The role of Tharîqat in strengthening nationalism in Indonesia

Abstract

Tharîqat in Indonesia is experiencing rapid and massive development as an organization oriented towards the establishment of intensive relations between servants and God. Many consider the life orientation and behavior of Sufis who practice the order to be indifferent to worldly life. Nevertheless, the Tharîqat underwent an evolution from what originally functioned exclusively to being inclusive in the realm of life. This research proves that there is strong evidence of the involvement of the Tharîqat in various domains of state life in Indonesia. Tharîqat’s function in strengthening nationalism is also implemented through religious moderation to counteract radicalism in Indonesia. Tharîqat can also be an instrument of peacebuilding and faith-based nationalism in Indonesia. This study recommends further study of Tharîqat’s role in strengthening nationalism with a contextual approach as an initial mapping of Tharîqat’s contribution to addressing social change and the development of ongoing radicalism.

IMPACT STATEMENT

Since the Dutch colonial period until the establishment of the Indonesian state, Tharîqat contributed to the formation of the Indonesian state because the Tharîqat played a role in resisting colonialism. In the contemporary era, the role of Tharîqat is needed to strengthen nationalism through Pancasila in Muslim communities in Indonesia amid the currents of globalization and modernity. Tharîqat, which is a Sufism organization, plays a social capital role in building peace through Sufism values in Muslim communities in Indonesia.

Keywords:

• Tharîqat
• nationalism
• religious moderation
• Indonesia

REVIEWING EDITOR:

• Robert Read, Economics, University of Lancaster, Lancaster, UK

SUBJECTS:

• Religion & Politics
• Religion and Philosophy
• Religion and Spirituality

1. Background

There are two general definitions of Tharîqat. First, the way of moral and mental education for those who lead a Sufi life (view in the 9th and 10th centuries AD (around the 1st and 2nd centuries of Hijri). Second, after the 11th century AD (3rd century of Hijri), the Tharîqat had the meaning of a movement that provided spiritual physical training to a group of Muslims according to certain teachings and beliefs (Sahin & Asroor, 2021; Sayyid ‘Ali, 2000). Trimingham (1998) refers to the Tharîqat as a “Sufi order” based on extraordinary obedience. This tradition of obedience in the Tharîqat has great intensity and emphasis, to the point that it is institutionalized in the souls of the disciples of the taqlid disposition towards the murshid (teacher) of the Tharîqat. However, the institution of obedience is ultimately intended to direct spirituality to the disciples of the Tharîqat at the command of God. Thus, managerially, it is certain that the Tharîqat is an organization with a top-down pattern of dynamics and authority; that is, the dynamics of the Tharîqat are very dependent on the leadership of a teacher.

Tharîqat cannot be separated from Sufism because Tharîqat is a stream of Sufism. Sufism developed and became an institution in the form of Tharîqat, a special method used by Salik (Sufis) to lead people to feel close to God through stages (maqamat). Therefore, Tharîqat is synonymous with Sufism, which has developed with certain variations according to the specifications given by the murshid (teacher) to his students because the main teachings of Tharîqah are the same as those of Sufism.

In Islamic history, there has often been a fairly sharp criticism of Sufism, especially the Tharîqat. Many Islamic thinkers who tend to be literalist and legalists oppose the practices of the Sufi because they are considered to provide a means for non-Islamic beliefs. In the eighteenth century, the strongest opposition to Tharîqat came from the burgeoning Wahabiyah movement. In the modern era, reformers strongly criticized the Tharîqat because it was considered to strengthen superstitious beliefs in ordinary society (Kurniawan et al., 2022; Masud et al., 2009; Woodward et al., 2013).

The existence of Tharîqat in the contemporary era can be used as a way for individuals and groups to strengthen nationalism. Moreover, the Tharîqat is inseparable from the social, cultural, and political roles that come into contact with the social life of the community (Rubin, 2013). Tharîqat has always been understood simply as a spiritual institution that ushers in individual piety before God (Papas, 2020). However, Tharîqat in Indonesia, Sudan, North Africa, Libya, and others became movements as a unifying tool to expel colonialists and dominate Western culture. Even Tharîqat have been able to become a military movement for rebellion or warfare (Ni’am, 2016).

