Islamic proselytizing in digital religion in Indonesia: the challenges of broadcasting regulation

Abstract

This article aims to understand the challenges of broadcasting regulation in Indonesia, particularly in the context of Islamic proselytizing in the digital era. Drawing on 13 in-depth interviews involving observation and documentation with presented four stakeholders such as the government, the independent institutions, online media businesses, and audiences, in Yogyakarta, Indonesia used a case study approach to gain an understanding of this phenomenon. The researchers discovered two different findings. The first is the transformation of audience behaviours in digital religion, which is reflected into three aspects: interactivities, hypermedia or hypertext, and virtual communities. This finding concerns the changing nature of religious ceremonies from traditional to mediatisation, as many content creators or preachers are adapting religious rituals to cater to new digital communities. The second result is that the government has faced challenges in controlling Islamic content, which has led to an increase in Islamic revivalist groups, many of these groups lack the competence to be preachers with proficiency in Islamic knowledge. In addition to this, past regulations have been imposed by the government, but they are unclear in addressing issues related to new media, such as digital platforms for spreading Islamic content with harmonious massages. In fact, the Indonesian government should redefine about the terms of broadcasting pattern for new regulation in order to encompass new media.

IMPACT STATEMENT

Broadcast media in the context of digital religion is essential for reformulating regulation because it significantly impacts the information society. However, this study reveals that broadcast media regulation in Indonesia remains a challenge. This challenge arises from the transformation of digital society in adopting Islamic values, which has led to changes in audience behaviour regarding preferences for Islamic content, independence, likes and dislikes, and cultural identity. This situation can potentially threaten social integration due to the dominance of conservative groups with strong fanaticism on social media. In light of these facts, the Indonesian government faces challenges in the realm of Islamic proselytizing in the context of digital religion related to media architecture, efforts to enhance standards, principles, and sanctions for both audiences and content creators. Therefore, the reformulation of broadcast media regulation should be redefined within the framework of state law, encompassing digital activities in new media.

Keywords:

• Islamic proselytizing
• digital religion
• broadcasting regulation
• Indonesia
• new media

REVIEWING EDITOR:

• Guangchao Charles Feng, School of Communication, Hong Kong Baptist University, Hong Kong

SUBJECTS:

• Communication Theory
• Development Communication
• Mass Communication

Introduction

This paper aims to comprehend the transformation of digital religious information in Indonesia with a focus on two key objectives. First, it investigates changes in societal behaviour in the digital age, specifically regarding Islamic content produced by Islamic preachers. Second, it explores the challenges faced by the government in adapting to changes in Islamic content within the digital realm. This research is conducted because Islamic proselytizing in the realm of digital religion, or online religion, has undergone modernisation, adopting new concepts and religious messages (Campbell & Evolvi, 2020; Nisa, 2018; Siuda, 2021). Traditional Islamic lecture has been replaced by technological advancements in digital media. Online platforms are widely utilised for learning Islamic studies. The number of gadget users on online media in Indonesia has reached approximately 78.19% of 275.77 million population (Yati, 2023). This significant increase in gadget ownership has led to information overload and the potential for information obesity (Eliacik et al., 2016; Perra et al., 2022). In the absence of proper regulation for users of this new media, there is at risk misperceptions understanding Islam, which could threaten social integration (Suhana, 2018). Furthermore, the presence of Islamic revivalist groups in the current situation poses a serious challenge to fostering social harmony. In contrast, the utilisation of online religion or digital religion necessitates effective regulations to manage the transformation of social information in a manner that maximizes the benefits of digital technology (Brien, 2020).

Studies on digital religion have a great concern from scholars around the globe. Many scholars argue that digital religion has given rise to new forms of community in cyberspace or the virtual realm (Wilkins-Laflamme, 2022). These studies aim to explore the potential of online religion as an effective means of delivering religious messages (Bingaman, 2023; Brubaker & Haigh, 2017). They also shed light on the challenges faced by digital societies in utilising various religious contents on emerging digital platforms (Campbell & Evolvi, 2020; Cheong, 2017). Moreover, there is a growing concern regarding the disparity in population sizes between generations with varying levels of digital literacy (Ali et al., 2023; Beaunoyer et al., 2020; Wang et al., 2022). This concern revolves around finding new pathways for effectively imparting Islamic values through new media, both in virtual and online spaces (Jauhari et al., 2023; Törnberg & Törnberg, 2016). Furthermore, many researchers emphasize the importance of digital culture in raising awareness among individuals to intelligently and wisely benefit from religious subjects (Campbell & Vitullo, 2016; Valtysson, 2022). However, the researchers have also investigated several the previous studies that examine trends in both positive and negative implications. Considering the positive aspect, broadcast media regulation can help people confirm that digital religion has been accessed and relied upon, influencing a beneficial effect for religious communities and their citizens across the globe (Pickard, 2023; Singh, 2015). On the negative side, several studies have emphasised the need for new regulations for address issues related to new media (Conrad, 2010; Rennick, 2010; Wagner, 2018). Most scholarly work has highlighted the importance of establishing authoritative institution to foster against the revivalist, radical, and conservative group movements in new media, thereby safeguarding the state from spreading anti-democratic ideologies that could threaten national integration (Kirana & Garadian, 2020; Minardi, 2018). Therefore, this study is important in describing Islamic proselytizing, and digital religion remains an area that has received little attention from scholars. Further investigation into this relationship is needed to deepen our understanding of broadcast media regulation, concerning both its positive and negative trends.

