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ARTICLES

South African British? Or Dominion South Africans? The Evolution of an Identity in the 1910s and 1920s

Pages 197-222 | Published online: 14 Jan 2009

  • White , R. 1980 . Inventing Australia: Images and Identity, 1688–1980 Edited by: Hudson , W. and Bolton , G. Sydney In the early s, Richard White was the first Australian historian to examine Australian identity as an ‘invented’ identity, see (1981. A recent anthology which examines Australian identity in the context of changing historical approaches is, eds, Creating Australia: Changing Australian History (St Leonards, 1997)
  • Bozzoli , B. 1981 . The Political Nature of a Ruling Class: Capital and Ideology in South Africa, 1890–1933 London This was published as
  • Dubow , S. 1902–10 . History Workshop Journal , 43 : 53 – 85 . ‘Colonial Nationalism, the Milner Kindergarten and the Rise of “South Africanism”,’, (1997,;P. Buckner, ‘The Royal Tour of 1901 and the Construction of an Imperial Identity in South Africa’, South African Historical Journal, 41 (1999), 324–48;B. Nasson, ‘Springboks at the Somme: The Making of Delville Wood, 1916’ (unpublished seminar paper, University of the Witwatersrand, Institute for Advanced Social Research, 1996);R.G. Morrell, ‘White Farmers, Social Institutions and Settler Masculinity in the Natal Midlands, 1880–1920’ (PhD thesis, University of Natal, Durban, 1996)
  • Dubow . ‘Colonial Nationalism’, 57
  • Kr , D. W. 1961 . The Age of the Generals: A Short Political History of the Union of South Africa, 1910–1948 Johannesburg Discussions of Botha and Smuts's changing attitudes to British imperialism can be found inüger, (ch. 2
  • Reitz , D. 1999 . Adrift on the Open Veld: The Anglo-Boer War and its Aftermath, 1899–1943 Edited by: Emslie , T. S. 364 Cape Town See
  • Hancock , W. K. 1962 . Smuts: The Sanguine Years Cambridge The authoritative works on Smuts's imperialism remain (and Smuts: The Fields of Force (Cambridge, 1968)
  • Walker , E. A. 1936 . “ ‘South Africa and the Empire’, in ” . In The Cambridge History of the British Empire 755 vol. VIII: South Africa, Rhodesia and the Protectorates (Cambridge
  • 2000 . These views have been given expression in a report released in October by the Runnymeade Trust, The Future of Multi-Ethnic Britain: see The Times, 12 Oct. 2000, Reports and Opinion
  • 1956 . The First Fifty Years of the Rhodes Trust and the Rhodes Scholarships, 1903–1953 Oxford For a discussion on the Rhodes Scholarships, see The Rhodes Scholarship Trust
  • 1905 . The members of the Kindergarten were influenced by Richard Jebb who in, in Studies in Colonial Nationalism, argued that the future of the Empire lay in co-operation between the forces of imperialism and those of colonial nationalism. In the South African context, cooperation with colonial nationalism implied supporting white interests. See Dubow, ‘Colonial Nationalism’, 66–7
  • Reitz . Adrift on the Open Veld 364, 515
  • Lewsen , P. 1982 . John X. Merriman: Paradoxical South African Statesman Johannesburg (297;A. Duminy and B. Guest, Interfering in Politics: A Biography of Sir Percy Fitzpatrick (Johannesburg, 1987), 175–8
  • Macmillan . My South African Years 125
  • National Archives . 1926 . Pretoria (hereafter NA), Patrick Duncan Microfilms, D5.20.39, Duncan to Lady Selborne, 24 Nov.
  • Ibid., A11.10, Relations with foreign countries, n.d
  • Ibid.
  • 1932 . Ibid., A12.1.4, Memorandum, 12 Sep., pp. 1, 2
  • Ibid., p. 4.
  • 1932 . Ibid., A54.1, marginal comment on memo by JHB, 25 Oct.
