Scoping review of empirical studies on human trafficking in Ethiopia

Abstract

In spite of the considerable efforts and initiatives since 2020 (Proclamation 1178/2020 was issued) in addressing the problem, the government of Ethiopia doesn’t fully comply with the minimum standards of Human Trafficking Victims Protection Act’s for the elimination of human trafficking. The main objective of this review was to evaluate empirical studies on human trafficking in Ethiopia and identify gaps for further research. The discussion is based on a desk review of published literatures on Ethiopians trafficked into various Arab countries. Literatures were identified through scoping literature review approach. The desk review result revealed that empirical research on human trafficking in Ethiopia seems still in its early stage despite its indispensable role in combating the problem. Furthermore, the empirical studies reviewed on trafficking in Ethiopia are either focused on women victims or focused on the causes of trafficking giving due importance only for economic factors such as poverty, unemployment and gender inequality. Furthermore, in Ethiopia factors of human trafficking were mostly studied qualitatively. However, the victims of human trafficking are both sexes and migration in the Ethiopia has been fueled by diverse and interwoven political, socio-economic and environmental factors. Accordingly, to better understand causes of human trafficking, the complex ways in which political, economic and socio-cultural factors interact within and across country borders shall be well discussed employing mixed approach and targeting women in relation to men. Moreover, to better understand the extent and magnitude of trafficking from Ethiopia, human trafficking ought to be systematically documented employing Socio-Ecological Model.

Keywords:

• Empirical
• Ethiopia
• human trafficking
• trafficking in persons

REVIEWING EDITOR:

• Heng Choon (Oliver) Chan, Department of Social Policy, Sociology, and Criminology, University of Birmingham, Birmingham, UK

SUBJECTS:

• Population Geography
• Sociology
• Education

Introduction

The term “trafficking” was first used in the mid-twentieth century in phrases such as “white slave traffic” and “the trafficking in women and children” to refer to forcible or fraudulent recruitment of women and children in to prostitution. However, by the late 1990s, it was clear that the definition of human trafficking had to be amended to reflect the broader reality of modern-day slavery. Accordingly, the UN Protocol to Prevent, Suppress and Punish Trafficking in Persons Especially Women and Children in 2000 adopted its own detailed and broad definition of human trafficking. As of Article 3(a) of the trafficking in person protocol, Trafficking in person shall mean “the recruitment, transportation, transfer, harboring or receipt of persons, by means of the threat or use of force or other forms of coercion, of abduction, of fraud, of deception, of the abuse of power or of a position of vulnerability or of the giving or receiving of payments or benefits to achieve the consent of a person having control over another person, for the purpose of exploitation. Exploitation shall include, at a minimum, the exploitation of the prostitution of others or other forms of sexual exploitation, forced labor or services, slavery or practices similar to slavery, servitude or the removal of organs”. This definition is commonly used and embraces three essential parts: recruitment, movement, and exploitation, all of which point to the critical aspects of the trafficking process.

From the ancient African slave trade era to contemporary modern society, human trafficking is an age-old global crime against humanity (Cameron & Newman, 2018). Regardless of its long history, the international community has paid due attention only since the 1990s to collectively stand to control and combat it (Burke, 2018; Shelley, 2010). To support the global fight on human trafficking, international agreements were reached at the UN; the United Nations Global Initiative to Fight Human Trafficking (UN.GIFT) was initiated in March 2007 (Burke, 2018). By 2008, around 118 states ratified the UN Protocol to prevent Suppress and Punish Trafficking in Persons with a commitment to incorporate its provisions into their domestic laws and implement its measures. In addition to this protocol, there are several other international conventions.

Acknowledging human trafficking as a serious worldwide human rights, security, and public health concern, the United Nations under Sustainable Development Goal 16.2.2 recommends international, regional, national, and local level bodies to embrace efforts to create “immediate and effective measures to eradicate forced labor, end modern slavery and human trafficking and secure the prohibition and elimination of the worst forms of child labor” (United Nations, 2021).