In a widespread context, the presence of new media in the digital age has raised significant concerns as a tool for democratisation and has led to changes in political contestation, especially in African countries such as Uganda, Tanzania, South Africa, Zimbabwe, Kenya, and others (Bosch et al., 2020; Cinnamon, 2020; Gukurume, 2017; Sebeelo, 2021; Selnes & Orgeret, 2020). Unlike, Muslim countries such as Turkey, Pakistan, Egypt, and Malaysia have also experienced a transformation in the role of new media within their respective contexts (Mukherjee, 2010; Shukri, 2023). These countries have not only had implications for socio-political dynamics but also for socio-religious situations, which are often regulated by various certain religious groups to promote Islamic values. While platforms like TikTok, YouTube, Facebook, and Instagram have provided new avenues for the spread of Islam (Ghozali et al., 2022), there are differences when compared to Indonesia, where the foundational ideology is more open and emphasizes freedom (Solahudin & Fakhruroji, 2019). These distinctions are reflected in the control systems for content creators, with many Muslim countries adopting protection models to strengthen Islamic group movements (Cheong, 2017; Hamdani, 2020). Given the variations in regulations among these Muslim states and previous studies, this research seeks to further explore the possibilities and ethical challenges, including those related to broadcasting regulations, within the Indonesian context about Islamic proselytizing in digital religion.

Islamic proselytizing in digital religion: evidence from existing studies

As stated by Campbell (2012, p. 2), ‘digital religion’ or ‘online religion’ is a conceptual framework for investigating how religion or religious meaning is received by audiences through the internet. Campbell (2013, pp. 11–12) also defines digital religion as the cultural and technological spaces that emerge when the offline and online dimension of religious activities are integrated with each other. Furthermore, digital religion serves as a bridge connecting various aspects of traditional religion to online and offline spaces. For instance, there is practical religion in online culture, such as interactivities, convergences, and content produced by audiences, as well as religious practice in conventional avenue likes ritualisation related history and community (Zaluchu, 2023, p. 602). According to Helland (2016), digital religion is a fusion observed within modern communities, which is facilitated by beliefs and practices in contemporary religion. Digital religion is not only a term for religious devotion in new media but also encompasses all social components that connect cultural ethic in religion forms, leading to digitalised communities. Grieve (2013, p. 109) argues that a distinctive feature of digital religion is the emphasis on interactivities, hypertextual, and dissemination methods. This phenomenon is attributed to the creation, consumption, and sharing of religious ideas through online platforms.

Digital religion encompasses not only the representation and expression of religions in online platforms, but also the influence of religious practices on the shaping and development of digital media and spaces (Zaluchu, 2023, p. 602). Meyer (2013) posits that digital religion extends beyond the mere mediation of religion through digital means. It represents a sophisticated manifestation of analogical religious engagement, as it exists within the realm of cyberspace. Cyberspace, while bearing similarities to physical space, serves as a simulated environment distinct from the physical world, utilized for religious and spiritual pursuits (Zaluchu, 2023, p. 602). Various scholars have categorized the diverse forms of mediated religions on the internet as cyber-religion (Højsgaard, 2005, p. 50). Brasher (2001, p. 29) defines cyber-religion as the presence of religious institutions and activities in virtual realms, while Dawson (2000, p. 29) narrows the term to encompass religious entities existing solely in virtual spaces. Karaflogka (2002, pp. 284–285) introduces the terms ‘religion on cyberspace’ and ‘religion in cyberspace’ to conceptually differentiate between religious content that is accessible both online and in the physical world, and religious content that is exclusively generated and experienced in virtual environments, characterized by a significant degree of ‘virtual reality’. The former term leverages the internet to disseminate information about religious practices rooted in traditional beliefs, while the latter term highlights the internet as a platform for the creation and cultivation of novel religious content and activities online (Højsgaard, 2005, pp. 50–51). Hjarvard (2013, p. 85) further views ‘cyber-religion’ as a theoretical framework encompassing the presence of religious elements or activities in cyberspace, reflecting the key aspects of contemporary cyberculture.

Such analysis of the definition of digital religion might result in various changes in audience behaviours, which follow the technological transformation to re-collected, re-formatted, re-defined, and re-categorised for revisiting religious messages in the digital space (Campbell & Connelly, 2020). Although most scholarly works around the globe have redefined a term of ‘online religion’ or ‘digital religion’ in the context of religious practices, there might be less correlation with the Islamic discourses as a mission for spreading Islamic contents to its audiences (Nisa, 2018). Solahudin and Fakhruroji (2019) remain that the internet and Islamic learning activities have led to new variation in understanding Islamic studies, considering the media users who utilise various platforms to learn about Islam.

Some scholars have used a number of theoretical approaches for digital religion studies, including mediation (Hoover, 2020) and mediatization (Lövheim & Hjarvard, 2019). In line with the development of study in this field, digital religion is not only an arena to mention religion appearing as content but is also practiced for religious ceremonies in cyberspace. Religious groups promote the values of religious learning to audiences, creating a new space that is more open to interpretation, which represents the phenomena of behaviours, migration and content into online religion. The modernisation of Islamic proselytising has created changes in da’wa methods (Malik, 2018). The significant transformation of Islamic proselytizing is evident in online interactions, virtual communities and global outreach. Instances of this phenomenon include direct interactions between preachers and audiences via comments, personal messages, and Q&A (Question & Answer) on digital platforms. These conditions have given rise to the new virtual communities, aligning with Tsuria et al. (2017) work, leading to the mediatisation of culture and society. Evolvi (2022a) mentioned that religion and the internet are intertwined, demonstrated by religious ceremonies, such as the reflection to celebrate Urbi et Orbi in France, in which many people participated through television or internet streaming. The use of digital media has created a new space for content creators or preachers to spread religion message globally without the geographical boundaries. These factors bring about various changes in religious practices and communication, influencing patterns of interaction and making it accessible to enhance personal spirituality via digital media.