  • 1923 . Port Elizabeth Advertiser, 7 Nov., quoted in H.O. Terblanche, ‘Port Elizabeth—‘n Lojale Britse Stad, 1902–1937’, Historia, 38, 2 (Nov. 1993), 101
  • Butler , G. Karoo Morning: An Autobiography (2009) (Cape Town, 1977), 159;E.H. Brookes, A South African Pilgrimage (Johannesburg, 1977), 14
  • White . Inventing Australia introduction;J.R. Gillis, ed., Commemorations: The Politics of National Identity (Princeton, 1994), 3
  • de , A. , ed. 1970 . English-Speaking South Africa Today Cape Town A conference held in the s to examine English identity in South Africa specifically used the term: see the conference papers, published as Villiers, ed., (1976. In his contribution, ‘English-Speaking South Africans and the British Connection, 1820–1961’, Noel Garson uses the term to include the whole period from the beginning of British rule in South Africa
  • 1925 . These included people as diverse as members of the Royal Family, British and other politicians and visitors to South Africa: see, for example, Royal Archives, King George V Archive, RA GV [with appreciation for the gracious permission of Her Majesty The Queen for the use of this and other material from the Royal Archives], AA70/2, Athlone to The King, 10 Apr. CC53/486, Princess Alice to Queen Mary, 14 July 1924. British was still being used in the late 1940s: see H.V, Morton, In Search of South Africa (London, 1948), 353
  • 1926 . Engelse Smuts invariably in his correspondence referred simply to the English: see NA, Smuts Papers, 292/1, Smuts to Crewe, no 222, 22 Dec., no 224, 18 Mar. 1927. Afrikaners still tend to use the less clumsy rather than Engels-sprekende Suid Afrikaners. In the late 1960s, the South African prime minister, B.J. Vorster, on being told that the English had lost three wickets for 42 runs in a test match against South Africa, asked Hull Engelse of ons Engelse?: see D.R. Black and J. Nauright, Rugby and the South African Nation: Sport, Cultures, Politics and Power in the Old and New South Africas (Manchester, 1998), 28
  • White . Inventing Australia 47
  • Paton , A. 1980 . Towards the Mountain: An Autobiography Harmondsworth (56, also 61
  • Darwin , J. 1999 . “ ‘A Third British Empire? The Dominion Idea in Imperial Polities’ ” . In The Twentieth Century [The Oxford History of the British Empire, vol IV] Edited by: Brown , in J. M. and Louis , W. R. 72 Oxford eds
  • White . Inventing Australia 71 They were not unique in this. The ‘White Australia’ policy rested on Social Darwinist explanations that the great expansion of the Empire indicated British race superiority, see
  • Darwin . ‘A Third British Empire?’ 72
  • Bickford-Smith , V. 1999 . Cape Town in the Twentieth Century: An Illustrated Social History Cape Town For the Coloured sense of Britishness, see et al., (81, 141;for Indian attitudes, see G. Vahed, ‘The making of Indianess’, Journal of Natal and Zulu History, 17 (1997), 8, 9
  • Odendaal , A. 1926 . Vukani Bantu: The Beginnings of Black Protest Politics in South Africa to 1912 Cape Town NA, Governor-General (hereafter GG), 2/161, St Faith's Mission, Durban, For a discussion of African attempts to gain British support, see (1984, passim.
  • 1881 . The Sons of England Patriotic and Benevolent Society was founded in Canada in the nineteenth century and the first South African lodge was opened in Uitenhage in. It was pledged to maintain the Union as a British Dominion subject to the Crown
  • 1932 . Patrick Duncan Microfilms, A54.1, Memorandum by JHB, 25 Oct.
  • 1932 . Ibid, A12.1.4, Memorandum by Patrick Duncan, 12 Sep., p. 2
  • Calpin , G. H. 1941 . There Are No South Africans 12 – 13 . (London
  • 1921 . Official Year Book of the Union and of Basutoland, Bechuanaland Protectorate and Swaziland, no 7, covering the period 1910–1924 132 Pretoria There are no statistics on the number of English, Scottish, Welsh and Irish South Africans but religious denominational statistics suggest that English far outnumbered the others. In, for example, less than half of white South Africans belonged to a Church other than the three Afrikaans Churches. Of these, 19.35 per cent were Anglicans and 6.76 per cent were Methodists. Most of these can be assumed to have been English. Only 4.94 per cent were Presbyterians (mainly Scots) and 4.03 per cent were Catholics (many of whom would have been Irish). See Union of South Africa, Union Office of Census and Statistics, (1925
  • Heaton Nicholls , G. 1961 . South Africa in My Time 23 London While his father was English, the Zululand sugar planter and politician, George Heaton Nicholls, happily described himself as British although, on his mother's side he was not merely of Irish, but of Catholic, Fenian, stock: see
  • Macmillan , W. M. 1975 . My South African Years: An Autobiography 41 Cape Town
  • Paton . Towards the Mountain 56, 61
  • Thompson , P. S. 1990 . Natalians First: Separatism in South Africa, 1909–1961 32 Johannesburg
  • Shain , M. 1994 . The Roots of Antisemitism in South Africa Johannesburg See (for both English and Afrikaner attitudes to Ernest Oppenheimer, see NA, Charles te Water Collection, 37, 1929–33 Diary, passim.
