- Wilhelm Streitberg, “Die Entstehung der Dehnstufe,” Indogermanische Forschungen, III (1894), 305–416.
- Winfred P. Lehmann, Proto-Indo-European Phonology (Austin, Tex., 1952), sec. 15.6.
- Emile Benveniste, Origines de la formation des noms en Indo-Européen (Paris, 1935), pp. 147–173.
- For other examples of this type, see ibid., pp. 67–68.
- Cf. Jerzy Kurylowicz, L’ Apophonie en Indo-Européen (Breslau, 1956), p. 5.
- Lehmann, sec. 2.3c: “PIE /bhérety/… must be subsequent to the period of IE ablaut changes. For the first ablaut change would have permitted only one /e/;…”
- Karl Brugmann, A Comparative Grammar of the Indo-Germanic Languages, trans. R. Seymore Conway and W. H. D. Rouse (New York, 1892), III, 186, for arguments against PIE /ms/ in the accusative plural. On the other hand, if it could be established that /ms/ > /ns/, it would be tempting to connect the pronominal forms PIE /nōs/ and /ns/ with the verbal and pronominal forms derived from /mø/ at stage A, as PIE /wey/ and /wōs/ may perhaps be connected with the verbal ending /wø/.
- It seems probable that /s/ was extended to the nominative plural of animate nouns by analogy with the nominative singular; then, reinterpreted as a plural sign, the /s/ was attached to existing case forms, or forms already having an /s/ were interpreted as plurals, e.g., the locative in /sw/ and /sy/.
- Benveniste, pp. 52–54.
- Ibid,. pp. 53–54.
- In PIE [u] and [i] are syllabic allophones of /w/ and /y/, but, at an earlier stage, before the formation of syllabic rsonants from syllables containing /ø/ with minimum stress, there may have been a phonemic contrast, in other words, a three-vowel system: /i/, /u/, /ø/—in which event, /ø/ must be redefined as a low or central vowel.
- Benveniste, p. 54.
- Ibid. p. 181.
- Franz Specht, Der Ursprung der indogermanischen Deklination (Göttingen, 1947), p. 366.
- Benveniste, p. 84.
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