References
- I would like to thank Jeremy Webber, Alan Conter, Will Kymlicka and Victor Wolfenstein for comments on an earlier version of this paper.
- 1992 . Boundary , 2 : 155 – 6 . Queer Nation is an activist coalition formed in April 1990 as an offshoot of ACTUP. Like the former coalition, Queer Nation aims at publicizing what it sees as the criminal slowness of the American government's response to the AIDS epidemic. But it aims beyond that at a more general attack on the homophobia which had such mortal results in the first years of the AIDS crisis, when the latter was still seen as a gay disease. The early pamphleteers of Queer Nation drew an explicit link between their strategies and those of black nationalists. See Esther Kaplan, ‘A Queer Manifesto,’ quoted in Lauren Berlant and Elizabeth Freeman, ‘Queer Nationality,’ in (Spring 149–80, esp.
- I shall argue this point at much greater length below.
- Barkan , Elazar . 1991 . The Retreat of Scientific Racism 343 – 5 . New York : Cambridge University Press . See
- 1991 . Face au Racisme Tome 2: Analyses, hypothèses, perspectives 21 – 25 . Paris : La Découverte . See Pierre-André Taguieff, ‘Les métamorphoses idéologiques du racisme et la crise de l'antiracisme,’ in 13–63, esp.
- Kymlicka , Will . 1994 . “ Individual and Community Rights,’ in ” . In Group Rights Edited by: Baker , Judith . Vol. 23:1 , 41 – 80 . Toronto : University of Toronto Press . See and Liberalism, Community and Culture (Oxford: Clarendon Press 1989); Melissa Williams, ‘Justice Toward Groups; Political Not Juridical,’ Political Theory (February 1995), 67–91; Avishai Margalit and Joseph Raz, ‘National Self-Determination,’ Journal of Philosophy 87:9 (September 1990) 439–61; Avishai Margalit and Moshe Halbertal, ‘Liberalism and the Right to Culture,’ Social Research 61:3 (Fall 1994) 491–510; Vernon Van Dyke, ‘Justice as Fairness; For Groups?’ American Political Science Review (1975), 607–14; Michel Seymour, ‘Anti-individualisme, droits collectifs et Etats multinationaux,’ Le defi du pluralisme; Lekton 4:1 (Printemps 1994)
- Touraine , Alain . 1990 . “ ‘The Idea of Revolution,’ in ” . In Global Culture Edited by: Featherstone , Michael . 121 – 41 . London : Sage Publications .
- Social Text , 38 I shall use the terms ‘trans-statal’ and ‘diasporic’ to refer to the way in which gay culture relates to its territories. I use ‘trans-statal’ rather than the more usual term ‘transnational’ in order to avoid several confusions pointed out by Katherine Verdery in her article ‘Beyond the Nation in Eastern Europe,’ 1–19. ‘Transnationality’ is generally used to refer to “movements of peoples, commodities, ideas, production processes, capital, images as well as possible political alignments across the boundaries between sovereign states” (Verdery, 1). But, as Verdery points out, ‘transnationalism’ is thus a misnomer, since what is referred to is not processes which bridge ethnic nations but sovereign states. I follow Verdery in using the much clearer ‘trans-statal’ instead.
- Group Rights I have been influenced here by Leslie Green, ‘Internal Minorities and Their Rights,’ in !Baker, 112.
- Claims to the status of nationhood or peoplehood are above all claims about survivance. They are claims that one's collectivity has the right and perhaps the duty to resist certain forms of metamorphosis, that one's group can not, and will not, be moved from its integral relation with a certain set of patterns. Nationality claims which are successfully established thus rule out as illegitimate the trade-offs which might otherwise be demanded of a group within the terms of pluralist politics, where many groups struggle together for scarce resources. Prior to the successful assumption of the mantle of nationhood one's collective might be seen as just one more interest group among the many which make claims on common resources. In pluralistic democracies these claims are mediated by central authorities who force strategic trade-offs in the name of the large number of groups fighting for scarce goods. When claims to the status of nationhood are successfully established they lift one's group out of this game of bargaining and strategic trade-offs, and they justify the refusal of certain compromises which might otherwise have seemed reasonable.
