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Original Articles

Three Dreams of Modern Greek Phonology

Pages 17-27 | Published online: 04 Dec 2015

  • Eric Hamp in the Greek journal Athena LXV (1961), 101–128 and in Proceedings of the IXth International Congress of Phonetic Sciences (Mouton, 1962) p. 641, and B. E. Newton in Lingua X (1961), 275–284.
  • Exactly the same list as given by Mirambel, incidentally. Newton appears to be ignorant of all analyses except Mirambel's. Others include Swanson, Kahane and Ward, Koutsoudas, Pring, Daniel Jones, Hamp, Macris, Triandaphyllides.
  • Op. cit., p. 284.
  • These two principles together establish English č and j, since J is much more frequent initially and finally than ž (itself of dubious phonemic status), and if j is a unit, č must be. A third principle involves mixing levels: “does the sequence occur across morph-boundaries?” English č and j represent t+y and d+y at morph-boundaries, where they plainly contrast with t+š and d+ž: “What you saw” and “Did you see” as opposed to “What she saw” and “Did Jacques see.” In Greek t+s becomes s at internal morph- boundaries except (so far as I can find) in the one word kátse ‘sit down,’ which is in fact from theta;+s, and d+z does not occur. Externally final /t/ and /d/ are so rare that a test case is hard to find; I have no doubt, however, that t+s would be here identical with /c/, except perhaps sometimes in length. One of my informants suggests the phrase πλακάτ σ’öλo rò δρóμo.
  • Kostas Kazazis cites the word /psipsína/ ‘pussy cat’, which is not in Crighton.
  • Proceedings, etc. p. 641: “For all Greek except acculturated varieties often heard in Athens, a voiced phone occurs either (1) automatically preceded by a nasal segment, or (2) in free variation with nasal plus voiced stop segments, or (3) selectively in complementation with nasal plus voiced stop segments.”
  • There is also a sporadic use of devices to distinguish [g], [ŋg], [ŋk], using νκ for the first, νγκ for the second and νκ for the third, [ŋ] is represented in the same manner as [ŋg].
  • Professor Andreas Koutsoudas, Kostas Kazazis, Aristotle Katranides, Irene Philippaki. A few items were also checked with P. J. Vatikiotis. Koutsoudas, Kazazis and Katranides all read an earlier draft of this article; its errors are, of course, mine rather than theirs. Mr. Katranides also helped with the task of listening to the tapes and tabulating occurrences.
  • Newton's allegation (p. 283) that speakers often insert an initial nasal before words beginning with [b, d, g, dz] is not borne out by either the tape or my informants. Things like [θambeno] ‘I shall be entering’ never occur on the tape, and all my informants protest that they would never say such a thing. Nor have I ever heard them do so.
  • And not—as Hamp seems to imply—a few eccentric trilingual chi-chi types in Athens only. Educated standard is spoken by a majority of the Greeks under thirty who are resident in cities.
  • I am puzzled by Newton's preference for /γi/in βαρειά Here I should think the morphophonemics would strongly favor /variá/. He also provides no way to write öπιoν in three syllables, on the ground that this is too learned (page 282).

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