Despite the tremendous devoted resources and efforts (Establishment of the United Nations Global Initiative to Fight Human Trafficking (UN.GIFT) and development of national anti-trafficking law enforcement efforts), anecdotal evidence suggests that due to globalization, the use of digital communication technologies, and light criminal penalties for human trafficking in most countries over the past two decades, the problem of human trafficking is significant, increasing, and remains unclear. There are several gaps in the current body of knowledge about human trafficking, including a lack of evaluation research on the efficacy of rescue and restore programs and governmental anti-trafficking policies, as well as a lack of understanding of the characteristics of victims, their life experiences, and their trafficking trajectories (Bryant & Landman, 2020; Elizabeth, 2012; Hughes, 2014;, 2018; Jima, 2020; Shelley, 2010; Zhang, 2022).

Human trafficking is the fastest-growing crime and the third most profitable and low-risk form of transnational crime after the sale of drugs and arms (Wako, 2020). Human trafficking (a modern form of slavery) is an organized crime, and gangs are interconnected throughout the world (Ravlik, 2019). Although gangs have traditionally concentrated on the illegal arms and drug trade, their involvement in people trafficking keeps increasing. Gangs and other organized criminal organizations can always count on human trafficking as a source of income. As for the 2006 United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime (UNODC) report, 127 different nationalities were trafficked to 137 destination countries (UNODC, 2006). A recent International Labor Organization (ILO) report estimated the global annual profit from commercial sexual exploitation to be $27.8 billion based on approximately 1.7 million trafficked people engaged in commercial sexual exploitation (Belser, 2005).

One feature common to all trafficked persons is that, irrespective of the type of work in which they are engaged, they are being severely exploited, enjoy few if any human rights, and, in one way or another, are being severely coerced. Most people have also been deceived by traffickers. The United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime (UNODC), Global Report on Tracking in Persons (2022) detected victims of trafficking by form of exploitation in 2020 (or most recent) to be 0.2, 0.3, 0.7, 0.9, 10.2, 10.3, 38.7, and 38.8 percent for removal of organs, illegal adoption, exploitative begging, forced marriages, forced criminal activity, mixed forms of exploitation, sexual exploitation, and forced labor respectively.

Because of the clandestine nature and the hidden economies in which trafficked victims are forced to work, obtaining data on the exact estimate of the victims of human trafficking is very difficult (Fedina, 2015; Teshome, 2013); nonetheless, estimates of global trafficking victims range from 4 to 27 million (Teshome, 2013). Despite these challenges in measuring, agencies like the International Labour Organization (ILO) estimate that 40.3 million people worldwide are victims of modern slavery in 2016. This number includes 20.9 million forced labor victims and 15.4 million forced marriage victims (Choi et al., 2020). Furthermore, according to the International Labour Organization (ILO), 49.6 million people were victim to modern slavery in 2021 (Busza et al., 2023). On the other hand, evidently it is also estimated that annually throughout the world more than 800,000 people are being trafficked across borders (US Department of State, 2011). In addition to the above stated data, the recent report of UNODC, Global Report on Tracking in Persons (2022) revealed that 44989, 46384, 49692, 46850 and 53800 people were detected as reported victims in 141 countries in the year 2017, 2018, 2019, 2020 and 2020 (or most recent) respectively. The report further exposed that 60% of all victims who have been identified so far in 2020 are female (women and girls).

According to International organization for Migration (IOM) report, vulnerability to human trafficking is exacerbated by various interrelated factors, such as poverty, increasing global economic disparity, political instability, protracted conflict, climate change, unemployment, gender inequality, and lack of access to educational opportunities and resources (IOM, 2015). Traffickers readily target displaced populations since they are frequently in financial distress and are forced to migrate. Climate change is increasing the vulnerability of some people to human trafficking. Disasters caused 23.7 million people to be internally displaced in 2021; many more individuals crossed borders to avoid poverty brought on by climate change (UNODC, 2022).

The UNODC (2022) report also discovered that, in comparison to male victims, female and child victims are more likely to be physically abused during trafficking. Trafficking in people for the purpose of sexual exploitation is also directly linked to the increasing proportion of women among the world’s poor and to women’s disadvantaged social, economic, and legal situations in many countries (Ollus, 2016). Female victims—regardless of age—are three times more likely than male victims to experience severe or physical violence—including sexual violence—during the trafficking process (UNODC, 2022).