The life orientation and life behavior of the Sufi practitioners of Tharîqat are directed only towards attaining the happiness of the afterlife (Ukhrawi), which is believed to be an intrinsic reality, indifferent to the life of the world, and ascetic behavior that is more concerned with the afterlife. In the broader context, the Tharîqat are also still considered to have played a less active role in solving the problems of nationality, which have recently become increasingly problematic. Tharîqat is seen as the cause of the decline of Muslim civilization because the teachings of the Tharîqat are regarded as fatalism, escapism, and irrationality (Jannah, 2017). The Tharîqat is considered not to play a role in the condition of the state both socially, politically, economically, and educationally amid the currents of globalization and modernity.

Based on research conducted by the author, there is strong evidence of the involvement of the Tharîqat people in various domains of national and state life in Indonesia. Many Tharîqat leaders have succeeded in building a sense of national patriotism among their followers to jointly resist all forms of colonization in the archipelago. Many Tharîqat leaders are recorded as freedom fighters, such as Sultan Hasanudin (1667–1669) and Sheikh Yusuf al-Makasari (1670–1683), who led the Dutch rebellion in the central part of the archipelago. In addition, Sultan Agung Mataram (1628–1629), Sultan Ageng Tirtayasa Banten (1680), Trunojoyo Madura (1670s), Imam Bonjol (1803–1838), and Prince Diponegoro (1821–1825), managed to conquer the hegemony of Dutch colonial power. This included the social protest movement in Pekalongan (1850), led by KH Ahmad Rifai Kalisalak, and also the peasant uprising in Cilegon Banten (1888), which was driven by Tharîqat figures Kyai Abdul Karim and Kyai Warsyid. Likewise, KH Hasyim Asy’ari, with his jihadi fatwa, had built a spirit against colonialism by November 20, 1945 (Arief et al., 2021; Carey, 1997; Fadhilah & Muhlisah, 2022; Graves, 2009; Husain et al., 2020; Sudardi & Istadiyantha, 2019).

So far, the study of Tharîqat deals with three things: First, the teachings of Tharîqat in educational institutions (Chanifah et al., 2021; Ikbal et al., 2023; Muhammad et al., 2024; Sahri & Hali, 2023; Supriatna et al., 2022). Second, the practice of socio-Sufism among Tharîqat adherents (Azis et al., 2024). Third, Tharîqat as an ideology of peace (Ahmad et al., 2021; Dodi & Abitolkha, 2022). This study aims to explain that in the history of the development of Tharîqat in Indonesia, it was not only involved in afterlife affairs but also contributed to the strengthening of nationalism in Indonesia. In the contemporary era, the Order must be a movement that instills Sufi values such as building peace, promoting tolerance, and preventing conflicts of all kinds, both religious and ethnic. The challenge of the Tharîqat is no longer from outside but from Muslim societies such as the emergence of terrorism, radicalism, and violence, which are the main causes of the crisis of nationalism in Indonesia today.

The transnational Islamic movement is one of the main causes of the crisis of nationalism. According to the social history behind it in its founding countries, the movement has a variety of goals and lines of struggle. The Pan-Islamism and Muslim Brotherhood movements in Egypt, Hizbut Tahrir in Lebanon, Jama’ah Tabligh in India, and other Islamic movements were inspired by the resistance of the weak and colonialism (Hashmi, 2009; Jha, 2022) The struggle of transnational Islamic movements is often accompanied by a process of criticizing, blaming different circles in religious practice, and even opposing state ideology. Cultures that are considered to be outside of Islam must be shunned and resisted. This movement occurred in the Salafi understanding in Indonesia, which considers the practice of worship by Muslim communities in Indonesia that mix Islamic teachings with culture to be heresy and shirk (Suharto, 2018). In addition, the Hizbut-Tahrir Indonesia (HTI) movement wants to establish a caliphate state in Indonesia (Mohamed Osman, 2010).

