healthcare services for the refugees, especially the aged. My experiences with health workers are good. They attended to me when I had an accident. They took very good care of me without paying a dime’ (In-depth interview, 70-year-old, Somalia, 30 June 2019).

The above results show that there may be plans for addressing the challenges of accommodation for displaced elderly refugees in South Africa. However, many refugees may decide not to access them because of stiff bureaucratic processes such as ‘means test’ and valid refugee papers. Consequently, many of the elderly refugees struggle to get where to sleep. Most reside in rented apartments, while some stay with their relatives or friends. Their situations and conditions worsened during COVID-19 when they found it difficult to pay their house rent due to the lockdown. The government needed to respond to their needs, making most engaged in informal economic activities to pay for accommodation. However, many South Africans are also faced with accommodation challenges. This is why informal settlements exist everywhere in South Africa. Hence, the lack of decent accommodation for the refugees may not be a deliberate policy to deny refugees a good living but more of a consequence of a shortage of resources on the part of the government. Studies (Allaire, 2013; Dako-Gyeke & Adu, 2017; Porter et al., 2008) from Africa agreed with the above finding. For instance, the study of Dako-Gyeke and Adu (2017) revealed that Liberian refugees in Ghana are faced with serious accommodation problem.

Survival mechanisms as ‘solace’

From the interviews and FGDs conducted, the number of times participants uttered a word was noted. Thus, the participants’ dominant words were extracted and used for the analysis. Using thematic analysis, the number of times that the participants utter specific words is presented in Table 3:

Table 3. Number of times participants mentioned specific words relating to the challenges of elderly refugees.

Words	Number of times
Informal economic activities	56
Formal economic activities	21
Survival	73
Cobbling	4
Economic needs	54
Government insensitivity	42
Looting and robbing	39
Family supports	35
Social networks	43
Financial supports	23
Emotional supports	29

Source: Researcher’s fieldwork.

Most refugees in this study expressed that since the government is not doing enough to address their basic economic needs, they engage in informal economic activities to survive. For instance, a 69-year-old refugee mentioned that he quickly started learning trades such as shoe cobbling when he realised the government had ‘no plans’ for them. He said he is currently cobbling to survive because the government is not ready to help (In-depth interview, 69-year-old, Tanzania, 29 May 2019). A 74-year-old displaced elder from Somalia lamented that the South African government is insensitive to the needs of the displaced elderly refugees. Because of this, most of them resorted to informal economic activities to survive (In-depth interview, 74-year-old, Somalia, 12 May 2019). Similarly, a 75-year-old elderly refugee from Tanzania stressed, ‘I have been in South Africa since 2001. I am working under a young man from my country to survive when I couldn’t get any assistance from the government’ (In-depth interview, 69-year-old, Tanzania, 30 May 2019). In his own words, a 66-year-old elderly refugee expressed that:

I am doing a shoe-making business. It is not my business; I am helping my homeboy (compatriot). We work together. I can get some money to take care of myself. Sometimes, I get 60 Rands, but when business is good, I get like 150 rand … I have never benefited anything from the government of SA as a refugee (In-depth interview, 66-year-old, Democratic Republic of Congo, 29 May 2019).

Most of the refugees complained that despite struggling to survive through their engagement in informal economic activities, some members of the host communities are still looting and robbing them of the little income they are getting. A 67-year-old female participant from Ethiopia based in King William’s Town said he left Cape Town because he was repeatedly robbed in his shop. With a trembling voice, she noted that the little money he managed to get was taken away from her by some thugs he believed to be members of the host community (In-depth interview, 67-year-old, Somalia, 30 June 2019).

From the above results, it is clear that most elderly refugee participants are not dependent on the government since they are having difficulties accessing social grants provided by the government. They are engaging in informal economic activities to survive. Some of them depend on their relatives and networks to survive. However, the analysis revealed that most refugees are not enjoying social security programmes from the government because they are illegal refugees or need documents to show that they are legal refugees. A few legal refugees are receiving social grants from the South African government. For instance, a refugee from Somalia stressed that ‘I only received a social grant … That is my only source of Income’ (In-depth interview, 76-year-old, Somalia, 16 June 2020).