Trafficking does not only exist because of an increase in the supply of potential persons to be trafficked, the global demand for cheap and undeclared labor, and the demand for women and children in the globalized sex market together with large numbers of potential immigrants forms a lucrative ground for traffickers to engage in this crime (Ollus, 2016).

Although human trafficking is a social problem worldwide, it is unevenly distributed. The trend is for victims to originate in poorer countries and be trafficked into richer ones. It is particularly significant in Asia, Africa, Latin America, Eastern Europe, and the Soviet Union (Miko, 2006). As to the Global Slavery Index estimations about 9.26 million individuals are victimized by human trafficking in Africa.

The smuggling of migrants and human trafficking to and from Africa and within the continent has witnessed a gradual increase in recent years (Adepoju, 2005). Within and outside Africa, hundreds of thousands of men, women, and children are being trafficked and obliged to labor and sexual exploitation (Padmanabhan & Abebaw, 2014). In 2016, there were over 0.5 million children and three million adults working as forced laborers in Africa (AU, 2019).

Sub-Saharan Africa, the poorest region, is the most vulnerable region, where a substantial number of victims have been recruited for both intra- and intra-continental transactions (Adepoju, 2005; ILO, 2010). Deepening poverty, deteriorating living conditions, persistent unemployment, conflicts, human deprivation, and hopelessness have fostered the environment for human trafficking to flourish in Sub-Saharan Africa (Salah, 2004). The recent UNODC (2022) report also detected the increasingly and substantial number of victims from Sub-Saharan Africa.

Africa’s horn is characterized by a long history of intra- and inter-regional population movements and complex migration dynamics through both regular and irregular channels. Eritrea, Somalia, and Ethiopia are the most affected source countries in the region, followed by Sudan, Uganda, and Kenya in international trafficking and smuggling. Ethiopia is a major source of irregular migration for men, women, and children exposed to exploitative situations or subjected to abuse, abduction, and extortion during their journey or at their final destinations (IOM, 2015; Kebede, 2002; Tefera, 2018; Padmanabhan & Abebaw, 2014; Wako, 2020). It is essential that the current literature be analyzed methodically in order to fully comprehend the scope of human trafficking in Ethiopia and to improve the interventions and services for prevention, service delivery, and policy reform. Accordingly, this review discusses the peer-reviewed empirical studies on human trafficking in Ethiopia. This, in turn, informs the dearth of research in human anti-trafficking field, which seeks to advance UN Sustainable Development Goals 5, 16, and 8 (Specially Target 8.7).

Materials and methods

To answer the explanatory question of the status of empirical Studies on Human Trafficking in Ethiopia, a desk review of published sources on Ethiopians trafficked into different Arab states, including the Gulf States and the Middle East, was conducted. Accordingly, a scoping review was used in existing empirical studies published after 2000 in English language. Scoping reviews may provide an overview of the literature, clarify key concepts, identify key factors related to a concept, point out gaps, and inform future research topics (Arksey & O’Malley, 2005). According to Arksey and O’Malley (2005), a scoping review entails the following steps: (1) formulating research questions; (2) locating pertinent studies; (3) selecting studies; (4) plotting the data; and (5) summarizing and reporting the findings.

Human trafficking in Ethiopia is a relatively new field of study, and not enough quantitative research has been done to support a thorough synthesis or meta-analysis of the literature (Beck et al., 2016). Thus, Scoping review approach is appropriate for this study. Preferred Reporting Items for Systematic Reviews and Meta-Analyses Extension for Scoping Reviews (PRISMAScR) were used (Tricco et al., 2018). In doing so, the author selected and performed full-text screening of a total of 31 (thirty one) records.

Empirical literatures published in English language and had a direct focus on Ethiopia were eligible for inclusion in the review. Different electronic data bases were used as information sources. The search took place using the search terms Empirical, Ethiopia, Human trafficking, Trafficking in persons and slavery. In the process, articles that had nothing to do with human trafficking or Ethiopia were eliminated. The resulting articles were then subjected to a more thorough evaluation.