As noted above, despite the changing da’wa media as a new tool to spread Islamic messages, there has been the creation of new challenges in proselytise structures, such as Islamic content, digital literacy, and analytical tools (Subchi et al., 2022). While there are available resources, including content creators and preachers, there are still restrictions on utilising digital media as an alternative way to produce religious lectures. In other words, broadcasting rules in Indonesia have been defined in reference to conventional media intended for general public reception, as distinguished from private signals to specific receivers (Evolvi, 2022b). It is also divided into four categories of broadcasting regulation, such as the message sender, content, receiver or audience, reception simultaneously, and use of frequency network (Muhsin et al., 2019). The production of religious content in the form of audio or video should be carried out by professionals in the communication field, ensuring that religious messages can effectively be enjoyed by audiences. However, this has also resulted in drawbacks for people who lack access to digital welfare due to a weakness in understanding and proficiency in using technology (Larasati et al., 2023). This condition can affect the role of audience behaviours, measure message effectiveness, and apply da’wa strategies based on empirical data (Malik, 2018; Subchi et al., 2022). The advancement of technological information can have negative impacts on community diversities amid plurality. This raises sensitivity issue, including concerns about the impact of democracy as a system of government, as certain states may face the threats from the social groups that adapt to digital information.

The digital religion in the Indonesian context has triggered the Salafi movement, which is mostly categorised as radical da’wa, promoting an exclusive form of Islam through various religious actions in mosques and campuses (Zamhari et al., 2021). The da’wa movement, initiated by Islamic revivalism groups, aims to establish mosques, Islamic schools, madrasas, and majlis taklims’ (Saenong, 2020; Solahudin & Fakhruroji, 2019). Similar to the real world, these da’wa movements have also expanded their activities to the virtual world, utilising da’wa websites, cyber fatwas, social media, and YouTube. Qudsy et al. (2021) suggest that da’wa movements in online media are presenting Islamic discourses, influencing the transformation of da’wa missions through platforms such as TikTok, Facebook, and Twitter. The voices of Islamic revivalism groups have gained more prominence in the digital society (Minardi, 2018; Mukherjee, 2010), often presented as propaganda against the Indonesian government. In response to these trends, religious authorities such as the Ministry of Religious Affairs and the Indonesian Ulema Council (Majelis Ulama Indonesia—MUI) have issued a list of approved individuals who engage in da’wa activities to address concerns about incompetent preachers who may potentially undermine the quality of religious understanding for Indonesian Muslims (Hamdani, 2020, p. 269). While this regulation was introduced to reduce the threat of Islamic revivalism against the state, it has sparked controversies among the people of Indonesia. Unfortunately, the list of preachers included in this policy involves popular ulema such as Abdullah Gymnastiar, Mamah Dedeh, and Abdul Somad (Okezone, 2018), who have a large following on online media. However, there has been a trending discussion regarding the state’s decision and further steps taken by the MUI to standardise the process for approving preachers.

Although moving da’wa activities to online media is no longer a topic of discussion, digital religion has fallen into two changing categories: the list of preachers published by the Indonesian government and the spread of the coronavirus disease (COVID-19) can be clearly classified (Beaunoyer et al., 2020; Zamhari et al., 2021). To understand further details, this study attempted to bridge the discourse on the transformation of Islamic proselytizing, which was not taken into account by the state when publishing the list of preachers. The research focuses on understanding the characteristics of the audience and the content of Islamic lectures. Furthermore, this paper utilises interactionism-symbolic approaches (Wang, 2023). This is necessary to analysis how the audience’s attitudes in the digital age to receive various Islamic contents, the changes in Islamic ethics from face-to-face to depersonalization, and the migration of da’wa mission deliveries for followers. Changes in media use by preachers and content creators are closely related to adaptation to the particularities of the digital society (Adhiarso et al., 2019). Therefore, the researchers hope that various stakeholders will contribute to the reformulation of ulama standardisation and deepen the understanding of Islamic moderation.

Methods

This study is located in the Special Region of Yogyakarta (Daerah Istimewa Yogyakarta—DIY), which is one of the 38 provinces in Indonesia. This area is a quite unique for drawing phenomena in Islamic proselytizing issues because of these are available for diverse religious and ethnic communities, being a city of students and tourism (Khuluq et al., 2022). Therefore, Yogyakarta has been chosen as the fieldwork area that is more relevant to explore deeply about the da’wa mission through the internet. Numerous positivist researchers claim that the use of qualitative methods to study digital religion issues has frequently been misrepresented in terms of research paradigms. In response to these critics, this study adopts an interpretivist framework to explore subjective norms and the reality of informant activities, using a case study approach (Creswell & Poth, 2017, p. 74). This approach was chosen as a means of conducting fieldwork to explain social norm-focused cases in the context of the changing digital society within online religion. The researchers investigated to understand the transformation of Islamic proselytising in the realm of digital religion, capturing informant experiences in their natural contexts.