The government has actually built cooperative relations with scholars through various approaches to eliminate radical ideologies imported from outside Indonesia. The approach involving the role of scholars to campaign for nationalism through the revitalization of Tharîqat values is considered effective to identify the potential for growing radicalism and foster a spirit of nationalism in society at large. The step of increasing awareness of nationalism can build nationalism in society against understandings and movements that seek to attack national sovereignty. Therefore, this paper is directed to discuss the teachings and values of Tharîqat in Indonesia by tracing the aspects that are the strength and endurance of Tharîqat. In addition, the author also elaborates on the current problems of nationalism and the role of Tharîqat in strengthening nationalism. Although the general impression is that Tharîqat seems stagnant, in practice, the Tharîqat movement also responds to the dynamics of national issues by addressing issues and trends that occur.

1.2. Tharîqat teachings in the archipelago

Tharîqat is a transliteration of the Arabic word tariiqah (plural turuuq), which means “road”, “passage”, or “method”. The term tariiqah has become a technical term for esotericism or the inner aspect of Islam. Tariiqah originally meant the path taken by a Sufi in drawing closer to God by performing worship, dhikr, and prayer. Turuuq is a group formed around a Sufi who holds meetings to receive spiritual lessons in a location known as ribat and zawiyyah in some languages. In Java, the Sufi training ground is known as persulukan, and it is a place where Tharîqat believers can spend time worshiping, thinking, and praying to cleanse their soul of various spiritual ailments until they reach ma’rifat (Ali, 1987).

In the 3rd and 4th centuries Hijri (around the 11th and 12th centuries AD), the early Sufi period, Sufism was still an individual phenomenon emphasizing asceticism to fully imitate the spiritual life of the Prophet Muhammad. During the 5th and 6th centuries Hijri (around the 13th and 14th centuries AD), the Sufis focused on instituting their spiritual teachings in a practical mystical system so that they could be easily learned and practiced by their followers. In that century, Sufism, as a group of remembrance, was structured and had teachings in the form of Tharîqat (Sahin & Asroor, 2021). The presence of Tharîqat in the archipelago coincided with the entry of Islam, brought by the Sufis. Based on old manuscripts written in Arabic and Malay, it shows that Sufism dominates in the archipelago (Van Bruinessen, 1998). The role of ulama in the power structure of the archipelago’s Islamic kingdoms has always been supported by charismatic Sufism scholars (Pribadi, 2013).

Along with the development of Islam in Indonesia, various Tharîqat organizations also developed. According to Bruinessen (1994), by the 18th century, various large “international” Tharîqat had spread across the archipelago. People who had just returned from Mecca and Medina spread the great Tharîqat in Indonesia. Some of the major Tharîqats that developed in Indonesia until the 19th century include Satariyyah, Qadiriyah, Syamaniyah, Rifa’iyah, Khalidiyah, Qadiriyah, Naqsabandiyah, Qadiriyah Wa Naqsabandiyah, and Naqsabandiyah Khalidiyah. The last two Tharîqats experienced very rapid development in the country. Qadiriyah Wa Naqsabandiyah had major supporters in Madura and West Java, while Naqsabandiyah Khalidiyah spread evenly throughout the archipelago but was very prominent among the Minangkabau people of West Sumatra.

In each Tharîqat in Indonesia, there are at least five essential elements on which the Tharîqat is formed, as follows (Table 1):

Table 1. Elements of Tharîqat.