Result and discussion

Ethiopia is listed as "a source and, to a lesser extent, destination and transit country for men, women, and children subjected to forced labor and sex trafficking" in the US State Department’s (2016) Trafficking in Persons Report. Ethiopia is one of the main countries of origin for irregular migrants heading to the Middle East, southern Africa, North Africa, and, to a lesser extent, Europe (Regional Mixed Migration Secretariat (RMMS), 2017). In Ethiopia, trafficking mostly takes the form of transporting migrants through deception and coercion, making them vulnerable to diverse forms of exploitation (Messay, 2019; Wakgari, 2014). Although not systematically documented, the extent and magnitude of trafficking from Ethiopia has been alarmingly emerging as a national challenge (IOM, 2021; Padmanabhan & Abebaw, 2014; Woldemichael, 2017). As to the US Department of State (2020) report, two thirds of Ethiopia’s transnational migrants came from illegal migration. Furthermore, IOM (2021) estimate, illegal brokers have assisted 60–70% of labor migration.

Since the late 1990s, to escape the thorny and hard knock life annually thousands of Ethiopians becomes victims of human trafficking in the Arabian Gulf nations (US Department of State, 2013). They smuggled and trafficked through three major routes: the Eastern route passing through Djibouti, Somaliland, Punt land, and Yemen to Saudi Arabia, the Gulf States, and Middle East; the Northern Western Route towards Europe transits through Sudan, Egypt, and Libya crossing the Mediterranean Sea; and the southern route transits via Kenya, Tanzania, and other African countries towards South Africa (Davy, 2017; IOM, 2015; RMMS, 2017).

Ethiopia has established itself as a major labor exporter to the Middle East due to the Middle Eastern countries’ close proximity to Ethiopia and their considerable demand for low-skilled labor, such as domestic workers, construction workers, and farm laborers (Admassie, Nuru & Ferede, 2017). Thousands of Ethiopians, including a sizable portion of single people under 30, are forced to transit to Yemen, mainly via Djibouti or Somalia, and then on to Saudi Arabia and Europe due to a lack of economic possibilities, extreme poverty, and familial encouragement (US Department of State, 2020). A study conducted by IOM (2004) further revealed that about 87.1% of Ethiopian migrant workers living in Middle Eastern nations are victims of trafficking, and 81% of all Ethiopian labor migrants in Lebanon, 69% in Yemen, 50% in Egypt, and 34% in Saudi Arabia (IOM, 2004). A study by Gezie et al. (2019) involving 1,342 returnees from Ethiopia concluded that 50.89% of returning migrants were victims of human trafficking.

The Federal Democratic Republic of Ethiopia (FDRE) Ministry of Foreign Affairs (MoFA) roughly estimated that approximately 75,000 to 100,000 Ethiopians migrate annually to Sudan, Libya, and other nearby Arab and European nations, and most of these people cross the border illegally (MoFA, 2010). The Ministry of Labor and Social Affairs (MOLSA) (2012) estimated that about 60–70% of all Ethiopian migrants (between 300,000-350,000) migrating to the Middle East were either trafficked or smuggled with the facilitation of illegal brokers (US Department of State, 2013). Furthermore, according to the Regional Mixed Migration Secretariat (RMMS) (2016) study in Davy (2017), between 2008 and 2016, approximately 365, 000 irregular migrants arrived in Yemen, of which about 80% started their journey from Ethiopia and were subjected to life-threatening harsh circumstances and barbaric conditions such as forced labor, domestic servitude, sex trafficking, and extortion during their journey and upon arrival.

Eighty-ninety percent of Ethiopian labor migrants go to Saudi Arabia, where they remain undocumented. Approximately 400,000–500,000 Ethiopians live there without proper travel documents, making them more susceptible to being used as slave labor or sex trafficking victims by traffickers (US Department of State, 2020). Large numbers of Ethiopians are deported by Saudi officials on a regular basis; several of the deportees disclosed incidents of sexual exploitation. Many Ethiopian women employed as domestic servants in the Middle East face serious mistreatment, such as beatings and sexual assaults, wage denials, sleep deprivation, passport seizure, and detention. Sex trafficking is a risk for Ethiopian women who travel to the Middle East in search of employment or to escape harsh employers (US Department of State, 2017). Consistently the study by Gezie et al. (2019) showed that Ethiopian female irregular migrants were more vulnerable to human trafficking than males.