Data collection was employed through three steps: observations, interviews and documentations. Firstly, observation made to understand actual issues related to the transformation of attitudes and behaviour of informants as they faced the digital technology via a new media for Islamic lectures. The researchers conducted an observation to understand the behaviour and attitude of informants using a non-participant technique. The researchers made remote observations by taking note on the activities of the informants. All observations were recorded with an Android NVIVO tape recorder to assist in creating field notes. The observation took place at various locations, including the Regional Office of Religious Affairs, the Regional of Indonesian Broadcasting Commission (Komisi Penyiaran Indonesia Daerah—KPID), the Indonesian Ulema Council (MUI), the Branch of Nahdlatul Ulama (NU), Bangkit Media, and Muhammadiyah. This observation spanned three months, between July and September 2022. Furthermore, observation was applied at a café to gain an understanding of content creators developing their platforms in mass media online. The researchers obtained information about the informants’ daily activities, informant interactions among themselves, and their interactions with media producers. However, it is important to note that this observation was still restriction due to the informants’ location in capital city of Indonesia, Jakarta, which was far from our home base. To compensate for this limitation, data were confirmed through Zoom meetings with the authorities from the Indonesian Broadcasting Commission (KPI) and MUI.

Secondly, interviews were carried out with informants categorised into five criteria: the government, independent institutions, the socio-religious organisations (NU and Muhammadiyah), producers or content creators for mass media online, and audiences (see Table 1). The researchers employed purposive sampling technique to select informants who were willing to discuss their participation in digital religious activities and social media content management. A total of thirteen informants were interviewed. The data collection process took place over five months, from July to September 2022 with additional time in June and July 2023. Each interview lasted between 45 min to one and a half hours. To maintain confidentiality, the researchers ensured the anonymous person of all informants in this field. Despite this anonymity, informants were informed and assured about the accuracy and accountability of the information they provided. The researchers followed ethical consideration for the subject study to avoid any conflict of interest among the informants. During the process, the researchers received assistance from two research assistants who transcribed all interviews data. Moreover, the entire research team conducted interviews using a set of guide questions before conducting the actual location study.

Table 1. Interviewees profile.

Code interviewees	Informants’ criteria	Sex	Age	Duration interviews (in minutes)	Date
I1	Government	Female	42	55	2023/6/12
I2	Government	Male	37	45	2023/6/14
I3	The independent institutions	Male	41	55	2023/7/11
I4	The independent institutions	Male	45	35	2023/7/10
I5	The independent institutions	Female	35	50	2022/9/10
I6	Socio-religious organisations	Male	33	47	2023/7/5
I7	Socio-religious organisations	Male	38	58	2023/7/13
I8	Online media businesses	Female	30	38	2022/8/10
I9	Online media businesses	Male	34	50	2022/8/11
I10	Audiences	Female	26	35	2022/6/4
I11	Audiences	Female	23	38	2022/6/10
I12	Audiences	Male	21	35	2022/6/23
I13	Audiences	Male	23	38	2022/6/23

Lastly, the researchers also collected documents as evidence of authenticity related to the data necessary for this fieldwork. Such documentation took the form of presented statistics, policy briefs on Indonesian broadcasting regulation, online media sources, websites discussing digital religion, journals, and research report. In addition, the authors gathered data from the digital media such as memes, posters, quotes, short movies, and flyers. All the documentations were categorised into clusters of themes related to the changing society’s information and the content of da’wa media in the contemporary era. We deliberately excluded collecting data on specific contents about Islamic proselytizing during the time between 2018 and 2023 to avoid biased interpretation when compiling research reports.

Data analysis began at the early stages of the study topic, and the researchers divided it into three steps: reduction, display and conclusion. The reduction process involved transferring fieldwork data from field notes to transcriptions, allowing for better data clarification. During this proses, the researchers easily identified changes in audience behaviour, da’wa mission content, and interactions within the digital society in cyberspace. To add more, the fieldwork data was then classified using a coding scheme, where less relevant information was excluded from the personal computer dashboard, and only relevant data was selected to explore the objective issues. Furthermore, researchers transcribed data using clustering, categorisation and table tabulation to display the data effectively. This procedure highlighted crucial issues, including direct quotes used in the research analysis report. Lastly, data access was based on the collection method before reaching the conclusion. This step consistently validated data by comparing it with fieldwork, documents and statistical data.

This study enhances the validation and clarification of its findings by employing the source triangulation method, which involves gathering data from multiple perspectives. This approach ensures that all source data (including field notes, transcriptions, and documents) are used to confirm the accuracy of the phenomena studied in previous research. Through this process, researchers are able to maintain consistency and empirical relevance in our research outcomes. Furthermore, researchers consistently review informant statements and revisit locations to address any redundancies and enhance the reliability of the data. Therefore, the triangulation process is crucial for researchers as it ensures that interpretations and conclusions are well-supported by empirical evidence from sources and methods.

Results

The digital society: changing behaviour to religious audiences

The audience characters or da’wa receivers (mad’u) have significantly transformed in their new religious behaviour. The shift is noticeable in the level of dedication shown by religious devotees in embracing Islamic values. Before the digital era, people used to mainly attend Islamic lectures and practice in conventional events held in places such as mosques, madrasas, and other similar locations. Solahudin and Fakhruroji (2019) mentioned that face-to-face interactions between ‘kiai’ or ‘ustadz’ (preachers) and ‘jamā‘ah’ (devotees) played a crucial role in imparting religious knowledge to the preachers. I10 stated, ‘this attitude towards the audience still remains a personal awareness to visit a religious lecture’. This observation is in line with the sociological studies that discuss traditional society, which had specific criteria like beliefs in myths, homogeneity, technological self-sufficiency, and organic solidarity. While the digital society has undergone a transformation due to the advancement of new media.