Elements	Teaching	Information
Teacher, sheikh, or mursyid	Genealogy	The link that connected the mursyids with the earlier mursyids, thus reaching the founder of Tharîqat and the Prophet Muhammad
	Caliphate	The person appointed by the sheikh to be his deputy and given the right to perform bai’at
Disciple	Bai’at	An initiation ceremony that symbolizes the teacher-disciple relationship with an oath and a promise to follow the rules of the members
	Maqamat and Ahwal	Student achievement levels
	Ijazah	A disciple who is deemed to have passed the exercises given by the sheikh will be given by his teacher a kind of certificate, along with his genealogy, khirqah, and aurad
	Khirqah	In the form of a piece of cloth
	Talqin	In a farewell memorial, the teacher gives a will and advice that become a handle for the disciple forever. A will is usually written that is always binding between the teacher and the disciple, and each teacher’s charity is always used as a wasilah or rabitah
Dhikr	Oral dhikr	usually pronounced “dhikr nafi isbaat” “laa ilaaha illa Allaah”
	Dhikr qalb	Usually what is said silently is the dhikr, Ismu Zat, Allah.
	Dhikr sir	Remembered is Ismu Ga’ib
	Dhikr sama’	Dhikr is spoken with ratib and accompanied by tambourine, music, movements, and dance
Auraad	Prayer, shalawat, hizib	a sheikh-required utterance that the disciple must repeat indefinitely
Ribat, zawiyyah, zibash, pesulukan		A place that Sufis use to carry out the teachings of the sheikh
Treatise	Fiqh, Sufism, ways of dressing, rituals, worship, and others	The material taught to the disciples served as a framework for the application of Tharîqat teachings
Identity		Ideological, physical, and non-physical features that indicate the peculiarities of a Tharîqat

According to Trimingham (1998) Tharîqat is an Islamic practical discipline that teaches practical ways to achieve clarity of the soul and closeness to God. The Tharîqat is generally conceptualized as a form of embodiment of Shari’a teachings aimed at achieving essence and ma’rifat. Therefore, on a practical level, Tharîqat has a variety of conceptual approaches such as ittihad, hulul, wahdat al wujud, and others that are philosophical-contemplative.¹ There are also practical ones, such as the dhikr nafy-itsbat method, dzikr ismudzdzat, and others. Thus, Tharîqat became a practical method of drawing closer to God.

For Tharîqat scholars, the teachings on morals and practice are a path to God consisting of several levels, or in Sufi terms, maqam and ahwal (Ruslan et al., 2022; Sahri, 2021). Maqam is a designation of the level of a salik towards the achievement of the last goal. Meanwhile, ahwal is an abstract spiritual experience (bathiniyah) that he feels throughout the spiritual journey (Ni’am, 2020). According to Imam al-Hujwiri, a maqam (station) is one’s constancy on the spiritual path. He showed resilience in fulfilling what had been believed to be life’s obligations toward him. One cannot pass through a particular maqam except by perfecting all the obligations that must be performed on the maqam. For example, maqam comes first, then patient, then taubat, then zuhud, then tawakal, and so on. One will not reach the station or stage of taubat without the perfection of patience, nor will one reach the stage or station of without zuhud (Kabbani, 2004). In the book of Manazil Al-Sairin, there are at least a hundred stations that we have to pass. This became the path of travel for every salik on his way to God. When one explains the maqam (station), he actually explains the map of the journey to be taken and what to do at each of those stations. Some only refer to three stations: Takhalli, Tahalli, and Tajalli (Maslahah, 2020; Nasr & Leaman, 2020).

From this article, it appears that Tharîqat can be called a Sufistic sect that reflects a product of technical mystical thought and doctrine to provide a certain spiritual method for those who desire a mystical path to ma’rifat bi Allah. Tharîqat is a dual phenomenon, in which, on the one hand, it becomes a mystical discipline that normatively and doctrinally encompasses, dhikr prayer, tawassul ethics,² pilgrimage, and a Sufi spiritual path. In principle, Tharîqat is part of Sufism because Tharîqat is a form of worship practice taught by murshid (teachers) to disciples.

