Shifting biculturality to monoculturality: the acculturation among Chinese Peranakans in Serui Regency of Papua, Indonesia

Abstract

This study delves into the acculturation process among Chinese Peranakans in Serui City, Papua, Indonesia, specifically focusing on transitioning from a bicultural to a monocultural identity. This research uses interpretive phenomenology and in-depth interviews to gather individual experiences. This research found two distinct forms of Chinese acculturation: one driven by Security-Economic factors and the other by Social-Political influences. Furthermore, it found that cultural art traditions, including the traditional dances of Papua as the host culture, play pivotal catalysts in facilitating acculturation within the Peranakan community. The study underscores the dynamic interplay of internal factors, such as economic motives and security concerns, and external factors, including political structures, in driving the shift from biculturality to monoculturality. This research highlights the significance of social and cultural activities as powerful tools for fostering intercultural communication competence among diverse communities.

Keywords:

• Acculturation
• biculturality
• monoculturality
• Chinese Peranakans
• communication competence

REVIEWING EDITOR:

• Geng Yuqing, Shanghai Dianji University, Shanghai, China

SUBJECTS:

• Asian Studies
• Intercultural Communication
• Anthropology-Soc Sci

Introduction

The province of Papua has been marred by a series of ethnically motivated conflicts, causing considerable devastation and the tragic loss of civilian lives. From 1 January to 26 September 2020, Papua experienced 100 conflict incidents. These incidents can be categorized as 40 battles, 22 riots, and 38 violence cases directed toward civilians. These conflicts led to a cumulative loss of 57 lives (Chairil & Sadi, 2020). Frequent discussions concerning the political dynamics in the region predominantly center on the interactions between Papuan residents and Indonesian security forces, with a primary focus on human rights violations. Moreover, Indonesia faced a significant conflict involving the ethnic Chinese community in 1998 (Purdey, 2013).

There is a common misconception that all native Indonesians are affiliated with distinct tribes and have designated homelands. Consequently, Chinese Peranakans are stigmatized as non-native Indonesians. This prejudice dates to the Dutch colonial era when Chinese Peranakans were considered foreigners. This preconception continues to pose a challenge to the existence of the Chinese community in Indonesia (Chang, 2023). Meanwhile, the native inhabitants of Papua are respectfully referred to as ‘Orang Asli Papua’. This term underscores a profound respect for the cultural identity of the Papuan people. The Peranakan China Serui, often abbreviated as ‘Perancis’, constitutes a vibrant community in Serui City. Located in the northern part of Papua Province, Indonesia, Serui serves as the capital city of Kepulauan Yapen Regency.

The migration of Chinese individuals to Serui contributed to the formation of the cultural identity of the local communities. Despite cultural differences, Chinese Peranakans have successfully fostered harmonious coexistence with the indigenous populations, demonstrating deep respect for and a willingness to learn from their knowledge and traditions. Through adaptability to the local culture, Chinese Peranakans have gained acceptance and forged strong bonds, thus serving as a testament to successful intercultural exchange and peaceful coexistence (Fitrawaty & Effendi, 2019).

In Serui City, the Chinese Peranakans encountered a distinctive set of challenges related to acculturation. This distinctive group grapples with the complexities of merging their ethnic Chinese heritage with the indigenous Papuan culture to achieve harmony. By delving deeper into the experiences of the Chinese Peranakans, this article aims to understand the interplay between their home and host cultures, thus enriching our comprehension of bicultural dynamics. Biculturalism refers to the simultaneous acculturation of the host society’s culture and the culture of origin (Bennett & Liu, 2018; Kang et al., 2009). Individuals who successfully balance and traverse their two distinct cultures benefit from biculturalism. Bicultural Individuals support multiculturalism, acceptance of cultural diversity, and a readiness to interact with Individuals from various cultural backgrounds (Jami & Walker, 2022).

Indonesia’s diverse population and ongoing acculturation processes present a myriad of challenges. There is no single Indonesian race; various racial backgrounds and affiliations with a wide range of ethnic groups characterize the population. This research contributes to understanding the acculturation of the Chinese Peranakan community in Papua. While most of Indonesia’s population belongs to the Austronesian ethnic group, Papua is primarily inhabited by the Melanesian people. The Melanesian race is predominant in the Melanesian islands, including the Papua Islands in eastern Indonesia.

This paper delves into the intercultural adaptation of Chinese Peranakans in Serui City, specifically focusing on their shift from a bicultural to a monocultural context as Papuans. The biculturalism exhibited by Chinese Peranakans is evident in their continued adherence to Chinese cultural practices, particularly the use of Chinese nicknames, alongside their engagement with Papuan culture. This duality underscores their unique position as individuals embracing and integrating elements from both Chinese and Papuan cultural backgrounds. It extends beyond prior research on acculturation, which primarily concentrates on educational institutions with programs aimed at promoting cultural exchange through acculturation (Balakrishnan et al., 2022; Bean & Boffy-Ramirez, 2019; Nadeem et al., 2020, 2022; Petrovskaya & Shaposhnikov, 2020; Weda et al., 2021). Meanwhile, community members participate in cultural acculturation activities grounded in their communication competence, encompassing attributes, such as mindfulness, self-disclosure, and open-mindedness. Contrary to previous studies that primarily attribute competence development to training programs in schools, this research emphasizes the role of these competence factors in cultural acculturation (Fong & DeWitt, 2019; Litvinova et al., 2021; Smolyaninova & Popova, 2019), valuable for individuals who travel abroad (Sunendar et al., 2021). Most prior research has relied on quantitative methods, such as experiments and surveys (Fong & DeWitt, 2019; Nadeem, 2022; Nguyen, 2022).