As we know, empirical studies involving interpretation of this fieldwork have revealed changes in audience characters, influenced by new media patterns. The transformation of religious receivers is now leading to increased interactivity. I1 pointed out that ‘people consuming conventional media are passive and limited to one-way communication, but virtual or cyberspace has created new interactions, enabling engagement between gadget users and the internet’. This phenomenon indicates a rise in gadget usage and ownership, now using such devices from 175.4 to 202.6 million, or increased around 11% in 2022. Religious authorities, such as the Indonesian Ulema Council, have noticed that new media users often spend leisure time watching religious content on platforms like YouTube TikTok, and Instagram. I3 also stated that ‘nine famous religious preachers received high viewership ratings in 2023’. This popularity is due to the fact that new media on cyberspaces not only enables interactions with spectators through chat rooms, but also facilitates direct feedback from admins on digital platforms. As a result, there has been a shift in personal awareness when seeking Islamic knowledge, reducing the reliance on religious authority legitimisation, especially in this new virtual space.

Nowadays, although the convenience digital technology brings to communication and media accessibility, the government still faces significant challenges. One of the most pressing issues raised in the public sphere is the prevalence of hoaxes and the provision of digital welfare. According to data from the Ministry of Communications and Informatics around 11,370 of hoax cases were reported from August 2018 to March 2023 (Kominfo, 2023). Among these cases, approximately 0.29%, or 336 cases, were related to religion. If the government does not prioritise efforts to prevent hoax cases, it could threaten social harmony by allowing false information to spread through the internet. Indonesia, known for its multi-religious and multi-ethnic diversity, is particularly susceptible to hoaxes causing social disintegration. These phenomena observed in the Indonesian digital society can be described as ‘hypermedia or hypertext’ (Tsuria et al., 2017), signifying that digital welfare is still limited for some people due to issues like internet accessibility inequality, weakness in online services, and illiteracy. Interview with the Muhammadiyah activist (I6) highlighted that hoax cases across various cluster have different underlying factors, follow his commentary below:

There are many tendencies that hoax cases in religious practices, such as news of the death of an Islamic scholar, the misuse of Muhammadiyah on online media platforms, alleged coercion of high school students to wear the hijab, the connection between religion and the Merapi mountain disaster due to divine wrath, and various other news or issues—these are phenomena that arise in the era of new media. This happens because of hypermedia or hypertext, where gadget owners easily forward news whose accuracy is not guaranteed to other audiences within WhatsApp groups.

The phenomena of hypermedia society on digital religion have been conveyed by two primary characters: ridicule (ejekan) and scolding (cacian). The official local government from the Ministry of Communications and Informatics (I2) stated that ‘… We discovered various ridicule actions among certain religious group on digital platforms like Facebook, Instagram and Twitter, which is around 800,000 cases between 2018 and 2021’. It has caused polarisation across the digital society and indirectly implicated political momentum, influencing voter sympathy towards presidential candidates in the general elections of 2014 and 2019. Furthermore, the activity in social media has risen in debating issues of national development programs, leading to disparities between followers of two presidential candidates—referred to as ‘cebong’ (a froglet) for Jokowi’s follower and ‘kampret’ (a pup) for Prabowo’s followers. Prior to the regional election in Jakarta in 2016, where Jokowi served as the former governor of the capital city of Indonesia with Ahok (Basuki Thahaja Purnama) as his vice, representing Chinese people, a return to polarisation occurred due to the Islamic populism movements (Mietzner & Muhtadi, 2018). I9 stated that ‘this has given rise to a new group society within society known as “Kadrun” representing the Islamic radical movement’. Three categories of individuals in digital society have used ‘scolding’ words on new media platforms to promote their ideas through memes, posters, quotes, and flyers. These digital users have been characterised as cynics of publicity stunts, particularly in relation to religion and politics.

The further evolution of audience behaviour has led to the mediatization of virtual society. This category has created new space for interactions, communications and idea-sharing using online platforms, concerning informants I11, I12 and I13 shared their experiences to researchers. The structure of digital society has allowed for seamless interactions across space and time (Campbell & Vitullo, 2016). Many Islamic contents, including philosophies, theosophies, fiqh (Islamic law), and religious contemporary knowledge, have gained significant viewership. Platforms like MJS (Masjid Jendral Sudirman) Channels, Sabilu Taubah Channels, and others have been accessed, with videos garnering high viewer rates. The digital creator confirmed (I7), ‘as an actor in industrial online media, I have transformed Islamic contents into virtual platforms to promote various issues faced by audiences throughout Indonesia, and as a result, launched the “Tanya Kiai” program as a main focus in the digital age’. This experience captures the perspective of content creators who have recognised the importance of new media in spreading Islam.