In spite of the substantial efforts and initiatives (such as ratification of legislative and policy frameworks, more international traffickers were found guilty after investigations by officials. review of labor migration management practices, ban on overseas recruitment due to human rights abuse, signed bilateral memorandum of understandings, and creation of a national anti-trafficking council and taskforce to address trafficking) over the past years in addressing problem, the Government of Ethiopia does not fully comply with the minimum standards of Trafficking Victims Protection Act (TVPA) for the elimination of trafficking; subsequently Ethiopia continued on Tier 2 (US Department of State, 2017; US Department of State, 2020). Consequently, irregular migration remains a major challenge for the country (ILO, 2011; IOM, 2015; Regional Mixed Migration Secretariat (RMMS), 2017; Gezie et al., 2019). The study finding of Gezie et al. (2019) exposed that around half of the returned Ethiopian migrants were victims of human trafficking.

One of the main obstacles to effective anti-trafficking policies is the lack of accurate and reliable statistical data. Regardless of the potential gains from systematic empirical research, research on human trafficking is difficult for many reasons and is still in its early stages (Tyldum & Brunovskis, 2005). In line with this, little research has been conducted on trafficking in Africa (Laczko, 2005). Data on international migration in sub-Saharan Africa are scarce, and information on irregular migration is difficult to find (Adepoju, 2005). As for Lezebet (2016) and Choi et al. (2020) there is also a lack of research in Ethiopia on the challenges that victims of human trafficking face in the trafficking process, on the trajectories of victims, and on the operation and networks of traffickers. Moreover, research in the area of human trafficking makes traffickers the centerpieces and prime subject of the work, thereby marginalizing the victim’s experience. This unbalanced assessment will result in double victimization-first by the trafficker and second by law (Khaled, 2006).

The existing available reviewed empirical studies on trafficking in Ethiopia are either mostly focused on women victims (See Table 1) or restrained on identifying the causes of trafficking giving due importance only for economic factors such as poverty, unemployment and gender inequality (Elias, 2013; Hailemichael, 2014; ILO, 2011; Selamawit, 2013; Wako, 2020; Wegayehu, 2014). Consistent to this review findings, International Organization for Migration (IOM) 2021 also assured the considerable existence of research works on the specific vulnerabilities and trafficking experiences of female migrants compared to male counterparts. However, the victims of human trafficking are both sexes, and migration in the horn of Africa has been fueled by diverse and interwoven political, socioeconomic and environmental factors (IOM, 2015). According to Carling (2002), gender research tends to focus on women, and rarely on the two genders defined in relation to one another.

Table 1. Emperical Studies on women victims.

References	Sample size and targets
(Endeshaw et al. (2010)	67 Women and children
(Fernandez, 2011)	35 Women and 19 professionals
(Mesfin, 2011)	Not indicated
(Meskerem, 2011)	5 returnees
(Minaye, 2012)	8 Women
(Reda, 2012)	5 women
(Gurmu, 2013)	20 Women returnees
(Elias, 2013)	It is based on secondary data sources
(Fernandez, 2013)	75 Women
(G/Hiwot, 2013)	8 women and 4 Professionals
(Selamawit, 2013)	Not indicated
(Woldemichael, 2013)	8 women
(Azage et al., 2014)	417 Women
(Gudetu)	16 Women
(Ketema, 2014)	18 women returnees
(Atnafu & Adamek, 2016)	5 Women
(Demisse)	35 deported women
(Messay, 2018)	12 returnees of which only 1 was male
(Jima, 2020)	436 victims of human trafficking
(Wubshet, 2021)	16 returnees
(Busza et al., 2023)	28

Furthermore, in Ethiopia, the factors of human trafficking have mostly been studied qualitatively (Beck et al., 2016). Consistently the reviewed studies indicated in Table 2 were done qualitatively. However, a qualitatively identified factor without proper ascertainment of trafficking status as trafficked or not could be unreliable (Gezie et al., 2019). Furthermore, a study finding by Gezie Derseh et al. (2021) further indicate the necessity of quantitative research to assess the impact of the identified causes and possible contributors to human trafficking in order to determine the relative importance of each component and to help determine the order of importance for upcoming interventions. Accordingly, to better understand causes of human trafficking, the complex ways in which political, economic and socio-cultural factors interact within and across country borders shall be well discussed employing mixed approach and targeting women in relation to men.

Table 2. Emperical Studies conducted qualitatively.

