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Original Articles

Politics and piracy: The duchy of Gaeta in the twelfth century

Pages 307-319 | Published online: 03 Jan 2012

References

  • C[odex] D[iplomaticus] C[ajetanus], 3 vols (Montecassino, 1887, 1892, 1967). All numbers cited in this and other charter collections are those of documents.
  • Merores , M. and Fedele , P. 1991 . Il ducato di Gaeta all'inizio della conquista normanna . Gaeta im frühen Mittelalter , 29 : 50 – 99 . Chief among these, and still the first point of reference
  • An assumption borne out by recent historiography, almost all dealing with one or the other. North: R. Bordone and J. Jarnut, ed., L'Evoluzione delle Città Italiane nell'XI Secolo, (Bologna, 1988), D. Waley, The Italian City-Republics, (3rd edn., London, 1988). South: B. Kreutz, Before the Normans: Southern Italy in the Ninth and Tenth Centuries, (Philadelphia, 1991), D. Matthew, The Norman Kingdom of Sicily, (Cambridge, 1992), H. Takayama, The Administration of the Norman Kingdom of Sicily, (Leiden, 1993). Even general histories, such as the Storia d'Italia, have found it easier to deal with the South as a separate volume: III: Il Mezzogiorno dai Bizantini a Federico II, ed. G. Galasso, (Turin, 1983).
  • Abulafia , D. 1977 . “ The Two Italies: Economic Relations between the Norman Kingdom of Sicily and the Northern Communes ” . Cambridge
  • CDC 82.
  • CDC 14, CDC 174.
  • CDC 16.
  • CDC 174.
  • Brühl , C.-R. , ed. 1983 . Die Honorantie Civitatis Papie 20 ch. 5
  • Liutprand of Cremona, Antapodosis, 5.21, in Works, trans. F.A. Wright, (London, 1930).
  • CDC 219.
  • For example, the wills of the Gaetan rulers Docibilis I and Docibilis II, CDC 19 (906), CDC 52 (954), and of Sergius, an Amalfitan resident in Naples, [II] C[odice] P[erris], ed. J. Mazzoleni and R. Orefice, (Amalfi, 1985)] 81 (1025), all contain references to bequests of silk. Other documents featuring silk cloths (panni serici): CDC 66 (964), CDC 143 (1024), CDC 153 (1028), R[egesta] N[eapolitana, in Monumenta ad Neapolitani Ducatus Historiam Pertinentia, ed. B. Capasso, II, i, (Naples, 1885)] 482 (1045), Cod[ex Diplomaticus] Cav[ensis, ed. M. Morealdi, 8 vols (Milan, Naples, Pisa, 1873-93)] 382 (986), CodCav 528 (999), CodCav 582 (1006), CodCav 688 (1015), CodCav 738 (1022), CodCav 812 (1029), CodCav 1096 (1046).
  • Liutprand of Cremona, The Embassy to Constantinople, ch. 55, in Works, p. 268.
  • Amatus . 1935 . Storia de'Normanni di Amato Edited by: de Bartholomeis , V. 65 2.7
  • Lopez , R. 1945 . The silk industry in the Byzantine Empire . Speculum , 20 : 38
  • CDC 153.
  • Skinner , P. 1992 . Noble families in the duchy of Gaeta in the tenth century . Papers of the British School at Rome , 60 : 353 – 377 . On the nobility, see
  • An exceptional case is that of Ramfus Christopheri, a member of one of Gaeta's oldest noble families, who is seen engaging in trade in luxury goods with a Roman, Ubertus, in 1012: CDC 123/4, and Skinner, ‘Noble families’, 364. However, his use of family land as collateral for a commercial loan reinforces the image of the old nobility as basing their wealth on their landed, rather than their moveable, property.
  • Shops were owned in Gaeta by the Mancanella family (CDC 321, 1131), the Cotinas (CDC 283, a ‘pothega’ απoθnkn = Greek for storehouse), the Castaneas and the Gattulas (CDC 322, 1132). Other families, such as the Coronellas (in 1054 and 1128, CDC 197 and CDC 313) and the de Arcius (in 1054, CDC 197) seem to have had large amounts of liquid wealth at their disposal, again indicating that they were active in trade.
  • CDC 278; the families represented were the Cotinas, the de Arcius, the Salpas, the Baraballus, the Boccapasus and the Lazarus.