Some audiences also recognised the fact that the internet offers an easier way to contact many people without geographical boundaries, creating venues for interaction in the form of online communities. In this communication, young people and adolescents have shared their identity, as mentioned by Kim (2005) work, where content analysis was conducted to understand religious online communities in South Korea. Similar to Kim’s research, the researchers are consistent in exploring interpretative, interactive, and instrumental functions. Many young generations in Yogyakarta were studied as case study in this work, and they are establishing relationships among each other. Such actions in cyberspace are followed by local audience experiences in religious activities during online ceremonies. I10 stated:

I visited regularly to the virtual ummah (Muslim community) created on YouTube channels in relation to offline practices. The ummah’s activities made it more comfortable to learn about Islam, and I also share information about religious online venues with my colleagues. Sometimes, we attended offline practices together to gain a better understanding of Islam. MJS (Masjid Jendral Sudirman) channels upload videos about philosophies and theosophies with Fahrudin Faiz as a preacher. These events are very popular in my region, and around 2,000 people visited to hybrid venues.

According to the explanation given, research indicates that both the audience and content creators or preachers have undergone changes in behaviour in the digital world. These transformations related to digital religion show how individuals engage in religious activities. Through digital platforms, congregations and religious audiences can connect globally, allowing them to interact with religious communities worldwide without limitations based on location. This connectivity offers opportunities to share religious experiences, receive support from a wide community, and access religious information easily through online resources such as sacred texts and Islamic lectures. In addition, individuals can also engage in religious discussions, comment on Islamic content, share thought on Islamic topics, and personalise their religious experiences to enhance spirituality based on interests, beliefs, and preferences. The study by Kirana and Garadian (2020) emphasizes that changes in audience behaviours play a crucial role in modern religious experiences, influencing how individuals engage their religion and adopt new cultural religious values in digital age. The challenges of broadcasting policies in digital religion for Islamic lectures.

The challenges of broadcasting policies in digital religion for Islamic lectures

With the advancement of digital technology, Islamic lecturing has evolved in terms of its approach from centralisation to decentralisation. Initially, Islamic lecturing practices were commonly placed in mosques, madrasas, and other venues, involving preachers (kiai or ustadz) as the main source of Islamic knowledge, which was then promoted to devotes (jamā‘ah). However, this practice has now transitioned into new media, dominated by new religious authorities influencing digital communities’ interaction and leading to religious populism. This transition aligns with the experience of the informant (I10), who has adapted to the advancements in digital media as a means of Islamic lecturing.

As a person who promotes religious literacy, I always make efforts to apply various innovations to ensure that Islamic content is easily accepted by audiences. One of my initiatives includes creating a digital media platform where Islamic contents are uploaded and shared through online mass media. This new approach provides ideas and insights about Islam that can be clearly accessed by the digital society. To achieve this, I established “Bangkit Media”, “Serdadu Nusantara”, Tanya Kiai program (tanyakiai.id), NAHNU TV Channels, Bangkit TV, as new media platforms. These platforms contribute to mass media outreach using the internet, YouTube, TikTok, and Instagram to disseminate Islamic values and the mission of da’wa. Thus, these categories continue to be present on Islamic site platforms, providing easily accessible and more cost-effective options for audiences.

Muhammadiyah and NU serve as case studies in this fieldwork conducted in Yogyakarta, where they present Islamic content on theosophies, theologies, ethics, fiqh, and philanthropies. As mentioned earlier, they have programs similar to www.islamonline.net, providing interactive counselling services to Muslim communities, aligning with the trend of global therapeutic counselling (Abdel-Fadil, 2015). This data exemplifies the interactions between religious figures and their followers, showcasing hybrid actions. These organisations play a role in facilitating devotees by producing Islamic contents for the digital religious space. The researchers have confirmed that the content creators among these organisations ensure that Islamic studies learning undergoes correction by religious authorities (Tashīh) before being shared with the audiences.

The preachers in the digital era have responded to the changing audiences for instant acceptance of Islamic studies. This shift in roles has made online media a means to convey Islamic values. One of the studies promoted by MUI is ‘the jurisprudence of information with a focus on religious messages that are consistent with polite language, non-provocative, non-defamatory, do not spread hoaxes, and are more prudent in speech’, stated I6. All these religious messages have utilised digital media as a platform to convey humanistic, harmonious and contextual Islamic values. Furthermore, religious authorities emphasize the importance for preachers or scholars to enhance their competency. This is essential for all scholars to effectively utilise the virtual space as a new medium to disseminate information and religious messages responsibly. The message aligns with the experience of informant I8 from the religious authorities, who conveys that:

We are well aware that the role of new media must be the primary foundation for delivering religious messages by leveraging social media. As a religious institution, we continuously strive to intensify the use of new media in the digital era through various forms of training, such as providing basic skills training for religious preachers. We encourage them to utilize digital media such as Android devices and cameras to support their activities in Islamic lecturing through platforms like YouTube, Instagram, and TikTok. We also support scholars in collaborating with young individuals to harness digital media for disseminating Islamic ideas and concepts through online platforms accessible to all segments of society.

The transformation from analogue to digital within Islamic contents has brought new issues for media producers or preachers in their mission to spread of da’wa. The challenges faced in digital religious dissemination include controlling the content, regional clustering, preventing misinformation, and managing Islamic content. The ease of access to various information has made it quicker for audiences to receive Islamic studies. However, with the conversion of da’wa media into new media, there has been an influx of online or digital religious content. While this has brought Islamic studies closer to religious communities, there are also negative impacts associated with new media. Islamic content has been susceptible to spreading hate speech and hoaxes. The authorities (I5) have pointed out that ‘many people use digital platforms to propagate hate speech against individuals from different sects (Islamic school jurisprudence), fiqh, and other’. This circumstance has led to stigmatisation and labialisation of conservative Islam, which poses challenges for the nation and its societal fabric.