This paper argues that home and host cultures do not necessarily correspond to different countries. Understanding intercultural communication competence and its application is crucial due to Indonesia’s rich cultural diversity. This article emphasizes the importance of investigating acculturation among the Chinese Peranakans in Serui City. They experience acculturation when moving to a new place as a response to living in a new environment. They interact with people from different backgrounds, immerse in the host culture, and become integral to the community’s social fabric. Gradually, they assimilate elements of the host culture into their identity and behavior. The gradual monoculturality process arises due to the Indonesian government’s political policies during the Orde Baru (New Order) regime and the Chinese community’s economic motives. One example of a policy contributing to this gradual shift is seen in the New Order regime’s initiatives, such as Presidential Decree Number 240 of 1967 and Cabinet Presidium Decree No. 127/U/Kep/12/1966, which aimed to change the surnames of foreign nationals, including Chinese. Presidential Instruction of the Republic of Indonesia Number 14 of 1967 also mandated that Chinese surname religious rituals be conducted privately. Notably, the ongoing regulation emphasizing the special autonomy of Papua in political and economic spheres, as stipulated by the Special Autonomy Law, continues to shape the cultural dynamics in Indonesia up to the present moment.

Acculturation as intercultural communication competence

Examining the ethnicities in Indonesia provides valuable insights into the nation’s nationalism. It includes the study of the Papua ethnic group, which serves as an integral component of a comprehensive investigation into the diverse ethnic landscape of Indonesia. Exploring Indonesian ethnicities involves the examination of three prominent theoretical approaches: primordialism, constructivism, and instrumentalism. Primordialism asserts that each ethnicity maintains an immutable and distinct identity. In contrast, constructivism contends that ethnic identity is an evolving construct perpetuated through cultural norms.

Meanwhile, instrumentalism views ethnicity as achieving specific objectives (Pamungkas, 2015). Within the constructivist framework, cultural norms play a pivotal role in shaping the construction of cultural identity. The article posits that within the sphere of Chinese Peranakans in Serui, the cultural identity of this community is notably shaped by the influence of Papuan cultural norms. The substantial impact of acculturation is emphasized as a significant factor in forming and molding their cultural identity.

Acculturation refers to acquiring the knowledge and skills necessary to become a member of a particular culture. Acculturation is the process of mutual accommodation (Kunst et al., 2023), the balance between preserving one’s home culture identity and engaging with the host community in a new country (Hofhuis et al., 2019). It involves individuals or groups adopting and incorporating elements of the dominant or host culture while retaining aspects of their culture. Acculturation areas include family, peer groups, schools, work organizations, and media.

Understanding acculturation within the Chinese Peranakans in Papua is important in preventing conflicts and promoting cultural assimilation. Understanding acculturation within the Chinese Peranakans in Papua is important in preventing conflicts and promoting cultural assimilation. Despite its significance, prior studies have yet to extensively explore these aspects, underscoring the need for this research. Existing research has demonstrated the close connection between acculturation and intercultural communication skills. Individuals who demonstrate a heightened receptivity to novel cultural experiences and cultivate a favorable attitude toward the new cultural milieu are predisposed to cultivating intercultural communication competence—a quality influenced by acculturation. It fosters meaningful and mutually beneficial intercultural relationships with host nationals and individuals from diverse cultural backgrounds (Chi & Suthers, 2015).

Acculturation is a bidirectional, dynamic, and continuous process wherein the individual and the host culture exert mutual influence and contribute to shaping one another. According to Jaffe et al. (2018), acculturation is shaped by the capacity to harmonize the native ethical culture with the ethical culture of the host country. According to Pekerti et al. (2021), Peranakan Chinese bring their cultural practices, values, and traditions, which impact the host culture. Through this process, home and host cultures converge, creating a unique blend of cultural practices and identities. Individuals adapt to the host culture to varying degrees, and the extent of cultural assimilation varies among Chinese Peranakans. It reflects their complex and diverse experiences. Some individuals strive to preserve their cultural heritage, while others wholeheartedly adopt and immerse themselves in the host culture.

In the context of this inquiry, the present paper draws upon the conceptual framework developed by Berry, which delineates four distinct cultural identification processes individuals may undergo when engaging with a new culture: assimilation, integration, separation, and marginalization (Shao & Zhang, 2023). The assimilation among Peranakan Chinese in Serui is evident as they adopt the Papuan culture, relinquishing their own. In Serui, the Peranakan Chinese predominantly adopt the prevailing Papuan culture, thereby exhibiting a noticeable tendency to assimilate into the majority culture while gradually relinquishing their original cultural attributes.

Acculturation, within intercultural communication theory, reflects cultural competence. This construct has significantly contributed to our understanding of intercultural communication effectiveness. Effective communication in intercultural contexts necessitates each group’s evaluation of the other’s competence. However, when interactions occur from distinct cultural perspectives, perceptions of competence may be compromised unless both parties possess the necessary motivation to engage, cultural knowledge to interpret intentions and behaviors accurately, and intercultural skills to respond appropriately within the cultural context (García & Guerra, 2006). Culturing these intercultural skills is a process requiring an examination of emotions and beliefs surrounding culture.

Scholars across diverse disciplines have approached the concept of culture using varied terms, reflecting the multifaceted nature of cultural definitions. These include structure/pattern, function, process, product, refinement, power/ideology, and group-membership. The authors situate this article within the thematic framework of group membership. Culture, viewed as group membership, entails a collective understanding of the world and a shared communication system (Faulkner et al., 2006).

Moreover, drawing from Kroeber and Kluckhon’s (1952) comprehensive categorization, various definitions of culture are elucidated, encompassing enumerative descriptive, historical, normative (with an emphasis on rule or way, ideals or values plus behavior), psychological (with emphases on adjustment, on culture as a problem-solving device, learning, habit, and purely psychological definitions), structural, and genetic (with emphases on culture as a product or artifact, ideas, and symbols). This definitional approach describes a specific place or group of people, specifically the Peranakan and Papua, in the present context.

Competence denotes the capability to operate proficiently as individuals and organizations within the cultural framework. Cultural competence emphasizes comprehending the social, cultural, political, and economic contexts and linguistic competence (Guler & Berman, 2019; Segersven & Erik, 2023). According to Gopalakrishnan (2019), cultural competence encapsulates three fundamental elements. The first is the affective element, which encompasses attitudes, such as sensitivity, respect, and openness to differences. These attitudes foster positive relationships between cultures. The second element is the cognitive aspect, which involves learning about cultural differences and similarities. Recognizing and acquiring prior knowledge of diverse cultures enhances relationships and reduces misunderstandings in cross-cultural interactions. The third element is the behavioral component, which comprises the skills necessary to navigate across cultures effectively. These skills include verbal and non-verbal communication.