While some participants mentioned that they are receiving some support from their family members, others mentioned that they are not receiving any assistance from the government. A 74-year-old refugee stressed during an FGD session that ‘I receive financial support sometimes from my brother in America. He sends money to me whenever things are not going well or for my children’s school. Many of my family members are in America; only my son and I are in South Africa’ (Focus Group Discussion, 74-year-old, Somalia, 16 June 2020). A discussant noted, ‘of course, my family members are always behind me. They care when I have a problem. They help me out with my problems. My family is my backbone, and they give me money when I have problems’ (Focus Group Discussion, 65-year-old, Somalia, 16 June 2020). He added that ‘they always pray for me and give me advice … You don’t share many things about yourself with other people. It will be difficult for other people to understand, unlike your family, who will play for you. But other things, you keep it to yourself’ (Focus Group Discussion, 65-year-old, Somalia, 16 June 2020).

However, a refugee stated that he has no one in his family to support him financially. According to this participant, ‘I receive no support from family my members. I am just pushing life on my own. No support from anywhere … But my homeboy who lives in this city is giving me emotional support’ (In-depth interview, 66-year-old, Tanzania, 29 May 2019). A refugee expressed during an FGD session that:

We don’t receive financial support from any family members … When we don’t have food and my fellow Somalians have food on the table, they call us, and we share. Even if they can’t help us financially, they at least offer us food to eat (Focus Group Discussion, 67-year-old, Somalia, 16 June 2020).

In the same focus group discussion, a 65-year-old refugee explained that he got emotional support from his compatriots. He said, ‘When I have serious problems, I only go to Saddam, a community leader, for consultation. Whenever I go to him, I know my problem will be solved’ (Focus Group Discussion, 65-year-old, Somalia, 16 June 2020).

Similarly, in the same FGD, another refugee noted that he did not receive help from his family members. According to him, ‘for example, in 2016 when I was in Johannesburg, I didn’t have any money. Nobody could help me even though I didn’t have a place to stay. There was no food or anything at that time. I was very broke at that time, and there was nobody to help me. I struggled to survive that time’ (Focus Group Discussion, 76-year-old, Somalia, 16 June 2020). Also, a discussant added his voice: ‘I don’t receive financial support from anybody. My family back home expects me to send some money to them there because we are poor there’ (Focus Group Discussion, 74-year-old, Somalia, 16 June 2020). Seven (7) out of thirty (30) refugees interviewed expressed support from their social networks, such as friends. For instance, a participant said, ‘I get support from refugees of my age so many times. Just like friend support when I need something that I don’t have, I go to them. Like money but not much’ (In-depth interview, 68-year-old, Senegal, 11 June 2019)

From the above narratives, while some refugees are receiving financial and emotional support from their families and social networks, others mentioned that they are catering for themselves. Nonetheless, although most of them noted that they are not getting financial support from their family members, they mentioned that they are getting emotional support. They normally resort to their family members or social networks if they are emotionally tensed. In other words, their family members are likely their safety nets if they are emotionally disturbed. However, few elderly refugee participants noted that they get financial support from the government. The above finding is in line with the study of Rugunanan and Smit (2011) which revealed that refugees in South Africa lack social support, stable source of income and social security,

Discussion of key findings

The analysis also showed that most elderly refugees complained that they do not have access to essential social services such as accommodation, employment, and healthcare. This agrees with Mamela (2014), who opined that elderly refugees in South Africa, especially women, are confronted with accommodation, employment, and access to social services. Similarly, Ferreira (2004), cited in Ferreira and Lindgren (2008, p. 104), argued that the elderly refugees are disrespected, exploited, and abused in South Africa. The author added that ‘they suffer from marginalisation, and they are socially alienated from accessing and utilising social services’ (Ferreira, 2004 cited in Ferreira & Lindgren, 2008, p. 104). Theron (2014) stressed that despite several laws and policies to protect refugees in South Africa, older refugees are still discriminated against, abused, neglected, and exploited.

The result also agrees with the Refugee Model of Integration Theory (Ager & Strang, 2008), which states that refugees are often deprived of social services such as employment, housing, education, healthcare, social bridges, safety and security, language and cultural knowledge, safety and stability rights, and citizenship rights in their host countries and communities. The analysis revealed that while South Africa has sound and favourable legislation and policies for displaced refugees with valid documents, they must be adequately enforced and implemented. Some officials frequently flout legislation and policies in charge of implementing and enforcing them, and sometimes, government officials demand a bribe before implementing the policies (Alfaro-Velcamp et al., 2017). For instance, the country has policies on protection, accommodation provision, and access to basic healthcare. However, the people who implement them are paying lip services (Allaire, 2013; HelpAge International & Samuel Hall, 2016; Macdonald, 2002). However, even the government of South Africa does not have the financial wherewithal to cater to all refugees. This is because 55% of the South African population is poor, hence why economically deprived South Africans maltreat refugees (Ruedin, 2018).