Such experiences have shown that the government lacks the capacity to effectively prevent various activities in new media that promote conservatism in the name of da’wa mission. The current regulation on the Electronics Information and Transactions (Informasi dan Transaksi Elektronik – ITE) have limitations when it comes to curbing audience protests. This issue has highlighted numerous imperfections in the rule, hindering efforts to reduce negative contents in new media. In particular, combating hoaxes and hate speech remains a challenge for Indonesian social integration, as the regulations are still limited in terms of broadcasting means. Meanwhile, the regulation of broadcast media has only covered traditional broadcasting channels, as I4 mentioned. Referring to Broadcasting Law No. 32 of 2002, it defines broadcasting as a message in the form of voice or image accepted by audiences through conventional media, such as television and radio. This message is broadcasted via a media transmitter that uses frequency spectrum for information transmission. Based on this definition, the Indonesian Broadcasting Commission has not addressed the emergence of new media, as it remains focused on conventional media. To address this limitation, I3 proposed the following:

There are two crucial issues highlighted in the Broadcasting Bill. The first issue is the migration of several conventional broadcasts from analogue to digital, which has already been addressed through Law No. 11 of 2020 on Job Creation. The second issue is the supervision of various content broadcast and disseminated by all media, especially new media. This final issue will expand the authority of the KPI in regulating and monitoring content dissemination in new media.

Regarding the dissemination of Islamic content in new media, the Ministry of Religious Affairs does not have the authority to oversee and restrict certain digital religious platforms. To date, the government only certifies religious scholars or preachers through Technical Guidance activities (Bimbingan Teknis—Bimtek). I2 mentioned that ‘this program is open to all scholars or preachers from various Islamic community organizations’. Furthermore, the Ministry of Religious Affairs has also released a list of 200 recommended scholars or preachers for the public. These names were selected based on three criteria: having strong religious knowledge, a good reputation, and a high level of national commitment (The Ministry of Religious Affairs, 2018). Interestingly, among the recommended names, none are from the nine Islamic religious figures with the highest viewership ratings on social media in 2023. This indicates that the government has not been able to limit the spread of radical, conservative, and dogmatic Islamic content in new media (Hew, 2018; Kirana & Garadian, 2020). Indonesia’s approach is softer compared to Malaysia, where preachers and Friday sermons are provided by state authorities (Samuri & Hopkins, 2017).

Discussion

This study explores the changing audience behaviours regarding their engagement with religious content in the digital media, which can be divided into three main aspects: interactivity, hypermedia and virtual experiences. It also investigates the audience’s attitudes towards using online media as an alternative means to access information about spirituality and religiosity (Cheong, 2017). Furthermore, the research aims to understand how audiences in the digital age can be positively influenced to become more involved in media use throughout Indonesia, contributing to a new interpretation of religious content with an Islamic focus. However, in some cases, there is a disparity among the middle-class society, as they consider media literacy essential for accessing digital welfare state benefits. Unfortunately, the role of government for welfare provisions do not fully accommodate the needs of the digital society, leading to some polarisation. The changing Islamic proselytizing in the Indonesian local context has become a significant concern for the nation (Saenong, 2020; Zaid et al., 2022).

The transformation of Islamic lectures in Indonesian contexts from face-to-face to depersonalisation has been considered. However, various stakeholders in the Indonesian official institutions—such as the Ministry of Religious Affairs, the Ministry of Communications and Informatics, the Ministry of Home Affairs, and independent institutions (KPI and MUI)—have not yet incorporated projects to prevent the spread of various information about hoaxes and religious contents, including the digital society activities referred to as conservatism actions (Zamhari et al., 2021). Identifying this as a primary step in the protection model for developing of Islamic lectures. In light of this study, the regulators must begin to formulate strategies to change the role of ‘audiences’ and ‘producers’ in the da’wa mission, considering the format of broadcasting regulations. As mentioned by Bingaman (2023), the digital religion has broadly enabled the freedom to spread public opinion, but it can threaten for social harmonies when many hate speech is promoted in digital spaces. Moreover, there is a migration of Islamic lectures to online media, so the state should issue regulations for content creators or preachers who are part of Islamic revivalist groups to ensure responsible attraction of audiences (Akmaliah, 2020; Ali, 2022; Munabari et al., 2020).

This research provides an alternative definition of broadcasting term, it means that press actors, businesses on mass online media, digital societies, content creators, preachers, and others may be confused by regulations concerning new media (Weng, 2015). Undoubtedly, the government lacks the necessary law to regulate digital activities, resulting in biased interpretation of electronic information and transaction rules. Given the weaknesses of this regulation, the da’wa mission in promoting religious moderation has presented rise to hoax news, misinformation, and organised cybercrime. In light to these contexts, digital religion is not only a virtual space with positive aspects but also encompasses disadvantages. Islamic contents can be seen as advantageous in providing accessible internet resources to learn about Islam more deeply, while the drawbacks included technological disparities throughout Indonesia (Halimatusa’diyah et al., 2021). As such, the government should issue a regulation for digital society to ensure Islamic content adheres to the standard of learning Islam and incorporates this this policy as a basic needed by the people.