2. Nationalism vis a vis religion

The Indonesian nation has vast geographical boundaries, thousands of islands, and a population that is diverse in race, ethnicity, and religion. The unity exists in one Pancasila bond as emotional unity, a shared vision, a shared mission, and a shared set of national ideals. The acceptance of Pancasila as the basis of the Indonesian state is part of a sense of nationalism and is a moderate stance taken to maintain Indonesian unity while maintaining religious sustainability. The battle of ideas between nationalism and religion has always led to two main problems, namely the relationship between Muslims and non-Muslims and the law of God versus the law of man. The foundation that must be built is the awareness that Islam is a religion of humanity. The theological basis for changing the understanding of Muslim society consists of the relationship of Islam with non-Islam, the law of God in religions, Islam as rahmatan lilalamin, and the paradigm of jihad and war. The Muslim community in Indonesia must be able to accept Pancasila as a source of law in Indonesia because the concept of Pancasila is actually taken from Islamic religious texts by its drafters, as quoted by Douglas E. Ramage (1994, 2002), namely (Table 2):

Table 2. The relationship between Islamic Postulates and Pancasila Precepts.

No	Precepts of Pancasila	Islamic Postulates
1	Belief in the one and only God	And your God is the One True God (Q.S. al-Baqarah [2]: 163)
2	A Just and Civilized humanity	O people of faith let you be the ones who always establish (the truth) because of God, to be just witnesses. And never let your hatred of any kindred, prompt you to do unjustly. Be fair, because fair is closer to takwa. (Q.S. al-Ma’idah [5]: 8)
3	Unity of Indonesia	The believers are indeed brothers. Therefore make peace (repair the relationship) between your two brothers (Q.S. al-Hujurat [49]: 10)
4	Democracy, led by the wisdom of the representatives of the people	Consult with them on the matter. Then, when you have made up your mind, turn to God (Q.S. Ali Imran [3]: 159)
5	Social justice for all Indonesian people	Indeed, God commands us to do justice and virtue, to give to our relatives. (Q.S. an-Nahl [16]: 90)

The strategy of raising awareness based on regional similarities makes some Muslims feel that nationalism is the cause of the division of the Islamic world. For Islamist groups such as Hizbut Tahrir, nationalism is regarded as primordialism and national fanaticism (ashabiyah), and nationalism is considered contrary to Islamic laws (Khamdan, 2016). This opinion is the political view of the majority of radicalist Islamist groups in Indonesia. This group adheres to the principle of unity of the people which is based on the ties of aqidah or Islamic ideology, not the bonds of nationality. This refers to Q.S. al-Hujurat [49]: verse 10, “verily the believers are brothers”. The Prophet Muhammad actually carried out the development of national ideology while constructing a new society in the city of Yatsrib. Modern nationalism was marked by the drafting of the constitution of the Charter of Medina (Misaq al-Madinah) to bind the entire Medina society without distinction of religion, ethnicity, or social class. The composition of Medina society at the time consisted of the Auz, Khazraj, Quraizhah, Nadhir, and Qaynuqa tribes (Mun’im A, 2003). The Medina Charter was enacted for all tribes to defend the sovereignty of the city of Yatsrib, which later changed to the City of Medina.

The strategy carried out by the Prophet Muhammad in Medina has similarities with the life of the Indonesian nationality, which does not apply a constitution based on certain religious laws to all tribes but applies the constitution on the basis of mutual agreement that capitalizes on the spirit of the principles of equality. The togetherness in defending the community based on regional aspects shows the existence of a state defense built by the people of Medina.

Nationalism is a display of concepts built by the Prophet Muhammad to pay attention to the interests of community unity (al-ummah al-wahidah). On the basis of agreements and social contracts, the city-state of Medina was built by the first generation of Muslims with respect for diversity toward the same goal, namely justice and welfare. This can be seen from the Medina Charter, which consists of 47 articles, of which at least 23 discuss relations between Muslims, namely the Ansar and the Muhajireen. While the other 24 articles discuss the relationship of Muslims with other religions, including Judaism. Therefore, the Medina Charter was the first “political document” to address human rights and religious tolerance (Nurhadi, 2019).

The openness of each member of society and the willingness of leaders to accept proposals are models of modern national society. In Indonesia, Muslim has understood the meaning of brotherhood, not only among religious brothers (ukhuwah Islamiyah), but also among countrymen (ukhuwah wathaniyah) and among fellow human beings (ukhuwah basyariyah). In the Indonesian perspective, brotherhood was formulated by the nation’s founders through the Pancasila ties. Moreover, brotherhood is a teaching in religion and is contained in Indonesian cultural values based on religion in accordance with the precepts to the 1 The One Godhead Pancasila (Muyasaroh et al., 2020).