  • Kehr , P.F. and Gerstenberg , O. 1907 . Studien zur Geschichte des römischen Adels am Ausgang des 10 Jahrhunderts . Italia Pontificia , 11 : 120 – 26 . See
  • CDC 274.
  • CDC 298.
  • Toubert , P. 1973 . Les Structures du Latium Médiéval , II : 998 – 1038 . On the Crescentii and Tusculani, see
  • In 978 Leo, a member of the de Rini family, who owned land and may have produced some of his own exports, confirmed an exchange made by his wife Anna while he was away in Babilonia, the pre-Arab name for Cairo: CodCav 300. See also
  • Citarella , A. 1971 . Scambi commerciali fra l'Egitto e Amalfi in un documento inedito della Geniza di Cairo . ASPN , 88 : 141 – 149 .
  • Honorantie Civitatis Papie, 20.
  • Matthew, Norman Kingdom, 123.
  • Matthew, Norman Kingdom, 75; evidence for the Amalfitan community in Palermo, and the fact that they had a ‘master’ at their head, comes in documents of 1172 and 1183; I Diplomi Greci ed Arabi di Sicilia, ed. S. Cusa, 2 vols (Palermo, 1868, 1882), repr. as one vol (Köln, 1982), documents 117 and 146.
  • Lewis , A.R. 1951 . “ Naval Power and Trade in the Mediterranean ” . 215 by the middle of the eleventh century, the Amalfitans had a permanent quarter in the city
  • See, for example, C[odice] D[iplomatico] A[malfitano, ed. R. Filangieri di Candida, 1, (Naples, 1917)] 42, CDA 45, CDA 48.
  • See, for example, evidence for Amalfitans in Monte S. Angelo on the Gargano peninsula: Le Pergamene di Barletta, ed. F. Nitti de Vito, (Codice Diplomatico Barese, VIII, Bari, 1914) 30 (1112) and Le Pergamene di Barletta del R. Archivo di Napoli, ed. R. Filangieri di Candida, (Codice Diplomatico Barese X, Bari, 1927), 6 (twelfth century); the house of loannaci the Amalfitan appears in a document from Tricarico in 1148, Naples, Archivio di Stato, Sezione Politico-Diplomatica, Inventari 99, no. 39; an Amalfitan also witnesses a document from Lecce in 1198, Le Pergamene di S. Giovanni Evangelista in Lecce, ed. M. Pastore, (Lecce, 1970) 16.
  • Citarella , A. 1975 . Il declino del commercio marittimo di Amalfi . ASPN , 13 : 9 – 54 . 3rd. ser.
  • Matthew, Norman Kingdom, p. 48.
  • 1936 . Codice Diplomatico della Repubblica di Genova Vol. I , 61 Abulafia, Two Italies, p. 74 has the amounts as 12d, 12.5d, 10.5d, and 10.5d, and therefore comes to a rather different conclusion about the respective relationships of the four cities with Genoa.
  • Loud , G. 1985 . “ Church and Society in the Norman Principality of Capua ” . 51 Oxford
  • D. Abulafia, ‘Southern Italy, Sicily and Sardinia’, 23–28, in id., Commerce and Conquest in the Mediterranean, 1100–1500, (London, 1993), discusses this activity in detail.
  • Hyde , J.K. 1973 . “ Society and Politics in Medieval Italy ” . 51 London
  • I refer here to the consulate as an executive power in the city, not to the title of ‘consul’ which the dukes of Gaeta often used.
  • Waley, Italian City-Republics, p. 35, tentatively lists six cities with consuls before 1100, and a further seven between 1100 and 1125.
  • It is important, however, to bear in mind that Gaeta had a long history of exchanges with Rome. That city's consuls and senators appear in a Gaetan document of 1127, conceding safe passage by boat to a group of monks, CDC 312. I am inclined to prefer Genoa as a source of the political patterns that developed at Gaeta, however, on the grounds that Rome's political structures were always exceptional.
  • In 1131, Constantine II Gattula witnessed a Mancanella document, CDC 321. In a rare dispute between members of the Gattulla family in 1132, a Mancanella was asked to intervene, CDC 322.
  • CDC 322: Munda Castanea is recorded as the widow of Christopher Gattula.
  • CDC 358: Marucza de Arcia is recorded as the widow of John Gattula, and her son took his father's surname.
  • CDC 328.