Methods

This study used the interpretive phenomenology method to explore a specific research question. Phenomenology represents a specific research approach aimed at exploring informants’ experiences, where these experiences are unearthed through interpretation and presented ideographically. The primary goal of phenomenology is to depict informants’ unique experiences vividly. Interpretative Phenomenological Analysis adopts an idiographic stance, capturing the distinctiveness of each informant’s experience. This method recognizes individuals’ unique experiences shaped by specific contexts, conditions, and situations. Idiographic research does not seek to generalize findings to the broader population or the whole experience of a community. Instead, its focus lies in elucidating the uniqueness of each informant’s experience, offering insights into their distinctive perspectives shaped by individual contexts (Smith et al., 2009).

Throughout the study, we adopted an ‘epoche’, bracketing, or suspension of judgment, remaining open to the unique perspectives presented by the informants. This article gathers data by conducting semi-structured interviews with three informants (Chinese Peranakans) and allowing them to share their experiences. An interview guide with open-ended questions was employed, enabling the informants to provide detailed and unrestricted responses. This study follows an ideographic approach and does not seek to make population estimates.

By utilizing a qualitative research approach, this paper aims to understand the experiences and perspectives of the participants comprehensively. The aim is to glean insights into acculturation among the Chinese Peranakans in Papua. The data collected from the interviews served as the foundation for analysis, which followed interpretive phenomenology research principles (Finlay, 2011; Smith et al., 2009). In-depth interviews were conducted with Chinese Peranakans in Serui City. It is situated at coordinates −1.8768882447168211 latitude and 136.23697883845378 longitude.

This research conducted qualitative interviews with three Peranakan participants. Despite being born in Serui, they undergo distinctive experiences concerning their identity, navigating this journey through acculturation. The first participant, identified as JO (a pseudonym), serves as the chairperson of the Himpunan Keluarga Bahagia Serui (Serui Family Gathering for Happiness). In this role, JO, a male participant, plays a pivotal part in shaping the dynamics of the local community, emphasizing the nuanced acculturation process. He focuses on fostering unity and togetherness within the Serui community. His efforts extend to strengthening the bonds among community members, transcending specific ethnic or cultural identities, notably including the Chinese identity. This intentional inclusion reflects a dynamic form of acculturation, where diverse cultural elements harmonize to create a cohesive and integrated community fabric.

JO was previously interviewed by Cheung et al. (2016) for the book ‘Tracking the Traces of Traditional Kung Fu in Indonesia: A Tradition and culture passed down from Generation to Generation’. This experience positions JO as a knowledgeable informant within the context of Chinese Peranakans in Serui. JO's active role in this organization highlights the evolving dynamics of identity and underscores the significance of inclusivity and unity within a multicultural community.

The second participant, pseudonymized MO, is a woman. She illustrated the complexity of cultural adaptation in Serui City. MO's experience reflects how individuals navigate identity by embracing diverse cultural influences. It includes adopting Papuan customs, blending Chinese and Papuan elements, and embracing Christianity, contributing to MO's unique identity. This article selected the individual as the informant based on her substantial experience navigating the acculturation of her identity as a Peranakan. MO had to remove her child’s Chinese surname due to encountering administrative challenges in the Indonesian police admission test. The adoption of a Papuan surname, however, facilitated acceptance within the community.

The third participant, pseudonymized YR, a woman, Peranakan, with a unique family history, reflects the amalgamation of Chinese and Papuan cultures through YR's Chinese grandfather’s strategic marriage to the daughter of the Dasnarebo tribal chief. YR's family adopted the Papuan surname Dasnarebo to signify their assimilation into the local Papuan community. YR, a university student in Jayapura, actively engages in Papuan sociocultural activities, including the Yospan dance, a popular tradition among Papuan youth from the Regency of Biak and Yapen-Waropen. This active engagement in cultural activities illustrated YR's commitment to and immersion in the dynamic interplay between her dual cultural heritage.

This article meticulously secured informed consent from all participating informants before their inclusion. Furthermore, all data from the research participants were collected following explicit consent. Participants were provided with comprehensive information regarding the study’s purpose and method. Written consent was obtained from each participant before their involvement in the research. Before data collection from the participants, the research design underwent a comprehensive review by the Ethics Committee on Social Studies and Humanities at Badan Riset dan Inovasi Nasional Republik Indonesia. The research protocol received ethical clearance under established guidelines and was granted the Ethical Clearance Decision Letter, Social Sciences and Humanities Research, Number: 310/KE.01/SK/9/2022.

Results

Evolving of Chinese Peranakans’ identity in Serui Papua

Kepulauan Yapen Regency is home to many Chinese Peranakans, with notable concentrations in Yobi Village and Serui City. These people can trace their ancestral origins to various regions in China. According to JO, an informant, their ancestors arrived in Papua primarily to engage in trade and access the region’s unique and coveted bird of paradise, Cenderawasih. The Chinese Peranakans trace their ancestry to the Hokkien ethnic group (interview with JO).

This perspective is consistent with Turner’s explanation (2003). He informed that the initial Chinese migrants to Indonesia, including in Papua, primarily belonged to four ethnic groups, mainly from Fujian and Guangdong provinces in southeast China. These groups are Hokkien, Teochiu, Hakka, and Cantonese. Being the first to settle in Indonesia, Hokkien dominated local economies, particularly in Eastern Indonesia. Teochiu is concentrated along Sumatra’s east coast, the Riau islands, and Kalimantan. The Hakka, originating from agriculturally unproductive mountainous areas in Guangdong, migrated out of necessity and established themselves on outer islands like Kalimantan, exploiting abundant natural resources. Hakka individuals continue to wield significant influence in various aspects of economic society in these regions. Cantonese, the other significant group, settled in Indonesia due to their skills in industry mechanics and wealth. They established themselves as artisans and machine workers across the archipelago (Turner, 2003).