The acts of violence in the name of religion that are still rife in Indonesia indicate that the attitudes and behaviors of some Indonesians are no longer in accordance with the principles of Pancasila. People tend to choose acts of violence or strong fighting in the face of differences. Such actions nourish religious intolerance, the burning of houses of worship, and religious frustration with the ideological transformation of Islam into terrorist networks. Several cases of violence in the name of religion in Indonesia include the destruction of Ahmadiyah houses of worship in Sintang, West Kalimantan (2021); the occurrence of identity politics in the Jakarta gubernatorial elections (2017) and West Kalimantan (2018); terrorist attacks carried out by women (lone wolf) at the Indonesian National Police Headquarters (2021); suicide bombings in Surabaya (2018); the idea of a caliphate state; and jihad that has indoctrinated youth in Indonesia (Anwar, 2021; Hanafi et al., 2022; Ida et al., 2023; Mujani, 2020; Rahmawati et al., 2018; Syahrin et al., 2019). Many Indonesian Muslims do not consider Pancasila a Muslim principle. In the epistemology of Islamic law (ushul fiqih), Pancasila is the same as al-kulliyat al-khams, which is the basic principle of the purpose of enforcing Islamic law. The five principles of Islamic law are the protection of religion (hifzh din), the protection of the soul (hifzh al-nafs), the protection of offspring (hifzh al-nasl), the protection of reason (hifzh al-’aql), and the protection of property (hifzh al-mal) (Gojali, 2022).

2.1. Tharîqat revival in strengthening nationalism

Sufism is the result of a very old Islamic civilization, but it has undergone revitalization in this modern era. His presence is all the more meaningful when he is able to become an “oasis in the desert” for a modern society experiencing a spiritual crisis and a crisis of nationalism. Whether in the form of Tharîqat or in a modified form, Sufism becomes the solution to modernization, with all its negative impacts. Functionally, in addition to being able to develop varied strategic functions, such as educational institutions, Islamic proselytizing institutions, economic institutions, and social institutions, Tharîqat can also be a means of cementing a sense of nationalism.

From various studies on Tharîqat, it is revealed that Tharîqat has the character of political resistance to government power. Martin Van Bruinessen (1998) who revealed the Palembang people’s resistance to sheikh Abdusamad at the end of the 18th century in archipelago, also revealed Tharîqat’s role in resisting the invaders. In addition, there was still a lot of anti-Dutch resistance from the Tharîqat people in the archipelago, including in Banjarmasin around the 1860s, where there was a Tharîqat teacher teaching a practice called “beratip be’amal”, a variant of the Samaniyah Tharîqat practice. Tharîqat Qodiriyah wa Naqsabandiyah is also said to have played an important role in the uprising in Banten in 1888. The Banten peasant uprising of 1888 was motivated by the peasants’ dissatisfaction with the Dutch Colonial government’s policies that oppressed the peasants.

Through the Tharîqat-sufi organization (Qadiriyah wa Naqshabandiyah), under the guidance of the Tharîqat leader, the peasants formed a force to oppose the Dutch East Indies government (Kartodirdjo, 1984). Another Tharîqat movement also took place in Blitar; Bogor; Garut; Cianjur; Cirebon; Sidoarjo; and in other areas of Java that opposed Dutch East Indies rule (Sumarno et al., 2018). One of the practical political resistance movements carried out under the Tharîqat method was the Menteng movement in Palembang. Although not formally under any particular Tharîqat institution, it can be seen from the data found that the fighters of the Defenders of the Fatherland movement followed the Tharîqat Sammaniyah tradition. The resistance against the Dutch who tried to conquer Menteng was carried out by the Tharîqat method, which began with practicing dhikr, hizib, and prayer until they reached mortal (religious ecstasy). In these mortal (religious ecstasy) conditions, great zeal and courage were gained, so that they were able to expel the Dutch in the early stages (Prayogi et al., 2022).