  • Wolffe , J. 1994 . God and Greater Britain: Religion and National Life in Britain and Ireland, 1843–1945 222 London (This work provides an analysis of the inter-relationship between religion and race feeling not only in the British Isles but also in the Empire
  • Paton , A. 1948 . Cry, the Beloved Country: A Story of Comfort in Desolation London
  • The Centenary Book of South African Verse (2009) There is no opportunity in this article to include examples but, chosen and arranged by F.C. Slater (London, 1931) includes many poems which reflect this attitude
  • Thompson , P. S. 1999 . The British Civic Culture of Natal, South Africa, 1902–1961 Howick For a recent study on British civic culture in Natal, see
  • 1930 . See NA, Private Secretary of Prime Minister (MEM), 1/80, Minister of External Affairs to Secretary of State, 31 Jan.
  • 1949 . NA, Cape Town Depot, Kilpin Collection, 13, B.H. Fell to R. Kilpin, 14 Dec.
  • 1930 . Although Die Stem van SuidAfrika became a second national anthem in the late s, God Save the Queen was only dropped as a national anthem in 1957. After 1928 the Union Jack was one of two national flags until it was dropped, also in 1957
  • Muller , C. F. J. 1990 . Sonop in die Suide: Geboorte en Groei van die Nasionale Pers, 1915–1948 Kaapstad An important work on the Afrikaans press for this period is
  • The Natal Mercury and the Cape Times are among the few to have received attention: see T. Wilks, For the Love of Natal: The Life and Times of the Natal Mercury, 1852–1977 (Durban, 1977) and G. Shaw, The Cape Times: An Informal History (Cape Town, 1999). The Rand Daily Mail, Sunday Times Sunday Express are dealt with in J. Mervis, The Fourth Estate: A Newspaper Story (Johannesburg, 1989). All these newspapers, and particularly the Cape Times, under the editorship of B.K. Long from 1921, reflected a belief in the British Empire and the excellence of British institutions
  • Shaw . The Cape Times 2, 11
  • 1950 . This was the writer's experience in a government primary school in Pretoria in the early s
  • McKerron , M. E. 1934 . A History of Education in South Africa (1652–1932) Pretoria For a discussion on the British educational ethos in South Africa, see (P. Randall, Little England on the Veld: The English Private School System in South Africa (Johannesburg, 1982)
  • Rhodes Scholarship Trust, The First Fifty Years, 257
  • For vice-regal patronage of sport, see GG, 1/57-, patronage
  • Badenhorst , C. M. 1920–1950 . ‘Mines, Missionaries and the Municipality: Organized African Sport and Recreation in Johannesburg, c’ (PhD thesis, Queen's University, Kingston, Ontario, 1992), 248
  • Greyvenstein , C. 1981 . The Fighters Cape Town Little has been written on amateur boxing in South Africa but there are references in Badenhorst, ‘Mines, Missionaries and the Municipality’ and in
  • Holt , R. 1989 . Sport and the British: A Modern History 229 Oxford
  • Merrett , C. and Nauright , J. 1907 . The Imperial Game: Cricket, Culture and Society Edited by: Stoddart , B. and Sandiford , K. A.P. Manchester Before, few Afrikaners played in a test match while between 1907 and 1927, none did: see, ‘South Africa’, in, eds, (1998, 58 (see generally 55f)
  • 1995 . Rugby and the South African Nation For a discussion, see Black and Nauright, and A. Grundlingh, ‘Playing for Power: Rugby, Afrikaner Nationalism and Masculinity in South Africa’, in A. Grundlingh et al, Beyond the Tryline: Rugby and South African Society (Johannesburg
  • 1957 . The History of Scouting in South Africa 30 – 1 . n.p.