One strategy to trade and access commodities, especially Cenderawasih, was through marriages with local women (interview with JO). Some individuals pursued assimilation by forming matrimonial unions with local women. Furthermore, the Chinese community engaged in trade activities using a barter system to exchange. They exchanged or bartered the Cenderawasih birds for various earthenware. Ceramic artifacts in Papua exhibit evidence of their extra-regional origins, attributable to established trade connections with countries renowned for ceramic production. The presence of Chinese ceramics in Papua underscores their esteemed worth and significance to the local inhabitants (Fairyo, 2017).

Substantial challenges, hardships, and obstacles, including episodes of violence from local communities, have marked the migration of the Chinese to Papua. However, in the face of these adversities, they demonstrated resilience and established a lasting presence in Papua (interview with JO). Over time, the Chinese Peranakans in Kepulauan Yapen Regency acculturated into the local population. It involved embracing and conforming to the customs and traditions of the Papuan people. They no longer celebrate Chinese New Year or Imlek. The Chinese Peranakans’ remarkable acculturation with the local population is evident in various aspects, including changes in their appearance and the adoption of local customs and traditions.

The issue of identity poses challenges for some Chinese Peranakans. This research informant, JO, whose ancestor is from the Hokkien ethnic group in Fujian, a south-eastern province of China, shared the experience. During the New Order era, JO encountered discrimination during the Indonesian police selection based on his Chinese surname, ultimately disqualifying him. This discrimination highlights individuals like JO's struggles navigating their dual identities and biases in certain societal institutions. JO said the Chinese Peranakans in Serui predominantly spoke Hokkien. However, many Peranakans have lost fluency in the language, resulting in a shift in linguistic practices within the community.

The participant further explained that the Chinese Peranakans are often referred to as the descendants of Tan Kai Tjok, who arrived in the Serui City of Papua during the 19th and early 20th for the lucrative spice trade. Chinese traders obtained permission from the Sultanate of Tidore and the Sultanate of Ternate. Those sultanates were prominent in the Halmahera Archipelago of North Maluku, Indonesia (Global Security, 2012). Before gaining independence, Indonesia comprised numerous kingdoms, including Muslim kingdoms or sultanates. Indonesia was a vital hub in international trade networks, with Islamic sultanates dominating the trade routes. In the geopolitical landscape of eastern Indonesia, encompassing Papua, the influential realm of Ternate and Tidore emerged as paramount entities. These two kingdoms, distinguished for their political preeminence, wielded significant authority rooted in the tenets of Islam (Ricklefs, 2008). According to Tomé Pires (in Ricklefs, 2008), these formidable domains commanded political dominance and asserted control over vital maritime trade routes, consolidating their comprehensive regional influence. The geographical location of Indonesia, situated at the crossroads of various trading routes, made it a crucial center for commerce. During this historical period, Islamic sultanates played a significant role in regulating and facilitating international trade, enabling the exchange of valuable goods (Tjandrasasmita, 1970).

This narrative provided by our participant aligns with the one presented in the book edited by Cheung et al. (2016). He highlights the Chinese Peranakan ancestors’ origins in Serui City. Tan Kai Tjok in Serui City married the daughter of a tribal chief of Papuan in Manawi Village named Moibin Bonai Kui. They had children and relocated them to Kampong Kamanap, approximately 50 km away from Serui. JO is among the descendants of Tan Kai Tjok in Serui (Cheung et al., 2016). Some Chinese Peranakans relinquished their Chinese customs, such as displaying ancestral tablets to honor ancestors. For the Chinese community, ancestor worship is significant in religious and social life, deeply rooted in the virtue of filial piety. Individuals continue to engage in these rituals, which involve the veneration of deceased ancestors. Ancestral tablets are central to ancestor worship (Hu, 2016).

Historical regulations and discrimination against the Chinese, dating back to the era of President Soeharto, have compelled Chinese descendants to suppress their cultural identity. A poignant illustration is provided by JO, who faced recruitment challenges in the police force due to the preferential treatment accorded to indigenous Papuans under the Special Autonomy Law, excluding Papuan descendants of other ethnicities. JO said: ‘Chinese Peranakans stopped celebrating Chinese New Year’ (interviewed with JO).

They distanced themselves from Chinese cultural activities, such as burning incense sticks. This decision indicates a deliberate disengagement from their Chinese identity. This choice may stem from various factors, such as personal preferences, the influence of the local environment, or a desire to assimilate into the broader Papuan culture. Instead, some Peranakans in Serui have embraced the cultural traditions of the Papua community, participating in communal church services as a cohesive family unit.

Identity is a multidimensional and complex aspect of Chinese Peranakans living in Papua, characterized by the active agency to shape and redefine their identities. They possess the ability to shape and redefine their identities actively. This dynamic acculturation process enables them to navigate and adapt to the intricate interplay of Chinese and Papuan cultures. The informant’s decision to forsake Chinese identity by not participating in specific cultural activities reflects identity negotiation within the local Papuan community. Instead of adhering to Chinese customs, some Peranakans in Serui embraced the cultural practices of the Papuan community. As the dominant culture in the region, Papuan customs are likely to have exerted a considerable influence on the participants and the broader community of Chinese Peranakans.

Various factors influence the decision to adopt Papuan customs over Chinese customs. Firstly, individuals desire to assimilate into the majority culture and identify more closely with the local Papuan community. This assimilation fosters a sense of belonging. Secondly, the influence of the social and cultural environment. Living in a predominantly Papuan community led to adopting Papuan customs. Thirdly, the power of social-political influence. Political recognition and promotion of local cultures contribute to cultural practice shifts. As the Papuan community’s customs and traditions are recognized and celebrated within the region, individuals are encouraged to participate in and embrace these practices to preserve and promote local identity. The decision of Peranakans in Serui to embrace Papuan customs can be attributed to a combination of factors: the desire to assimilate, the influence of the social-cultural environment, and the recognition and promotion of local cultures.