- It might be suggested that the right of democratic self-determination serves as a fourth justification for national self-determination claims, and this is to some extent the case. The right of groups to determine their own future has served, since the French Revolution, as a sort of macro-justification to which all nationalisms have appealed. This aspect of republicanism serves as the lingua franca ofmodern self-determination movements. But arguments for democratic self-governance have seldom been a sufficient justification for national self-determination, and that for the following reason. It is widely accepted that peoples have a right to govern themselves, as long as they accept certain well-known side constraints (that they can achieve autonomy without thereby causing unnecessary harm to other peoples, for example). But there is almost always a great division of opinion on the question of who makes up ‘the people’ for the purposes of self-governance. For example, if Canadians make up one people a mare usque ad mare then the borders of the unit of self-determination are set at the Atlantic and Pacific coasts. The various groups living between—those claiming aboriginal heritage and the French-Canadians—are therefore subject to the decisions of the majority, and are held to the everyday give-and-take of the federal order with their needs being discounted accordingly. However, if Canadians make up one people, and francophone Quebeckers make up another, then the appropriate border of self-government is not that of the country Canada but that of the borders of the territory populated exclusively by francophone Quebeckers, namely the areas outside aboriginal lands and outside the island of Montreal (which has always been a polycultural city). Or, if all citizens of the current province of Quebec (aboriginal peoples, anglophones, Montreal immigrants, francophones and so on) make up one people then the relevant political unit would be the current border of the province of Quebec. An argument for democratic self-government cannot address the question of the appropriate border of the ‘people.’ This is why theories of nationalism tend to situate a republican core within a more elaborated justificatory matrix which gives the basic democratic argument a particular valence. It is these latter justificatory systems that I am concentrating upon here.
- Herder . 1969 . 183 – 5 . Cambridge : Cambridge University Press . ‘Yet Another Philosophy of History,’ translated, edited and introduced by F.M. Barnard 181–223, esp.
- Barton , Michael . 1967 . Race Relations London : Tavistock . See 8.
- Barkan . The Retreat of Scientific Racism. See
- Taguieff . ‘Les métamorphoses ideologiques du racisme’
- Within analytical legal and political theory we can distinguish two distinct forms of culturalism. The first is based on a transcendental-type argument about the necessary conditions for the attainment of full personhood and moral autonomy. Will Kymlicka is the best-known proponent of this version of culturalism. This school of thought is in many ways the most analytically sophisticated, carefully justifying cultural promotion by reference to egalitarian considerations which are already widely accepted, and, in the end, making cultural rights derivative of liberal rights and freedoms. The other version of culturalism centres on a right to culture, a right which is itself fundamental and non-derivative of individual rights. In this position cultures are portrayed as possessing rights akin to the rights of persons. Avishai Margalit and Moshe Halbertal argue for this position in ‘Liberalism and the Right to Culture.’ This latter position attempts to solve a central difficulty with the derivative rights position. If cultural institutions are justified only as a means to develop a particular set of capacities then there is no way to protect particular cultures if other ones offer an equally wide range of means-to-capacities. For example, one homogeneous world-culture with a single language but many highly differentiated institutions might well supply access to full socialization and a very supple and pluralistic set of lifeways. Under the derivative view of cultural rights there is thus little reason to protect particular cultures. Under it people should be allowed to assimilate since by doing so they merely exchange one set of capacities for another. In conditions where this is done over generations with relatively little fuss (the case is quite different if colonialism or other cultural imposition is at work) then this form of assimilation should be seen as non-invidious. The position which suggests that there are non-derivative cultural rights—were there any good arguments given for us to accept such a position—might be a much more satisfactory source of reasons why we should fight assimilation.
- Kymlicka . Liberalism, Community, and Culture 165 – 6 . See
- Liberalism, Community, and Culture For these examples see, respectively, Kymlicka, Seymour, ‘Anti-individualisme,’ and Margalit and Halbertal, ‘Liberalism and the Right to Culture.’
- Kymlicka , Will . 1991 . ‘Liberalism and the Politicization of Ethnicity,’ in . Canadian Journal of Law and Jurisprudence , 4:2 : 239 – 55 . See (July
- 1997 . Canadian Journal of Political Science , 30:2 : 211 – 34 . I make this point at greater length in Brian Walker, ‘Plural Contexts, Contested Territories: A Critique of Kymlicka’ in (June
- I am referring, for example, to the way in which the gay movement in North America has its own flag, the multicoloured stripes of which fly over numerous parades and rallies which are themselves strongly reminiscent of the mass gatherings in which other nations were forged. I am referring as well to phenomena like the gay Olympics (which for trademark reasons is referred to as the Gay Games), which occurs every two years and which gathers together gay athletes from around the world, and to the increasingly frequent talk of a gay sub-economy, what is sometimes referred to as the economy of ‘lavender dollars’ and to which, it is argued, gays and lesbians should give preferential treatment. But I am thinking, above all, of the way in which a network of gay institutions (community centres, bars, magazines with their readerships, activist coalitions, NGO's and so on) joins together to make up an alternative gay public sphere, one in which gay culture has been formulated and spread and which has allowed, over time, the creation of a sense of a distinct gay peoplehood.