All of the above Tharîqat resistance movements clearly demonstrate the intense role of Tharîqat in realizing the ideal life they desire. Thus, it can be known that the Tharîqat, which was originally a spiritual association, can evolve organically, both structurally and functionally, into a dynamic and flexible organization in the life of praxis with its varied roles. In the case of Tharîqat’s movement, whether religious (Islamic proselytizing), social, or political, if it becomes data that can show that Tharîqat is able to appear as an effective social movement, despite the fact that in terms of Islamic intellectual dynamics, various parties accuse it of being an intellectual jumud (static) phenomenon. Thus, the Tharîqat, which was originally an exclusive individual institution of piety, could develop structurally and functionally into a complex religious institution from which new sub-substructures could emerge according to the needs of its actualization and functionalization, such as a movement that could foster the spirit of nationalism.

More broadly, the revitalization of Sufism according to Nur Syam (2018) can drive world peace through such means as: (1) developing peaceful Islamic principles; (2) recognizing that Sufism has ethical value in the life of the world as a process of tazkiyatun nafs that directs its adherents to Sidqul Qalbi (honest in motive), Sidqul Qaul (honest in speech), and Sidqul Amal (honest in deed). In the teachings of Tharîqat, there is a mechanical system in human life that will be able to become a pattern for behavior in his life. (3) Tharîqat can be a social movement. As previously stated, the spirit of independence imbued with the teachings of Tharîqat has been proven in resisting the invaders and should be read as an important part of the Tharîqat movement, in which there is a spirit of resistance imbued with religious fervor. It gives an idea of how Tharîqat has entered people’s lives.

2.2. Religious moderation in Tharîqat: implementation of nationalism

The spread of Islam in the archipelago (Indonesia) was carried out in a peaceful way by various Islamic groups, one of which was Sufism (Aljunied, 2019). Islamization in the archipelago began when Sufism became the dominant stream in the Islamic world, as evidenced by the strong influence of prominent Sufi thinkers such as Ibn Arabi, Al-Ghazali, and other Muslim thinkers (Anshori et al., 2021; Mahfud et al., 2021). In spreading Islam, Indonesian Muslim scholars who are influenced by mystical currents and moderate Islamic da’wa can be accepted by the majority of Indonesian Muslims. Muslim scholars succeeded in carrying out social transformation without causing negative impacts (Purwanto et al., 2023).

The peaceful spread of Islam certainly has an impact on the way of life, attitude, and religious behavior practiced by Muslims in Indonesia. In general, the majority of Indonesian Muslims are moderate in religion. In Arabic, moderation is defined by the terms wasaṭ or wasaṭṭiyah, which mean the same as tawassuṭ (middle), I’tidāl (fair), and tawāzun (balanced) (Khotimah & Sukron, 2023). The characteristics of religious moderation in Indonesia are having an attitude of religious tolerance, national commitment, and accommodating local culture. The concept of religious moderation is socialized by the Ministry of Religious Affairs of the Republic of Indonesia to all people in Indonesia (Subchi et al., 2022). The values of religious moderation are inseparable from the teachings of Tharîqat in Indonesia, as in the teachings of Tharîqat Al-Yusriyyah As-Siddiqiyyah Ash-Shadhiliyyah, which have the concept of Mahabbah and also the doctrine of respecting fellow humans, such as husnuzon (good-natured) towards all Muslims and su’ūdhon (suspicious of lust and self), which is a form of giving a sense of security to anyone in this world (Khotimah & Sukron, 2023).

The doctrine of Tharîqat, such as Qadiriyah Wa Naqsabandiyah in Indonesia, offers the importance of an attitude of inclusion, tolerance, and friendship on the basis of humanity. This attitude became the strength of the Sufis, who always spread peace while warding off all forms of radicalism. Friendship is a principle in Sufi doctrine and practice. They consider everyone, both Muslim and non-Muslim, to be friends (Ahmad et al., 2021). Tharîqat adherents are traditional Muslims who carry on local traditions, but their contribution to nationalism is able to ward off radicalism. Islamic movements that seek to change the existing social order in Indonesia (Syarif et al., 2023).