JO suggested that maintaining a strong Chinese cultural identity among Peranakans in some areas, as opposed to those in Serui, can be attributed to religious practices. According to him, individuals who adhere to Confucianism and Buddhism are more inclined to preserve their Chinese cultural identity. Those who embraced Christianity tended to let go of Chinese cultural traditions. Therefore, religion plays a significant role in shaping the cultural practices of Chinese Peranakan in various regions. Religion provides individuals with a framework of beliefs, values, and rituals that guide their behaviors and shape their sense of self (Gaya, 2022).

Regarding local religion, according to the informant MO and YR, the ancestors of the Chinese Peranakans in Serui practiced Taoism and Confucianism. However, with their assimilation into the predominantly Christian and Catholic local Papua community, the Chinese Peranakans in Serui have abandoned the customs rooted in the religious beliefs of their ancestors. Instead, they have embraced and adopted religious practices aligned with Christianity and Catholicism. The practices of Christianity and Catholicism are performed in various ceremonies, such as weddings and funerals. A few customs from their Chinese ancestors are still maintained, including giving large Chinese plates as dowries in marriage. Meanwhile, wedding attire often consists of long white gowns like those worn at church weddings. Peranakan communities rarely, if ever, conduct marriages in traditional Chinese attire.

JO’s role as the chairman of the Himpunan Keluarga Bahagia Serui, HKBS (Happy Family Association Serui) indicates a shift in focus from primordialism based solely on Chinese identity to a sense of unity within the Serui community. This organization prioritizes the bonds shared among the people of Serui rather than the Chinese identity. This shift reflects an evolving perspective that values the broader community connections and unity, demonstrating a departure from a solely ethnic-centric approach. According to JO, the organization aims to create a sense of togetherness and collective well-being beyond specific ethnic or cultural identities. This approach reflects a broader perspective valuing harmonious coexistence among individuals from different cultural backgrounds. By fostering a sense of unity among the Serui community, the organization contributes to developing a shared identity encompassing diverse cultural backgrounds and promoting a sense of belonging for all members, irrespective of their ethnic origins. This shift suggests a recognition of the evolving dynamics of identity and the importance of inclusivity and unity within a multicultural community.

Another informant, MO in Pantai Kampong Turu (south Yapen in Serui city), provided a different viewpoint on Chinese identity and cultural practices. MO expressed pride in her Chinese heritage, noting her lighter skin tone compared to many Papuans. Despite not actively celebrating Chinese New Year, MO still desired to identify with her Chinese roots. However, MO acknowledged that her family’s cultural practices revolve more around religious and Papuan customary activities than specific Chinese events. Consequently, they lack typical Chinese artifacts that conventionally symbolize Chinese identity.

MO's experience provides a nuanced perspective on Chinese identity and cultural preservation. Although MO takes pride in her Chinese heritage, her family’s cultural practices have evolved into a blend of Papuan customs and traditions. This fusion of influences underscores the intricate nature of cultural identity, showcasing how individuals negotiate and adapt their cultural practices in response to unique circumstances and surroundings. The diverse expressions of cultural identity within the Chinese Peranakans community illustrate individuals’ complexities in navigating their heritage, personal experiences, and the cultural landscape. MO's account added to the understanding that cultural identity is not monolithic but shaped by multiple factors, including personal experiences, family dynamics, and the broader social context. Her perspective sheds light on the disappearance of Chinese culture within the family and the acculturation into the local culture to avoid potential discrimination. Our second participant recounted how her family embraced the Papuan wedding customs and no longer incorporated Chinese customs into their daily lives. The omission of Chinese cultural practices is a way of avoiding conflicts with the Papuans. It suggests that the Papuan community is open-minded to accepting individuals from diverse cultural backgrounds. It fosters a positive atmosphere of cultural coexistence and harmony.

MO's experience exemplifies the dynamics of cultural adaptation to navigate the cultural identity within the local social context. By adopting Papuan customs and blending with the local culture, our participant found acceptance and harmony within the Papuan community. It implies that the community’s receptiveness and inclusivity play a crucial role in supporting individuals from diverse backgrounds as they undergo the process of acculturation. It contributes to the region’s rich cultural tapestry. The willingness to adapt within the Papuan community is peaceful coexistence and acceptance of different cultural backgrounds. The participant typified her pride in being a Chinese Peranakan by bestowing her eldest son’s Chinese surname of ‘Oey’. It demonstrated a desire to preserve Chinese heritage within the family. The acknowledgment of having a Papuan tribal clan through the father’s lineage highlighted the complex identity among the Chinese Peranakans in Serui City.

The fusion of Chinese and Papuan cultural elements and the adoption of Christianity showcase the intricate ways individuals navigate their identities and establish a sense of belonging within the broader cultural landscape of Serui City. It reflects the dynamic nature of cultural identity formation and the capacity for individuals to embrace multiple cultural influences in shaping their lives. Our participant expressed pride in her Chinese heritage and engagement with the Papuan community. It illustrates the diverse layers of identity and the interplay between different cultural aspects in the lives of the Peranakans in Serui City.

Another research informant, YR, a Chinese Peranakan in Serui, has a unique background and identity influenced by various cultural elements. Our participant grew up in Waropen (one of the regencies in the province of Papua Barat) and attended school in Waropen and Serui. Our third participant has been exposed to different cultural contexts throughout her education, dominated by Papuan culture. Her surnames (‘Reri’, ‘Dasnarebo’, and ‘Lie’) represent different clan affiliations and ancestral ties. While her father’s clan is ‘Dasnarebo’, associated with the tribe of Abumi in Bensor village in Waropen, our third participant primarily uses the ‘Reri’ surname derived from her mother’s side. Her family has replaced the ancestral surname of ‘Lie’ with the ‘Dasnarebo’ clan name. It symbolizes a shift in identity from Chinese to Papuan.