References	Study type
(Endeshaw et al. (2010)	Qualitative
(Fernandez, 2011)	Qualitative
(Mesfin, 2011)	Qualitative
(Meskerem, 2011)	Qualitative
(Selam, 2011)	Qualitative
(Minaye, 2012)	Qualitative
(Reda, 2012)	Qualitative
(Gurmu, 2013)	Qualitative
(Elias, 2013)	Qualitative
(Fernandez, 2013)	Qualitative
(G/Hiwot, 2013)	Qualitative
(Selamawit, 2013)	Qualitative
(Woldemichael, 2013)	Qualitative
(Azage et al., 2014)	Cross sectional
(Gudetu, 2014)	Qualitative
(Hailemichael, 2014)	Qualitative
(Ketema, 2014)	Qualitative
(Atnafu & Adamek, 2016)	Qualitative
(Demisse)	Qualitative
(Messay, 2018)	Qualitative
(Choi et al., 2020)	Qualitative
(Kiros & Zeru, 2020)	Qualitative
(Wubshet, 2021)	Qualitative
(Busza et al., 2023)	Qualitative

Empirical evidence and theories reveal that there are often other complex “poverty-plus-plus” factors that combine with poverty that make people vulnerable to trafficking expeditions (Tefera, 2018). Thus, in order to better understand the factors that contribute to trafficking, it is important to employ Socio-Ecological Model. Using the framework of the Socio-Ecological Model, the push and pull elements of human trafficking can be investigated.

The Socio-Ecological Model is the theoretical framework adopted by the National Communication Strategy on Trafficking in Person. The framework is a thorough approach that addresses four important categories for Social Behavior Change Communications (SBCC) interventions: According to the Socio-Ecological Model, a variety of factors operating at many levels—primarily individual, interpersonal (relationship), communal, and societal—contribute to human trafficking. In a same vein, it makes sense to speculate that there may be more factors contributing to human trafficking than only a victim’s unique attributes, such as their income level, level of education, violent past, etc. Alternatively, the causes could also come from even higher levels, like interpersonal (relationship) and communal or societal level characteristics that combine intricately to influence people’s decisions to move in a way that puts them at risk of human trafficking (Alpert et al., 2014). The framework enables the consideration of more intricate relationships in place of individualistic explanations for the occurrence of human trafficking. It is also helpful in identifying and classifying intervention strategies according to social ecological levels, since each level can be viewed as a critical point for prevention as well as a level of influence.

Conclusion

Although not systematically documented, the extent and magnitude of trafficking from Ethiopia has been alarmingly emerging as a national challenge. As a result of designing and implementing effective anti-trafficking policies intended to combat the practice of human trafficking, there ought to be accurate and reliable statistical data, as well as systematically conducted empirical research.

A review of the existing empirical research on human trafficking in Ethiopia is still in its early stages despite its indispensable role in combating the problem. Existing empirical studies on trafficking in Ethiopia are found to be either mostly focused on women victims or restrained in identifying the causes of trafficking, giving due emphasis only on economic factors such as poverty, unemployment, and gender inequality. Furthermore, in Ethiopia, the factors of human trafficking have mostly been studied qualitatively. Thus to better understand causes of human trafficking, the complex ways in which political, economic and socio-cultural factors interact within and across country borders shall be well discussed. Cognizant to this fact, further rigorous pragmatic empirical research is needed on the factors that contribute to trafficking, the methods used by traffickers to recruit their victims, the relationship between recruiter and victim, trafficking routes, and methods of manipulation as well as exploitation with the move from “women per se” to “women in relation to men” employing mixed research approach. It is also important to emphasize further investigating what happens after trafficked victims return to their country of origin. Moreover, to better understand the extent and magnitude of human trafficking in Ethiopia, it should be systematically documented employing Socio-Ecological Model.

Disclosure statement

No potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).

Availability of data and materials

The document contains all of the data that supports the study’s conclusions. Additional data supporting the conclusions of this study are available upon request from the corresponding author.

Additional information

Notes on contributors

Goitom Sisay

Goitom Sisay (Ph.D.) is an assistant professor of Geography at Kotebe University of Education. He is currently working as dean, College of Social Sciences Education and Associate editor of Kotebe Journal of education. His research interests are regional and urban planning, food security, small scale irrigation, climate change, social studies education, Geography education.