  • 1931 . NA, Cape Town Depot, Fremantle Collection, Athlone to Fremantle, 10 July. In 1931 the Voortrekker movement was established for Afrikaner boys and girls
  • Nicholls , Heaton . South Africa in My Time 135
  • Ibid., 128
  • Hyslop , J. 1999 . ‘The Imperial Working Class Makes Itself “White”: White Labourism in Britain, Australia and South Africa before the First World War’ (Seminar Paper, University of the Witwatersrand, Institute for Advanced Social Research
  • 1913 . The British Amalgamated Society of Engineers, for example, had branches throughout the Empire—in it had 26 South African branches with 2800 members: see Hyslop, ‘The Imperial Working Class Makes Itself “White”’, 13
  • Brits , J. P. 1919 . Tielman Roos: Political Prophet or Opportunist? Pretoria The initial constitution of the National Party did not provide for secession from the Empire and the establishment of a republic. The lobbying of prominent Nationalists like Tielman Roos secured the alteration of Article Four in September to accentuate the desire for a republic: see (1987, 53, 61
  • Kitchen , M. 1996 . The British Empire and Commonwealth: A Short History 61 New York Taking the size of Dominion populations into account, proportionately as many English South Africans volunteered as Australians (412 953), Canadians (628 964) and New Zealanders (128 525). Proportionately far fewer were killed, however—7 121 compared to respectively 59 530, 56 639 and 16 711. See
  • 1917 . In the words of the author's father, serving in German East Africa with the 6th Regiment of the 2nd South African Infantry Brigade. It was written on a piece of khaki and sent to his mother as a New Year memento in
  • Included in G. McKenzie, Delayed Action: Being Something of the Life and Times of the Late Brigadier General Sir Duncan McKenzie (n.p., n.d.), 323
  • White, Inventing Australia, 137
  • See Nasson, ‘Springboks at the Somme’
  • Ibid., 17
  • 1916 . In a letter from a father whose son had fallen: see The Story of Delville Wood, Told in Letters from the Front (Cape Town, [?]), 46
  • Ibid, particularly 4, 5, 12, 23, 50, 56
  • Ibid, 16
  • A South African Student and Soldier: Harold Edward Howse, 2009: A Study See, for example, W.M. Macmillan, ed., (Cape Town, n.d.), 53. There was also a feeling amongst South African troops that ‘Empire troops got the dirty jobs, because British commanders would not have to answer to dominion politicians’: see The British Empire, no 66, ‘Outbreak of the 1st World War’, 1843. As is well documented, these attitudes were shared by other Dominion troops as well
  • Cooper , A. A. 1914 . The Freemasons of South Africa Cape Town The graves of those killed reflects this change. Only those of the first years of the war tend to bear the inscription ‘For King and Empire’. Masonic speeches also reflect the change—in they refer to Empire, in 1918 to country: see (1986, 126, 130
  • Walker . 1914 . “ in ” . In The Cambridge History of the British Empire, vol VIII 748, 758. After, one imperial regiment, the Royal Garrison Artillery, remained in Cape Town until the beginning of 1916 to defend the peninsula: see E.A. Walker, Lordde Villiersandhis Times: South Africa, 1842–1914 (London, 1925), 503
  • 1939–1945 . For conditions during the Second World War which reflect Afrikaner attitudes to the army, see A. Grundlingh, ‘The King's Afrikaners? Enlistment and Ethnic Identity in the Union of South Africa's Defence Force during the Second World War, (Seminar Paper, Department of History, University of South Africa, 1999)
  • 1924 . GG, 59/74
  • Hattersley , A. J. 1950 . Carbineer: The History of the Royal Natal Carbineers 114 Aldershot
  • 1935 . Despite changes taking place during the Union period, these regiments continued to retain their traditions and royal links. The prefix Royal was granted to the Natal Carbineers as late as George V's Silver Jubilee in and each successive monarch became Colonel-in-Chief: see Hattersley, Carbineer, 62, 115. The royalist sympathies of the regiments remained strong enough for concern to be felt in government circles in 1961 as to their loyalty to the new republic and the act of stripping them of their royal titles and imperial insignia was delayed until 1962. At the same time, the regiments officially lost their royal colonels-in-chief. Unofficially, however, many continued to observe the link with members of the Royal Family and after South Africa's return to the Commonwealth in 1995 at least one, the Cape Town Highlanders (created the Queen's Own in 1947), informally restored its royal colonelcy-in-chief, that of the Queen Mother: see Weekly Telegraph, 26 July—1 Aug. 2000, letter from Brig-General Sandi Sijake, South African High Commission, London
  • This was particularly the case with regiments such as the Natal Carbineers whose links with Pietermaritzburg were exceptionally close, and the Imperial Light Horse which had been founded as a Johannesburg regiment during the South African War
  • Evenden , C. A. 1952 . Old Soldiers Never Die: The Story of Moth 0 Durban (The Moths never had the political clout of the Returned and Services League (RSC) in Australia which included politicians of both sides. ‘Many returned servicemen saw themselves as having given Australia its nationhood in the War, and as defending that nationhood in peace’: White, Inventing Australia, 137
  • Brits . Tielman Roos 77
  • Nicholls , Heaton . South Africa in My Time 135
  • Brits . Tielman Roos 96
  • 1925 . See NA, Creswell Collection 1, Letters from Creswell to his wife, May;GG 75/2, 128–9, 147, 151–2, 157, Press cuttings
  • 1925 . GG 5, 9, Athlone to Amery, 10 July
  • 1925 . GG, 75/157, Athlone to Amery, confidential, 17 Aug.