- 1983 . Imagined Communities: Reflections on the Origin and Spread of Nationalism New York : Verso . I am influenced in this skeleton history of nationalism by the (very different) accounts given by Benedict Anderson in his (London, 1983) and by Ernest Gellner in his Nations and Nationalisms (Ithaca: Cornell University Press.
- Smith , Anthony D. 1984 . “ ‘National Identity and Myths of Ethnic Descent,’ in ” . In Research in Social Movements, Conflict and Change Edited by: Kriesberg , Louis . Vol. 7 , 95 – 130 . See
- Duggan , Lisa . 1994 . ‘Queering the State,’ in . Social Text , 39 : 1 – 14 . See (Summer
- 1972 . New York Times For a brief overview see ‘Witch-Hunt: The United States Government versus Homosexuals,’ a collection of news stories from 1950s’ editions of the Post gathered by Jonathan Katz in his ‘Documentary,’ Gay American History: Lesbians and Gay Men in the U.S.A. (New York: Thomas Y. Crowell.
- 1992 . Making Trouble: Essays on Gay History, Politics and the University 74 – 95 . London : Routledge . John d'Emilio, ‘Gay Politics, Gay Community,’ in
- 21 – 25 . I am indebted here to an unpublished thesis by Gina Anne Del Vecchio, ‘Homosexual; Homophile; Gay; Lesbian; Queer: The Construction of Gay Political Power in San Francisco,’
- Anderson . Imagined Communities 48 – 53 .
- Webber , Jeremy . 1994 . “ ‘Language, Culture and Political Community,’ in ” . In Reimagining Canada: Language, Culture, Community, and the Canadian Constitution 194 – 7 . Montreal : McGill-Queen's University Press .
- 1983 . Sexual Politics, Sexual Communities: The Making of a Homosexual Minority in the United States, 1940–1970 146 – 8 . Chicago : University of Chicago Press . John D'Emilio
- Jay , Karla and Young , Allen , eds. 1992 . Out of the Closets: Voices of Gay Liberation New York : New York University Press . See, for example, the various writings gathered in twentieth-anniversary edition particularly ‘Out of the Closets, Into the Streets,’ by Allen Young, 6–31. For a synoptic overview of the relations between the gay liberation movement and radicalism more generally see also the Foreword to that volume by John D'Emilio, esp. pp. xi-xxix.
- Conter , Alan . 1994 . ‘Pride and Plague; Stonewall Traces,’ radio documentary broadcast on CBC . Ideas , 20:4 28 November But to say that people leave the closet because the heat has turned up there does not necessarily mean that they will go back in if the heat goes down. We know, from the history of other nationalisms, that nationalist movements have their own momentum. This is why gay culture has to be seen as something more than just a stepping stone to a non-homophobic society. Most of the functions of gay culture, it might be suggested, are essentially aimed at combating the homophobia in society at large. Once this is done away with, gay nationalism will have no further reason to exist. It is thus not like Québécois nationalism, for example, which is basically about guaranteeing the survival of a certain form of cultural difference over time. Gay culture, some might argue, aims at making a certain form of difference acceptable within the mainstream, at which point it will no longer be needed and can disappear. There is, no doubt, a part of the gay and lesbian population that wishes to be seen as exactly like all other North Americans, and longs for the day when being homosexual will be seen as no more serious or meaningful than being left-handed. But there are also many for whom homosexuality or ‘queerness’ is seen as defining an ethos and a way of life. For these people sexual preference is just one feature of a much broader way of life based on a radical questioning of everyday institutions, gender roles, and so on. For these people queerness is not a transitional way of life for those on their way into the mainstream but a radically different ethos that needs to be preserved. (See Mark Blasius, ‘An Ethos of Lesbian and Gay Existence,’ in Political Theory [November 1992] 642–71.) And the disappearance of homophobia is in any case a highly unlikely event, particularly if the sort of strong pluralism that culturalists advocate is successfully instantiated in North America. Many traditional cultures have deeply homophobic patterns and at least some culturalist writers advocate giving groups powers which would allow them to preserve these homophobic attitudes (see my discussion of Margalit and Halbertal, below). If we move beyond a regime of individual rights and give communities the right to protect their cultural lifeways, cultural rights for gays may end up being even more important than they are now.