From the above discussion, it could be connoted that some South Africans may not be inherently xenophobic; they might have been attacking displaced older refugees in their communities as an expression of resource scarcity. They might have seen them as threats to the limited resources in their communities. This argument resonates with the stakeholder theory (Freeman, 1994; Freeman & McVea, 2001; Mitroff, 1983). Based on this theory, both members of the host communities and displaced older refugees in their communities have stakes and interests to protect. For instance, members of the host communities need employment opportunities, access to medical services, and other basic services as much as the displaced older refugees (Mitroff, 1983; Freeman, 1994). Serious competition for available basic services between the two groups is likely to arise because the government may need more resources to provide adequate basic services that would serve the interests of both groups (Freeman & McVea, 2001).

Conclusion and recommendations

The study concludes that a few elderly refugees have access to social security. The probable reason why a few of the displaced elderly refugees are enjoying access is that many refugees do not have valid documents. It is reasonable for the government to allow access to social services for only legal refugees. Although South Africa has sound and favourable legislation and policies for displaced refugees with valid documents, they need to be adequately enforced and implemented. This legislation and policies are frequently disregarded by some officials in charge of implementing and enforcing them. Also, while there are local, national, and international NGOs, the refugees’ impacts could be more felt. Although some refugees interviewed in this study noted doing their best, others argued that government officials failed to keep to their promises. Some elderly refugees claimed that they are unaware of the presence of these NGOs and international organisations because their presence is not adequately felt. Based on the results, the following recommendations are suggested:

1. Inadequacy of state resources: The displaced refugees should engage in informal activities because the government may need to provide more. While the frailty of some of them may affect their engagement in informal economic activities, those who are still agile and healthy should be engaged. In addition, they should organise themselves and pool resources together to cater for themselves because the South African government needs more resources to fend for them.

2. International framework on refugee and migration management: There should be an establishment of burden-sharing between the government of the home countries and the host country’s government (South Africa). There should be policies and formal agreements on how to cater for displaced elderly refugees with the governments of their home countries. For instance, the Mozambican government should contribute resources catering to Mozambican displaced elderly refugees in South Africa. Ditto for other countries such as Somalia and the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC).

3. Deconfliction, conflict management, and conflict resolution: South Africa should be a leader in ensuring peace and security in sub-Saharan African countries since the country carries bigger responsibilities of recurrent conflicts in sub-Saharan Africa. Instead of receiving refugees, the country should contribute enormously to conflict resolution and management.

Disclosure statement

No potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).

Additional information

Notes on contributors

Mohammed Sanusi Yusuf

Mohammed Sanusi Yusuf obtained his PhD in Social Science from University of Fort Hare, East London, South Africa. He currently lectures in the Department of Social Work, Faculty of Social Sciences, University of Ilorin, Nigeria. He is also the examination officer of the Department. He is the International Programming Officer of African Refugees and Migrants Aid (ARMA), a Non-Governmental Organization based in Port Elizabeth, South Africa. His area of interest includes medical social work, mental health, and migration studies.

Ikechukwu Umejesi

Ikechukwu Umejesi holds a PhD in environmental sociology with focus on social sustainability in the extractive sector. He is a rated researcher by South Africa’s National Research Foundation (NRF) with over several years of experience in the study of socioecological implications of the extractive sector in different African states. He has led or participated in several studies, such as, oil-related conflict in Nigeria’s Niger Delta region; socioecological implications of the proposed shale gas development and uranium mining in the Karoo, proposed infrastructure development and titanium mining in the Wild Coast region of South Africa; among others. Currently, his main areas of research are system analysis, environmental justice, risk, vulnerability and resilience and extractivism and society, as well as migration studies.

Notes

1 The movement of the Dutch settlers to the interior parts of South Africa.

2 Dutch settler farmers.

3 The paltry allocation later increased to 13 per cent.