Acknowledging her Chinese heritage, the informant considered herself more closely connected to the Papuan people and preferred to be called a ‘Perancis’ or Peranakan China Serui. It highlights her identification with the local Papuan community and her emphasis on her current cultural identity. Our participant took pride in her facial features reflecting her Chinese ancestry, contributing to her sense of self and belonging. She viewed that Chinese traditions have become extinct in her community. For her, it indicated a loss of Chinese cultural practices among the Peranakans in Serui. Instead, there is a stronger emphasis on the current cultural identity of being Papuan. The informant’s perspective suggests that the Chinese Peranakans in Serui have prioritized the Papuan cultural identity over Chinese traditions. This shift may be attributed to a sense of belonging and connection to the local community, political recognition, and the influence of their upbringing and social environment.

YR, a Peranakan with a Chinese grandfather and a native Papuan grandmother, has a fascinating family history that reflects the intermingling of Chinese and Papuan cultures in the Waropen regency. The marriage between YR's grandfather and the daughter of the ‘Dasnarebo’ tribal chief served as a strategic alliance and provided security for trading. YR's family adopted the Papuan surname ‘Dasnarebo’ to connect to the indigenous Papuan. It means visitors. This surname signifies the assimilation into the local community of Papua.

The informant highlights the multifaceted relationships between Chinese immigrants and indigenous Papuan communities in Waropen. The intermarriage between YR's Chinese grandfather and the Papuan chief’s daughter fostered cultural exchange between the two communities. Her narrative exemplified the historical dynamics of trade, intermarriage, and cultural adaptation that shaped the identities of Chinese Peranakans in Waropen. Her experience revealed a relatively positive acceptance and lack of negative stereotypes from the local community toward Chinese Peranakans. While some stereotypes may exist, they do not pose significant obstacles for her. One commonly held stereotype is that Chinese people are perceived as being tight-fisted.

Nevertheless, for the informant, it is not a significant issue. The informant actively engaged in various sociocultural activities, such as the Yospan dance. It is a popular dance among the Papuan youth. Yospan, for ‘Yosim’ and ‘Pancar’, is a traditional dance originating from the Regency of Biak and Yapen-Waropen (West Papua Diary, 2021). Chinese Peranakans successfully bridge any possible cultural divides. This acculturation demonstrates the persistence of cultural variety. Despite the surname replacement policy obscuring their family heritage as Chinese Peranakan, our participant took pride in her Papuan identity and actively involved herself in local cultural traditions. Her engagement extends beyond dance, encompassing participation in choirs, Indonesian flag-raising troops, and scouts. It demonstrates a strong commitment to diversity and cultural immersion.

The participation of Chinese Peranakan in such diverse groups reflects an open-mindedness and willingness to connect with individuals from different backgrounds. The informant shared significant comments that contribute to understanding Chinese Peranakans’ pride. Our participant said:

We take great pride in our identity as Chinese Peranakans and continue to cherish and preserve it to this day. We are proud of being Chinese Peranakans. Our unique heritage holds something truly special. We feel a sense of pride that stems from the rich blend of our ancestral lineages. We must experience an improvement in heredity. Color, skin, appearance, and beauty differ from the original Papua (interview transcript with YR).

Form of acculturation of Chinese Peranakan in Serui of Papua

Based on the description of the acculturation of Chinese communities mentioned above, this article identifies two models of acculturation based on significant contexts that contribute to acculturation in Papua. Firstly, in the initial phase, acculturation occurs based on the socio-economic and security context. Secondly, in the second phase, acculturation occurs within the socio-political context. The New Order regime (1966–1998), led by Suharto, implemented a structure restricting cultural expression.

Security-economic based acculturation

Chinese individuals initially arrived in Papua to engage in commodity trading. The allure of Papua’s rich natural resources, such as spices and bird-of-paradise, attracted Chinese traders to the region (Severin, 1998). During this phase, it is crucial to provide a safe environment where they need to assimilate with the Papuan community. To facilitate trade and establish connections with the local communities, some Chinese men have chosen to marry indigenous Papuan women, particularly those from influential families. As a result of these interethnic marriages between the Chinese and Papuan, some Chinese men embraced Papuan surnames and converted to the prevailing religion of the region. It becomes possible for the Chinese to become an integral part of the Papuan society.

By adopting Papuan surnames, Chinese men aimed to acculturate themselves into the local society and forge stronger ties with their Papuan spouses and families, local culture, and traditions. It fostered social harmony in Papua. The biculturality identity of Peranakans of Chinese descent in Indonesia, as experienced by informant MO, can be understood as conflicting entities. According to Firat and Noels (2022), self-conceptualized biculturality identity can take on distinct, conflictual, compartmentalized, complementary, or integrated forms.

Furthermore, embracing the region’s dominant religion helped them align themselves with the beliefs and practices of the Papuan. Interethnic marriage contributed to cultural exchange. The matrilineal structure of Papua’s society profoundly impacts cultural identity formation, often surpassing the influence of the father’s Chinese heritage. The matrilineal structure emphasizes the mother-child bond, which is pivotal in shaping an individual’s sense of cultural belonging and identity.

Social-politic based acculturation

The regime of Suharto (1966–1998) implemented a policy to change the surnames of foreign nationals, including Chinese, to Indonesian names. Hence, Chinese Peranakans in Serui adopted surnames of indigenous Papuan tribes. As a result, Chinese Peranakans replace their Chinese surnames with Papuan ones. This decision was influenced by the New Order’s political context at the time. The New Order implemented a stringent policy that compelled citizens of Chinese descent to adopt Indonesian names. The surname change referred to Presidential Decree Number 240 of 1967. Article 5 (five) of the decree urged Indonesian citizens of Chinese descent to embrace Indonesian names. This decree referred to Cabinet Presidium Decree No. 127/U/Kep/12/1966, which governed the usage of Chinese names in Indonesia. Besides, the New Order regime exerted control over Chinese culture. In 1966, the government prohibited using Chinese characters and language in mass media and the names of shops and companies, as stipulated in the Decree of the Provisional People’s Consultative Assembly number 32.

The Indonesian government took further measures to regulate Chinese customs and practices through Presidential Instruction of the Republic of Indonesia Number 14 of 1967. This instruction mandated the minister of religion, the minister of home affairs, and all government agencies at the central and regional levels to enforce policies concerning religion, beliefs, and Chinese customs. The instruction included various provisions, such as the requirement that Chinese religious rituals be conducted privately within families or individuals and that public displays of religious celebrations and Chinese customs should be inconspicuous.