- Rhetorical strategies of performance and self-defense which were first developed in the gay enclaves on the east and west coast were broadcast by the new gay magazines and newspapers and made available as resources for those individuals attempting to carve a niche for themselves in more peripheral locales. Adopting strategies developed in the cities allowed more secure identity-formation for (the gay aspects in the character of) non-urban gays, and this new self-confidence, in turn, encouraged the formation of new institutions in small towns. Local entrepreneurs saw a profit to be made from this new identity-cohort and opened up new spaces for them, spaces which were protected on other levels by the work done by increasingly confident gay people in advancing their case among non-gays. These processes concatenated to gradually ameliorate the living conditions of many gay people in peripheral areas. Or at least, where local struggles were unsuccessful, the movement as a whole created an alternative network into which people could escape from the pressure of small towns.
- Leznoff , Maurice and Westley , William . 1992 . “ ‘The Homosexual Community,’ in ” . In Sociology of Homosexuality Edited by: Dynes , Wayne and Donaldson , Stephen . 219 – 25 . New York and London : Garland . Publications
- Murray , Stephen O. 1992 . “ ‘Components of Gay Community in San Francisco,’ in ” . In Gay Culture in America: Essays from the Field Edited by: Herdt , Gilbert . 196 – 204 . Boston : Beacon Press . 107–46, and Martin P. Levine, ‘Gay Ghetto,’ in Dynes and Donaldson, eds, Sociology of Homosexuality
- Isherwood , Christopher . A Single Man quoted in Leslie Green, ‘Internal Minorities and Their Rights,’ in !Baker, Group Rights, 112
- Herdt , Gilbert . “ ‘Coming Out as a Rite of Passage: A Chicago Study,’ in ” . In Gay Culture in America 29 – 67 . See !Herdt, also Barry Dank, ‘Coming out in the Gay World,’ in Dynes and Donaldson, eds., Sociology of Homosexuality60–195
- Harry , Joseph and Lovely , Robert . “ ‘Gay Marriages and Communities of Orientation,’ in ” . In Sociology of Homosexuality 135 – 200 . !Dynes and Donaldson
- 1994 . New York Times In 1994 a record number of American states faced ballot initiatives attempting to restrict gay rights, encouraged by a similar measure passed by Colorado in 1992. (See Stephen Holmes, ‘Gay Rights Advocates Brace for Ballot Fights,’ 12 January A12.) Lisa Duggan points out that the combined budgets of the six largest gay organizations total only about $12 million, compared to more than $210 million in the combined budgets of the six largest right-wing religious organizations (Lisa Duggan, ‘Queering the State,’ 1).
- Remafedi , Gary , Farrow , James A. and Deister , R. W. 1991 . ‘Risk Factors in Attempted Suicide in Gay and Bisexual Youth,’ in . Pediatrics , 87:6 (June 869–75; and Paul Gibson, ‘Gay Male and Lesbian Youth Suicide,’ in Report of the Secretary's Task Force on Youth Suicide 3: Prevention of Youth Suicide (Rockville, MD: U.S. Dept. of Health and Human Services 1989)
- 1989 . Nomads of the Present: Social Movements and Individual Needs in Contemporary Society Philadelphia : Temple University Press . I am influenced here by a passage in Alberto Melucci's which points out the importance of such highly general and evanescent goods in modern social movements.
- 1988 . Gays/Justice: A Study of Ethics, Society and Law 27 – 28 . New York : Columbia University Press . Richard Mohr sketches the extent of the problem in a paragraph of his book: “A recent extensive study by the National Gay and Lesbian Task Force found that over 90 percent of gays and lesbians had been victimized in some form on the basis of their sexual orientation. Greater than one in five gay men and nearly one in ten lesbians had been punched, hit, or kicked; a quarter of all gays had had objects thrown at them; a third had been chased; a third had been sexually harassed and 14 percent had been spit on.”
- 443 – 4 . Margalit and Raz, ‘National Self-Determination,’
- 445 – 6 . Margalit and Raz, ‘National Self-Determination,’
- Holmes . See ‘Gay Right Advocates Brace for Ballot Fights.’
- I argue this point at much greater length in Walker, ‘Plural Contexts, Contested Territories.’
- See Margalit and Halbertal, ‘Liberalism and the Right to Culture.’