  • ben Paltiel , Ahimaaz . 1966 . “ Chronicle of Ahimaaz ” . 63 trans. M. Salzmann, New York
  • CDC 317.
  • The existence of dye-works supports the earlier indication that silk was manufactured at Gaeta. The consuls would certainly have wanted to control the production of this luxury commodity.
  • See, for example, a document of 1086, in which duchess Sikelgaita, widow of Robert Guiscard, gave all the Jews in the city of Bari to Urso, archbishop of the city. She had received them as her dowry: Codice Diplomatico Barese, I-II, ed. G.B. Nitto de Rossi and F. Nitti di Vito, (Bari, 1897–1899), document no. 30. In 1107 countess Adelaide, wife of count Roger of Sicily, gave to the monastery of St. Bartholomew at Lipari the tithe of the Jewish community at Termas: Codex Diplomaticus Regni Siciliae, II, i: Rogerii II Regis Diplomata Latina, ed. C.-R. Brühl, (Köln, 1987), document no. 1. In 1136 King Roger exchanged the dye-works of Bibone, Leo the Jew and all his family, plus various other property and a number of villeins, for two churches belonging to the abbey of St. Trinity at Mileto: ibid., document no. 42.
  • Abulafia, ‘Southern Italy, Sicily and Sardinia’, 28.
  • 1890 . Annali Genovesi di Caffaro e de' suoi Continuatori Vol. I , 30 Genoa
  • CDC 302.
  • CDC 308.
  • Taviani-Carozzi , H. and Taviani-Carozzi , H. 1991 . Le Principauté Lombarde de Salerne , II : 1152 Rome
  • Including one Constantine de Ranuzzu Pisanu, whose surname belies his origins.
  • CDC 319.
  • CDC 332.
  • In 1190, for example, Peter son of Leo Gaetanus made a contract at Genoa in July, and John Gactanus and Richard Bonus Fides Gaete signed up as crew on a Genoese ship; Abulafia, Two Italies, 179.
  • Matthew, Norman Kingdom, 73 makes the valid point that much of the southern cities' most significant trade had been with areas outside the new kingdom. He fails to explain, however, the contrasting fortunes of Amalfi and Gaeta in this scenario.
  • Gattulas in Amalfi: CDA 182 (1172), CDA 194 (1177), CDA 196, CDA 203, CDA 215, CDA 216, CP 158 (1176), CP 175 (1184), Le Pergamene degli Archivi Vescovili di Amalfi e Ravello, ed. J. Mazzoleni, I, (Naples, 1972), documents 54, 63, 64.
  • Abulafia, Two Italies, 40.
  • Abulafia, Two Italies, 10.
  • CDC 331.
  • CDC 327.
  • CDC 334.
  • For example, a ten-year peace with Naples in 1129, CDC 318, and a treaty with the lord of Monte Circeo against the Terracinans in 1134, CDC 325.
  • CDC 340.
  • The last appearance of the Maltacias and the Castaneas is in 1166, that of the Mancanellas in 1132, and that of the Boccapasus in 1135: CDC 347, CDC 322, and CDC 328 respectively.
  • Abulafia, Two Italies, 179.
  • CDC 305 (1124), Pisa: R. Bordone, ‘Le “élites” cittadine nell'Italia communale (XI-XII secolo)’, Mélanges de l'Ecole Français de Rome, Moyen Age, Temps Modernes, 100 (1988), 51, has identified the trend towards tall towers in the city, reflecting urban prestige there, Daibert: a new edition of the charter recording his decision appears in G. Rossetti. ‘Il lodo del vescovo Daiberto sull'altezza delle torri: prima carta costituzionale della repubblica pisana’, Pisa e le Toscana Occidentale nel Medioevo 2: A Cinzio Violante nei suoi 70 Anni, (Pisa, 1991). (I thank Chris Wickham for bringing this edition to my attention).
  • CDC 301.
  • CDC 311.
  • For example, G. Day, Genoa's Response to Byzantium, 1155–1204, (Urbana, Ill., 1988), 22, characterises the Norman conquest as a time of disruption in the commercial links between the southern cities and Byzantium.
  • Abulafia, ‘Southern Italy, Sicily and Sardinia’, 17.
  • Toubert, Structures, I. 693, has raised the problem of trying to identify ethnic origin by personal names; his warning is equally applicable to surnames deriving from cities.

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