The accommodating, persuasive, and peaceful teachings of Tharîqat make Muslims in Indonesia have a nationalist attitude based on the principle of hubb al-watan min al-iman (that to love one’s country is a part of belief) (Azra, 2020). Therefore, the function of Tharîqat in religious moderation is not only to build an attitude of tolerance, inclusiveness, and mutual respect for differences and diversity, both ethnic and religious. But it also counteracts radicalism and extremism in religion through the teachings of Tharîqat in various socio-cultural activities of the community that are integrated with Islamic teachings and Tharîqat traditions. This has resulted in Muslim-majority countries seeking to promote moderate and peaceful Tharîqat teachings post-9/11 (Hermansen, 2023). The potential of Tharîqat teachings is not only used as a religious ritual practice related to God alone but also provides solutions to social moral crises through the practice of remembrance in shaping personality (Azis et al., 2024). In this case, the teachings of Tharîqat in religious moderation lie in the esoteric aspects of Sufism through the process of tazkiyah an-nufūs, so that someone who practices Sufism avoids radicalism in religion (Ahmad et al., 2021; Hill, 2021; Lutfauziah et al., 2022).

2.3. Future research and limitation

This article discusses the involvement of the Tharîqat in various domains of national and state life. To support this explanation, the history of Tharîqat in the Islamic world, especially in Indonesia, was presented. However, the limitation of this study is that the discussion of Tharîqat is not historically explained in depth. The study’s limitation is that it only explains how Tharîqat plays a role in Indonesian statehood and does not discuss Sufi spirituality to God. This paper discusses the teachings and values of Tharîqat in Indonesia by tracing the aspects that become the strength and endurance of Tharîqat in building nationalism. Further research could further discuss how Tharîqat played a role in building nationalism in the contemporary era.

3. Conclusion

The study looks back at Tharîqat’s role in strengthening nationalism in Indonesia. As a social entity, the Tharîqat cannot avoid socio-political issues. This is because the institutional strengthening of Tharîqat has the potential to become a forum for the aspirations of the Muslim community in politics. Meanwhile, Tharîqat himself also preached harmony, well-being, and inner happiness. Tharîqat must participate in the realm of statehood because Tharîqat followers have social capital through a sense of nationalism, togetherness, and adherence to spiritual leadership. Tharîqat can be a religious movement that strengthens nationalism for Indonesian people in the contemporary era. Through the theoretical and empirical realities outlined above, it turns out that Tharîqat can be an instrument of peace-building and faith-based nationalism in the state.

Acknowledgements

We would like to thank the editor and anonymous reviewers for their supportive comments and suggestions.

Disclosure statement

No potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).

Additional information

Notes on contributors

Sahri

Sahri is an associate Professor of the study program of Ilmu Al-Qur’an and Tafsir, Faculty of Ushuluddin Adab and Da’wah at the Institut Agama Islam Negeri Pontianak, Indonesia. His concern as editor and reviewer are in the scope of Islamic Thought, Sufism Philosophy, and The Philosophy of Kalam.

Notes

1 The concept of ittihad arises as a further consequence of the Sufi opinion that the human soul is the radiance of the divine light, or, in other words, the human “I” is the emanation of the One Supreme Being (Tahir, 2022). Meanwhile, the concept of hulul in Sufism is that God chooses a certain human body to settle in it after its human qualities are eliminated. The concept of hulul was first developed by Husain ibn Mansur Al-Hallaj (858–922), who famously said, “Ana al-Haqq” (I am the absolute truth), often translated as “I am God” (Umar, 2022). In addition, in Sufism there is the concept of Wahdatul-Wujud, which is a concept that teaches about the unity of God and human beings (unity of existence) (Azra, 2013).

2 Tawassul is the use of a wasilah to arrive at or obtain favor with God (wasilah is a means by which a person, goal or objective is approached, attained or achieved) (Millie, 2008).