Notwithstanding, during Indonesia’s reform period in 1998, marked by a push for greater freedom and equality, the government repealed Presidential Instruction No. 14 of 1967. The reform period aimed to dismantle discriminatory and authoritarian policies and regulations, including those that restricted the use of Chinese names and required individuals to conform to Indonesian culture. Indonesian citizens have the freedom to choose their names without undue interference. The fourth president of Indonesia, Abdurahman Wahid, from 1999 to 2001, supported Chinese cultural festivals and performances. Despite enjoying the freedom to express their Chinese identity, the Peranakans prioritize Papuan culture. The term ‘China’ has been replaced with ‘Tionghoa’. President Habibie, the third president of Indonesia from 1998 to 1999, and other government officials officially employed the term ‘Tionghoa’ in public statements. Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono, the sixth president of Indonesia from 2004 to 2014, formalized this nomenclature for the Chinese minority through Presidential Decree No. 12/2014. While the older Chinese generation accepts the term ‘Tionghoa’, the younger generation does not view the term ‘Cina’ negatively, as they grew up with it during the Suharto regime (Arifin et al., 2016).

Discussion

This article asserts that growing up in diverse cultural environments cultivates adaptability, empathy, and a comprehensive understanding of various cultural perspectives. Individuals raised in such environments often demonstrate strong intercultural competence, enabling them to navigate and interact effectively across cultural boundaries. These experiences contribute to developing intercultural competence and facilitating effective communication and adaptation in multicultural settings. The argument posits that individuals from racial minorities exhibit greater cultural awareness than those from the dominant culture, supporting the concept of cultural adaptation and intercultural competence (Anderson et al., 2009).

Furthermore, individuals from racial minorities also face stereotypes, biases, and discrimination, contributing to misunderstandings of culture and identity. This awareness fosters intercultural competence and promotes empathy, cultural sensitivity, and effective cross-cultural interactions. Nonetheless, the distinctive experiences of individuals from racial minorities enhance their sensitivity and understanding of cultural dynamics and their cultural awareness. Anderson emphasizes the importance of recognizing and valuing the perspectives and experiences of individuals from racial minorities in creating a more inclusive and culturally competent society. According to Gopalakrishnan (2019), acknowledging and appreciating diverse cultural backgrounds can build stronger intercultural connections, fostering mutual understanding.

The Chinese Peranakans demonstrate cultural awareness in their interactions with the dominant culture of the host culture. Their activities and behaviors reflect an understanding and appreciation of their Chinese heritage and the local Papuan culture. By participating in local sociocultural activities and engaging with diverse groups, the Chinese Peranakans are willing to immerse themselves in the host culture and forge connections with people from different backgrounds. It demonstrates their cultural adaptability and openness to cultural exchange. Their involvement in activities, such as the Yospan dance indicates a genuine interest in and respect for the Papuan culture. These actions contribute to preserving and promoting local traditions and foster a sense of unity and mutual understanding among different cultural groups.

The ability of Chinese Peranakans to navigate and acculturate within the Papuan culture indicates a high level of cultural sensitivity and intercultural competence. The ability to navigate the nuances of their Chinese heritage and the local cultural context demonstrates acculturation. Participation in various organizations and embracing local cultural practices also contribute to the sense of belonging and acceptance within the Papua region. Despite political challenges, such as the policy of surname replacement during the New Order Regime, the Chinese Peranakans in Papua have found ways to maintain their cultural identity while embracing the local culture. Their activities and behaviors reflect cultural awareness, adaptability, and appreciation for the diverse cultural landscape of Papua.

According to these findings, the Chinese Peranakans have undergone acculturation with the indigenous Papuans, indicating a cultural exchange between the two groups. Nonetheless, it is crucial to acknowledge that Papuans actively assert and reinforce their cultural identity in specific contexts, particularly in political contestation. This trend has gained momentum recently, potentially challenging the ongoing acculturation in Papuan society. Chinese Peranakans in Papua’s acculturation with the Indigenous Papuan indicates acceptance within the local cultural fabric. These findings also highlight the active assertion of Papuan cultural identity, particularly in the political arena. While there is a degree of acculturation and cultural convergence, the Indigenous Papua prioritizes and promotes its distinct cultural heritage.

The reinforcement of Papuan cultural identity in political contestation is a response to historical and ongoing struggles for recognition, autonomy, and representation. It is a way for Papuans to assert their rights, preserve their unique cultural practices, and maintain their political agency within the region. This Papuan cultural assertion challenges the ongoing acculturation of the Chinese Peranakans. The potential threat lies in the possibility of acculturation being overshadowed by the dominant Papuan cultural identity, particularly in political contexts.

The Chinese Peranakans in Serui are unique and distinct from the ones in other countries. This article diverges from Sua and Ngah’s research (2013), which focuses on the Tirok Chinese Peranakans in Terengganu, Malaysia. They examined the maintenance and transformation of identities among an acculturated rural Chinese group in a predominantly Malay-populated area. They found that the older generation of Chinese Peranakans upheld their identity, significantly influenced by Malay culture. This acculturation results from their close association with the larger Malay community, attending local schools alongside Malays, and maintaining strong Sino-Malay ties. Despite undergoing acculturation, they retain a distinct Chinese identity through adherence to Chinese religious and cultural practices, use of a Chinese dialect as their primary language at home, preference for Chinese-style attire in public, and inclination toward intra-ethnic marriages. Still, the Peranakan identity has diminished over time. The younger generation experienced a noticeable shift in identity due to sociocultural factors that limited their interactions with local Malays and amplified their Chinese identity. The degree of this identity shift varied between the second and third generations and depended on whether individuals relocated to urban areas (Sua & Ngah, 2013).