- For example, the Ultra-Orthodox Jews whom Margalit and Halbertal concentrate upon require that visitors to their neighbourhood refrain from driving on Sundays or wearing short skirts.
- 1988 . University of Toronto Law Journal , 38 : 1 – 27 . I am following here an argument made in Denise Rhéaume, ‘Individuals, Groups, and Rights to Public Goods,’ in
- Margalit and Halbertal, ‘Liberalism and the Right to Culture,’ 507
- 1992 . Political Theory , 20:1 : 105 – 39 . Margalit and Halbertal, ‘Liberalism and the Right to Culture,’ Chandran Kukathas makes a similar argument in ‘Are There Any Cultural Rights?’ (February
- It might be thought that a Will Kymlicka's account, which justifies collective rights only for vulnerable minorities, could not be used in this way, since Protestant fundamentalists seem to be part of the mainstream English-speaking, culture. But the notion of dominant culture that Kymlicka uses is too broad to serve the theoretical purpose he wishes. Just because Protestant fundamentalists share a language and ethnicity with the culture around them does not mean that they are not a minority with good reason to see themselves as strongly vulnerable within the liberal mainstream. Indeed, because Protestant fundamentalists share a language and many other cultural referents with the ‘liberal humanists’ whom they see as threatening, they are in many ways more vulnerable than groups protected by a barrier of linguistic and cultural difference; for example, it is doubly difficult for such Christians to protect their children from what they see as the corrupting influences of the mainstream culture, since television shows, music, and so on are all in a language their children understand.
- 1987 . La force du préjugé: essai sur le racisme et ses doubles 326 – 33 . Paris : La Découverte . See Pierre-André Taguieff
- Wegierski , Mark . 1994 . ‘The New Right in Europe,’ in . Telos , 98–99 (Winter 1993—Spring 55–69, esp. 68
- 1988 . The Predicament of Culture: Twentieth Century Ethnography, Literature and Art 277 – 346 . Cambridge , Ma : Harvard University Press . On the essentially contested idea of deep difference see James Clifford, ‘Identity in Mashpee,’ an account of judicial attempts to deny the difference of aboriginal cultural specificity that in many ways operates like similar attempts to deny gay and lesbian cultural specificity, in James Clifford
- 1994 . Risk Society: Towards a New Modernity , : 208 – 19 . On changes in the environmental conditions of modern cultural reproduction see Ulrich Beck, translated by Mark Ritter (Newbury Park, CA: Sage Publications 1992); Ulf Hannerz, ‘Cosmopolitans and Locals in World Culture,’ in Theory, Culture and Society 7 (1990) 237–51; and Kimmo Jokinen, ‘Cultural Uniformity, Differentiation, and Small National Cultures,’ in Cultural Studies 8:2
- Kwavnik , David , ed. Tremblay Report One of the facts that is little noted in culturalist works is that the same worries that ethnic minorities voice about cultural decay are just as frequently voiced by members of majority cultures, often with just as much reason. The worries of Anglo-Canadian nationalist George Grant about the onslaught of mechanized mass society are almost exactly the same as those voiced by the 1953 which was one of the key documents of conservative French-Canadian nationalism (The Tremblay Report: Report of the Royal Commission of Inquiry on Constitutional Problems [Toronto: McClelland and Stewart 1973]). But while French-Canadian nationalists were able to mobilize ethnic solidarity and post-conquest resentment in order to found a nationalist movement which was, for several decades at least, immensely creative as far as the development of new cultural institutions was concerned, the project of English-Canadian nationalist mobilization was much less successful. Minority status brings groups advantages of solidarity and creativity that are frequently unavailable to majority groups, and can thus serve as compensation for the smaller numbers and ostensibly more fragile structures of minority communities. And, as I pointed out above about Protestant fundamentalists, ostensibly being part of mainstream culture may well be a disadvantage for some groups. Anglophone Christians find it difficult to filter ‘immoral’ media out of their homes. English Canadians have more difficulty maintaining their distinctiveness from Americans since they share a language with their American neighbours.
- 1985 . Ethnic Groups in Conflict 74 – 83 . Berkeley : University of California Press . I am indebted here to Donald Horowitz, ‘The Utility of Ethnic Affinity,’ in
- See Margalit and Raz, ‘National Self-Determination,’ 458.
- 1977 . Nations and States London : Methuen . See, for example, the chapter on diasporas in Hugh Seton-Watson's.
