- A more detailed account of the various theories of the origins of the Gypsies, as well as further references, may be found in Ian F. Hancock, “Problems in the Creation of Standard Dialect of Romanés,” Social Science Research Council Committee Working Papers in Sociolinguistics, No. 25, June, 1975.
- Not through choice, since such contacts are considered unclean, but through forced interbreeding during the centuries of slavery. Werner Cohn, in his book The Gypsies (Reading, Mass.: Addison-Wesley, 1973), p. 63, estimates the average European genetic representation to be 60 per cent.
- Gažikanó (pl. Gažkané) is the adjectival form meaning ‘non-Gypsy’. A male non-Gypsy is a Gažó (pl. Gazé), and a female non-Gypsy is a Gaží(pl. Gažiá). A non-Gypsy of European ancestry is referred to as a Parnoró (‘white one'+ diminutive suffix), an Afro-American is a Kalyorf (‘black one'+ diminutive suffix), Chícanos and Mexicans are both referred to as Meskáya, Oriental Americans are Tsitaitsúrya, and American Indians are Indyáya. Collectively, though, all are Gafe.
- Some groups are less easily classified. Two such groups are the Bayáš, or Badžáś, who have retained considerable Romani culture but speak Rumanian rather than Romanés, and the so-called fortšawiya, which is what some Viax speakers call those who intentionally forsake the culture for Gaźikané ways (but nevertheless continue to speak Romanés).
- As well as the likelihood that different groups of Gypsies left India at different times speaking different (though closely related) dialects.
- See Francis Hinde Groome, “Transportation of Gypsies from Scotland to America,' Journal of the Gypsy Lore Society, XI (1892), 60–62.
- See Alexander Jones, “American Gypsies,” American Journal of Sciences & Arts, XXVI (1834), 189–190.
- See François de Vaux de Foletier, “L'esclavage des Tsiganes dans les principautés roumaines,” Études Tsiganes, XVI (1970), 24–29.
- The linguistic groupings are given in Hancock (see n. 1). The most acceptable grouping (that of Kaufman) lists the main European dialects as Southern, Balkan, Northern, Iberian, and Vlax.
- This subject is dealt with in part by Werner Cohn, Gypsy Categories of Men: Lexicon and Attitudes, mineographed for private distribution, n.d., p. 32.
- The Rom are a distinct group of Gypsies within the overall Romani population, and it is historically inaccurate to apply this name to all Gypsies. Because of the pejorative connotations of the word Gypsy, however, and since the word Rom occurs in all varieties of Romanés, it is increasingly being used as a non-specific replacement for the word Gypsy.
- A discussion of these groups, with samples of some of the different dialects of Romanés, may be found in Ronald Lee, “The Gypsies in Canada,” Journal of the Gypsy Lore Society, XLVI, No. 3 (1967), 38–51; XLVI, No. 4 (1967), 12–28; and XLVII, No. 1 (1968), 92–107.
- A somewhat one-sided picture of the representation of other Gypsy groups in America has emerged since most published accounts deal only with Vlax-speaking Rom. These accounts are generally quite distorted and tend to perpetuate the literary rather than the actual image. A welcome exception to this attitude is Anne Sutherland's excellent discussion “Gypsies, the Hidden Americans,” Society, XII (2) (Jan./Feb., 1975),27–33, and Rena C. Gropper, Gypsiesinthe City (Princeton: Darwin Press, 1975).
- This social environment is described in more detail in Ian F. Hancock, “Patterns of English Lexical Adoption in an American Dialect of Romanés,” Orbis, XXIV, No. 2, (1975) 32–50, and in Southwest Languages and Linguistics in Educational Perspective, ed. Gina C. Harvey and M. F. Heiser (San Diego: Institute for Cultural Pluralism, 1975), pp. 83–115.
- That is, a palmistry and advice-giving session, by which means of livelihood many Romani women subsist.
- Rom asked into Gažé homes, on the other hand, will refuse such invitations, especially if they include the offer of a meal.
- See Hancock, “Problems,” pp. 97–100.
- Stories are recounted of Gažiá mothers refusing to allow their children to attend school once they discover that they are sharing their classrooms with Romani pupils.
- See Hancock, “Patterns of English Lexical Adoption,” §5.00, pp. 91–97.
- The reverse occurs in the speech of one adult whom I know, who has a tendency to retroflex where this feature is historically nonexistent (e.g., 6ef for beš ‘sit”).
- It is now generally accepted that the influence of Network American upon the speech of Afro-American ghetto children has been grossly overestimated.
- Copula deletion is permissible in some Romanés constructions, such as kai o Bab? ~kai s'o Bab?, ‘Where is Bob?’.
- See Hancock, “Patterns of English Lexical Adoption,” pp. 91–97.
- A friend of mine recently displayed a box of “love pills” for which he had paid $6 at a local novelty shop. In large letters on the box was written the word spurious. When he learnt the meaning of this, he returned to the shop and (unsuccessfully) demanded his money back.
- See Hancock, “Patterns of English Lexical Adoption,” p. 96.
- See Hancock, “Patterns of English Lexical Adoption,” p. 87.
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Volume 27, 1971 - Issue 1-3: Child Language--1975