Conclusion

The intricate acculturation process among Chinese Peranakans in Serui Regency, Papua, Indonesia, reveals notable shifts from biculturality to monoculturality. Internal factors, exemplified by the deliberate choice of Papuans to engage with individuals rooted in Papua’s historical context, contribute significantly to this transition. Simultaneously, external influences, particularly political factors, can drive Chinese Peranakans in Serui to conceal their cultural identity, highlighting the multifaceted nature of acculturation within this community. The policy mandating the replacement of non-indigenous peoples’ surnames with indigenous Papuan clan names exemplifies the impact of external factors on acculturation. Additionally, promoting cross-cultural interaction and understanding through art and sports encourages acculturation among Papuans. These activities serve as platforms for social acculturation, facilitating increased cultural awareness and fostering stronger cross-cultural relationships. Active participation in cultural expressions, artistic endeavors, and sports engenders cultural expectations, contributing to assimilation and acceptance. Despite inheriting a narcissistic culture as their home culture, the Chinese Peranakan community in Serui City demonstrates a significant level of acculturation with the host culture.

The acculturation of the Chinese Peranakans in Serui has been an ongoing phenomenon since their settlement in the Kepulauan Yapen-Waropen regency. This cultural exchange has formed a distinct monocultural identity influenced by various factors, including the social system. The nature of acculturation among Chinese Peranakans in Papua is influenced by the interplay of two significant social systems. Firstly, the social politics aspect has historically imposed restrictions on the cultural expressions of Chinese Peranakans, compelling them to assimilate with the local culture, especially in matters of names and surnames. It reflects a historical context where political forces shaped and constrained cultural identity. Secondly, the socio-economic aspect plays a pivotal role in driving acculturation. The desire for improved access to economic opportunities and commodities has significantly motivated Chinese Peranakans to assimilate with the local culture. This economic dimension highlights the pragmatic aspects of acculturation, where individuals adapt to enhance their socio-economic standing. The complex interplay between these social systems contributes to the nuanced nature of acculturation in this context.

Additionally, the Chinese Peranakans’ awareness of their minority status has impacted their acculturation with the dominant host culture of Papua. Their perception of social injustice stemming from the power structures has limited their access to positions of power, such as the governorship, which has been reserved primarily for Orang Asli Papua. Social and cultural interactions serve as vital communication channels for individuals undergoing acculturation. These interactions are pivotal in fostering communication and engagement among individuals from diverse cultural backgrounds, facilitating acculturation. Active participation in social and cultural activities allows individuals to connect with local community members and gain deeper insights into the host culture and its traditions. Through these activities, individuals can refine their language skills, deepen their understanding of cultural norms, and acquire valuable knowledge about the host society. Social and cultural activities are powerful catalysts for promoting intercultural understanding and facilitating individuals’ adjustment to a new cultural environment. The efficacy of communication and mindfulness in cross-cultural settings can be enhanced when individuals actively engage in activities that promote acculturation within culturally diverse regions.

Further research can shed light on the intricate acculturation of the Chinese Peranakans in Serui City. Researchers can examine specific internal and external factors that shape the transition from biculturality to monoculturality among Papuans. The interplay between social systems, such as politics and economics, can be explored to understand the factors influencing the community’s distinct monocultural identity. It is important to investigate how minority status awareness and power structures affect their acculturation, including the limited access to positions of power reserved mainly for Orang Asli Papua. Additionally, researchers can study how acculturation impacts individuals’ ability to navigate intercultural interactions and develop effective communication skills. This exploration can provide valuable insights into the role of acculturation in shaping intercultural communication competence. Furthermore, understanding the implications of intercultural communication competence for fostering inclusivity, cohesion, and community strength within the Peranakan community can highlight the importance of communication in acculturation. By focusing on these aspects, researchers can contribute to a deeper understanding of the complexities of acculturation and its relationship to intercultural communication.

Author contributions

All authors agree to be accountable for all aspects of the work. Karman was responsible for drafting the manuscript draft, conceptual framework, design, conducting data collection, and the analysis/interpretation of data for this article. Handrini Ardiyanti contributed to the conception and research design, conducted field data collection, and participated in the analysis and interpretation of data for this article and revised manuscript. Bambang Shergi Laksmono oversaw data collection and provided invaluable interpretations using sociological perspectives for this research. Bambang Mudjiyanto contributed to ensuring accountability for the accuracy and integrity of this work and approved final approval of the version. Djoko Walujo made substantial contributions to ensure accountability for the accuracy and integrity of this work and approved final approval of the version. Each author has provided consent to be listed and has confirmed their contributions to the manuscript.

Acknowledgments

We sincerely thank Z. Hidayat, lecturer in the Communication Science Department at Bina Nusantara University, Jakarta, Indonesia, for reviewing this manuscript before its submission to Cogent Social Sciences. We extend our sincere gratitude to the Ethical Committee for granting us the invaluable ethical clearance (Number: 310/KE.01/SK/9/2022), under which this manuscript has been developed.

Disclosure statement

No potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).

Data availability statement

The data and materials supporting this work’s findings are available upon request. Restrictions apply to the availability of these data, which were used under license for this study. Data access requests may be sent to Handrini Ardiyanti at [email protected] for consideration.

Additional information

Funding

This work was funded by Badan Riset dan Inovasi Nasional Republik Indonesia.

Notes on contributors

Karman

Karman is a researcher at the Research Center for Society and Culture, Badan Riset dan Inovasi Nasional Republik Indonesia. Recently, he wrote ‘Commodification of Instrumental Islamic Piety in Indonesian Political Contestation 2019’, https://doi.org/10.1080/01292986.2023.2295871.

Handrini Ardiyanti

Handrini Ardiyanti, a researcher at the Research Center for Society and Culture, Badan Riset dan Inovasi Nasional Republik Indonesia.

Bambang Shergi Laksmono

Bambang Shergi Laksmono, a professor in the Department of Social Welfare, Faculty of Social and Political Science, Universitas Indonesia.

Bambang Mudjiyanto

Bambang Mudjiyanto, a researcher at the Research Center for Public Policy, Badan Riset dan Inovasi Nasional Republik Indonesia.

Djoko Walujo

Djoko Walujo, a researcher at the Research Center for Public Policy, Badan Riset dan Inovasi Nasional Republik Indonesia.