Website, audio, video, and other forms of new media focusing on technological advancement have been consistent with previous studies. Content creators or broadcasters must adhere to broadcasting regulation to ensure sustainable development in digital spaces or virtual reality. Developing digital platforms that cater to nation interest should be a main agenda, particularly when presenting Islamic studies to meet the basic necessities of the target audience (Kim, 2005). This research contextualises the issues surrounding the transformation of religion followers, where the broadcasting policies still impose restriction on redefining broadcasts to adapt to new regulations (Campbell, 2012). Many countries have redefined the development of broadcasting regulation within the context of co-regulation, competition, and alternative business models, as seen in the United States, Europe, and Sub-Saharan Africa (Nieminen et al., 2023; Stockmann, 2023). New media content has also been regulated within frameworks that prioritise user privacy and national sovereignty, as in Canada (Chapdelaine & McLeod Rogers, 2021). In more specific content areas, aligning with research by Obia (2023) and Sebeelo (2021) in Nigeria, South Africa, and Ghana, they propose regulatory annexation to expand broadcasting media regulations that encompass the internet, media architecture, and digital religion as an effort to enhance standards, principles, and sanctions for both audiences and content creators. Therefore, in the case of Indonesia, all stakeholders can play a significant role in the regulatory transformation process that accommodates the behaviours, attitudes, and actions of new media actors.

Most Indonesian who uses online media to learn about Islam have been reached. They are more adaptive to the virtual environment than to conventional religious ceremonies, as the time required to access traditional media, like madrasas, mosques, or majlis taklims’ (Slama, 2017). This shift can be attributed to the disruptive era, leading many Indonesians to attend to religious ceremonies through digital platforms due to their cost-effectiveness. The research also considers the finding that the long-standing meanings conveyed through broadcasting are still limited in their redefinition, thereby influencing the government’s unwillingness to prevent digital society activities associated with conservative groups. The article presents to address the preacher’s standardisation faced by ulema concerning digital information, facilitating to reformulation of content for broadcasters, preachers and content creators. Therefore, the transition between conventional and digitalisation should be regulated to establish new policies, ensuring that such circumstances align with the objectives of the digital society.

While the study categorizes changes in audience behaviours into interactivities, hypermedia or hypertext, and virtual communities, it is limited in its methodological approach to discussing digital religious content. These shifts in audience behavior cannot be broadly applied to various sites and locations throughout Indonesia. Therefore, the researchers suggest further research to gain a deeper understanding of Islamic outreach in digital religious activities by involving a diverse range of informants from different locations. For example, the study’s focus on a limited scope of cyber religious issues only examines two major Islamic organizations (NU and Muhammadiyah) as informant samples. To address this, the researchers propose studying various Muslim communities to address the challenges of broadcasting regulation. This research is crucial for reforming broadcast laws and gaining new insights into changing standard values in regulating Indonesian Muslim communities.

Conclusion

The study of Islamic proselytizing in digital religion in Indonesia has significantly transformed audience behaviours, leading to the spread of Islam in online media. The shift from conventional to online platforms has increased interactivity, hypermedia or hypertext usage and the religious communities’ experiences in learning about Islam through internet surfing. The changes in digital society behaviours are more open to responding to many issues discussed by preachers. These changes are also in line with the transformation of content creators, shifting from personalization to depersonalization in conventional venues. However, this transformation is now evolving into a set of professional skills, involving team management, for disseminating Islamic lectures in cyberspace. Traditional methods of delivering Islamic lectures through physical platforms have been replaced by digital technology. This shift emphasizes the significance of content creators and speakers in both Islamic studies and media production management to effectively spread the message of da’wah to a broader audience.

The accessibility of digital media has provided a new chance for spreading Islamic knowledge, but it has also presented essential challenges, including misinformation, hate speech and potential social polarisation. The existing regulation on new media no longer suffice, particularly in defining the means of broadcasting, leaving the government with unresolved issues in addressing these problems. To ensure a harmonious coexistence and responsible internet usage, stakeholders should reformulate policies covering online media platforms, empowering content creators and preachers with media literacy, and promoting Islam with moderation values contextualised for cyberspace interactions. To strike a balance between technological advancement and ethical considerations, the Indonesian government can harness the potential of digital religion to facilitate individuals promoting Islamic studies while fostering an atmosphere of enjoyment and mutual appreciation. The reformulation of broadcasting regulation should be redefined in terms of state law, encompassing digital society activities in new media, and expanding the authority to encourage positive behaviour in the digital realm.

Disclosure statement

No potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).

Additional information

Notes on contributors

M. Kholili

Moh. Kholili is an associate professor at the Department of Islamic Communication and Broadcasting, the Faculty of Dakwah and Communication, UIN Sunan Kalijaga Yogyakarta—Indonesia. He has lectured post-graduate students in development communication and Islamic studies. His areas of research interest include cultural studies, Islamic communication, and socio-political development.

Ahmad Izudin

Ahmad Izudin is an assistant professor at the Department of Islamic Community Development, Faculty of Dakwah and Communication, UIN Sunan Kalijaga Yogyakarta, Yogyakarta – Indonesia. He has teached social policy planning and social advocacy to undergraduate students. His focus of interest is in social policy, social movement, and community development for developing countries. He published in books and international journals.

Muhammad Lutfi Hakim

Muhammad Lutfi Hakim is a lecturer at the IAIN Pontianak, Indonesia. He is pursuing his Ph.D. at the Department of Islamic Law and Social Institutions, Islamic Studies, School of Graduate Studies, Sunan Kalijaga State Islamic University, Yogyakarta, Indonesia. His research interests include Islamic law, Islamic family law, and Islamic philanthropy.