  • 1925 . GG 75/151, Athlone to Amery, confidential, 11 June. The editor of Die Burger expressed a similar sentiment the next day: ‘to expect them to love that throne, is as unreasonable as it is untrue’: translation in GG 75/128, press cuttings, views of the Dutch press
  • 1925 . GG, 75/157, Athlone to Amery, confidential, 17 Aug.
  • Dawson , M. , ed. 1926 . The Development of Dominion Status, 1900–1936 330 London See NA, Hertzog Versameling, 48, Hertzog to Amery, draft, 26 July. He used the words ‘independent national status’ in his opening speech to the Conference: see R., ed., (1965
  • Dawson . 1919 . Development of Dominion Status 331. Although Hertzog claimed that the Declaration was a victory for his stance at the conference, it did little more than express formally a situation that had been achieved at Paris in and at the 1921 and 1923 conferences. Returning from the Paris Peace Conference in 1919, Smuts had said in the Assembly that the' Union Pari iament stands exactly on the same basis as the British House of Commons, which has no legislative power over the Union. We have achieved a position of absolute equality and freedom, not only among the other states of the Empire, but among the other nations of the world.' In 1926, the Prime Minister of Australia, Stanley Bruce, agreed, dismissing the Declaration as nothing new—‘the rights now enjoyed have existed ever since the termination of the war’: see W.M. Hughes, The Splendid Adventure: A Review of Empire Relations Within and Without the Commonwealth of Britannic Nations (London, 1929), 149–151
  • 1926 . The Star, 20 Dec. In a public meeting at the Union Buildings on his return, Hertzog said that ‘our welfare and happiness as a people along no other course can be better maintained and fostered than within the bond [sic?] of nations with which we are now associated as a free people of our own free will, and that in no other manner our national freedom can enjoy greater authority annd guarantee than within the British Empire…’
  • Brits, Tielman Roos, 135
  • 1926 . Smuts Papers, 220, no 263, Smuts to Margaret Gillett, 13 Dec.
  • 1926 . Smuts Papers, 220, no 266, Smuts to Margaret Gillett, 29 Dec.
  • 1927–1933 . There are, for example, a number of letters of support from English South Africans in the Hertzog Collection in the National Archives: see NA, Hertzog Versameling, 27–31, Openbare mening i/s politieke aangeleenthede
  • Saker , H. 1980 . “ 3 ” . In The South African Flag Controversy, 1925–1928 Cape Town The uproar caused by the flag controversy has been dealt with in (Its impact on Natal is discussed in Thompson, Natations First, chapter
  • See Fremantle Collection, biographical sketch. For declining support for the Labour Party, see Saker, The South African Flag Controversy, 81, 251 ff
  • Hankinson , W. C. , Alexander , J. U. F. C. and Massey , V. 1925 . On Being Canadian 57 Toronto See GG, 23/577, (1948, In 1965, the present flag, omitting a Union Jack, was adopted. Australia adopted the Blue Ensign as its national flag only in 1950: see Oxford Companion to Australian History, 256
  • Thompson . Natalians First 108
  • 1934 . The Times, 1 Aug.
  • See Patrick Duncan Microfilms, A5.13, Marwick to Smuts, copy, n.d
  • 1947 . South Africa's participation in World War II and the royal visit of acted as a stimulus to English South Africa's sense of pride in the Union's membership of the Empire-Commonwealth. Despite the great changes which took place in the Commonwealth, in Africa and in South Africa after 1947, all of which distanced English South Africans from their Commonwealth ties, in the 1960 referendum on a republic an overwhelming majority voted to retain the monarchy. Approximately 40 per cent of the white-only electorate was English-speaking and 47.42 per cent of the electorate voted for the retention of the monarchy

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