- 1995 . Globe and Mail As, for example, in Bloc Québécois MP Philippe Paré's suggestion that Quebec's political future should be determined, not by a vote which includes anglophone and other minority citizens, but exclusively by ‘old-stock Quebeckers,’ the implication being that the latter alone are the real Quebeckers. ‘Bouchard Chastises Two Bloc MPs,’ (28 February A10.
- Anderson . Imagined Communities
- Every terrain must be named. But there is an alternative to the exclusions fostered by an ethno-territorial regime. A state which attempts to give fair access to the expressive goods of a terrain would, first of all, recognize and respect the fact that territories always already have a dense history of naming, and avoid homogenizing this, wiping out the traces of a history in which numerous groups have occupied and disputed the land over centuries. When new streets are created, when new boulevards are opened up, or when renaming is necessary, concerns of fairness should lead to a recognition that all groups on the terrain should have a say in the process. New names, for example, might be constructed out of the culture that is always created in between groups struggling together on a territory, in the meta-community formed by their struggle for the same resources.
- By diasporic nations I am referring to groups like the Armenians, Chinese, Sikhs, Acadians, the Jewish people before the founding of the State of Israel, and to the form of nationality established within modern social movements. Each of these different national groups is organized quite differently and sometimes the differences are important. For example the Acadian diaspora, the Jewish diaspora before the twentieth century, and social movements such as that of gays and lesbians all represent diasporas without homelands. Likewise, the ethnic Chinese in California and South America are part of a diaspora with no real homeland as such; its roots rest in a triumvirate of cities: Hong Kong, Taipei, and Singapore. Despite their diversity, these nations have enough in common to be referred to under a common term. Diasporic peoples all find themselves in situations where a large part of their populations are forced to share space and political power with other collectivities; a large portion of the population of the nation will be scattered in situations wherein they live as minorities vis-à-vis other groups. Diasporic nations are trans-statal nations, and are, for the most part, organized as networks. Population pockets are joined together by circulation systems which bring personnel and cultural resources from one node to another on the network. In recent times diasporas have been greatly aided by access to forms of technologies which allow goods and people to move about much more quickly than they could in former centuries. New technologies also make possible forms of public space which are not geographically dependent; newspapers, magazines, cable television channels, and a range of telecommunications media allow diasporas to create their own public spaces drawing together people who are widely dispersed in terms of geography. Diasporas create a form of civil society which is no longer specifically rooted in one geographic space. With the profusion of communications technologies, we now live in a world where numerous particularist civil societies can exist simultaneously on the same terrain. This means that modern technologies have raised the possibilities for diasporas to have their own specific cultures which differ from those of their homelands. Thus, for example, the East Indian diaspora has important differences from the culture of India, the Irish in America have different perspectives than the Irish in Ireland, and so on.
- 1988 . Nationalism and the Politics of Culture in Quebec Madison : University of Wisconsin Press . There is also the problem of homogenization. Although ethno-territorial nationalisms may seen to be introducing a form of cultural distinctiveness vis-à-vis adjacent territories and thus increasing diversity from one perspective, it is often the case that this distinctiveness is gained at the expense of diversity within the nation's borders. The government conceives a vision of what the culture it is protecting should be, and projects this over all the actually existing institutions on its terrain. The anthropologist Richard Handler has, with considerable subtlety, traced this process at work in Quebec in his. Even a state that tries for a rigorous cultural neutrality is prey to such problems, but a state which has a particular visage culturelle in mind will have a whole set of additional difficulties.
- Boyarin , Daniel and Boyarin , Jonathon . 1993 . ‘Diaspora: Generation and Ground of Jewish Identity,’ in . Critical Inquiry , 19 : 712 – 14 . See (Summer 693–725, esp.
- One could, for example, make very similar arguments for the humanistic culture which is carried by the university system. The institutions which bring people into contact with the centuries-old tradition of humanistic learning make possible forms of identity which are deeply different from those modes of selfhood made possible by the state and market system. Academics make up a caste which stands apart in many ways (though, like most other cultural groups, not in all ways) from the rest of the societies in which they live. The mode of life that the academic system makes possible is not that of an encompassing group, but academic affiliation, like many other forms of corporate affiliation, quickly comes to colour the entire life of the people who hold it. This lifeway has been remarkably responsive to and enlightening about the development of modernity. But the widespread campaign to replace the humanistic focus of the university with a more market-oriented approach poses threats to this lifeway which are similar to those felt by ethnic populations which feel themselves threatened by sociological change.
- 1992 . Civil Society and Political Theory Cambridge , Ma : MIT Press . This point is well argued by Jean Cohen and Andrew Arato in xvi.
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