Introduction

References

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• The major differences must also be kept in view. Syphilis, for instance, has its own distinct epidemiology, proceeds through several discrete phases, and affects patients very differently than HIV. It led to complications which, if often as terrible as those of HIV, were very different. From early in the twentieth century, it could be treated effectively in skilled hands using the arsenical drug salvarsan. Even untreated, it was not invariably fatal
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• 1980 . To achieve a cure for syphilis, physicians had to administer salvarsan by injection in carefully regulated doses over a long period. Even then the outcome was uncertain. With regard to Africans in South Africa, official policy for many years was to treat victims just sufficiently to render them, as experts wrongly thought, non-infectious. Central Archives Depot, Pretoria, Department of Public Health Archive (GES) 34/33G, Council of Public Health, Minutes of 24th meeting, 12–13 Jan. 1943, statement of Dr. Peter Allan, Secretary for Public Health
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• 1930 . A point repeatedly made by successive South African Secretaries for Public Health, Edward Thornton, E.H. Cluver, Peter Allan, and George Gale in the s and 40s. Their views are documented in the records of the department and in its annual reports
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• 1933 . For instance, GES 1094 401/17B, E.N. Thornton to Minister of Public Health (MPH), 5 Dec.;GES 1347 250/19, E.H. Cluver to C.H. Malcomess, 27 July 1937;GES 1095 401/17L, Notes of Meeting, 23 Jan. 1939
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• 1936 . Shadow on the Land: Syphilis New York In the United States, Surgeon General Dr. Thomas Parran pioneered that approach during the interwar period. Appointed to head the U.S. Public Health Service in, he had previously directed its Venereal Diseases Division. He became famous for his book, (1937, which with his Speeches and other writings ‘… succeeded in making the term syphilis an acceptable word in polite society’. See O.W. Anderson, ‘Syphilis and Society;Problems of Control in the United States’ (Chicago, University of Chicago, Health Information Foundation, Research Series 22, 1965), 7;also, S. Poirier, Chicago's War, 6–7
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• Copy in GES 2268 60/38L
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• Ibid.
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• ‘This unnatural act, repulsive to all healthy minded men, must be strenuously opposed and eradicated’
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• This discussion is based on several ‘scenarios’ written for the film in the pre-production phase and intensively discussed in both the DPH and the Red Cross. See GES 2625 60/38H and GES 2268 60/38L
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• Brelsford , W. V. 1946 . NADA: The Southern Rhodesia Native Affairs Department Annual, 1947 7 – 22 . Salisbury Its reception in Northern Rhodesia (Zambia) is discussed in, ‘Analysis of African Reaction to Propaganda Film’, (and M. Vaughan, Curing Their Ills: Colonial Power and African Illness (Stanford, Ca., 1991), ch. 8
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• 1940 . GES 2625 60/38H Notes for Ministers speech in Johannesburg, 7 Feb. at the film's launch
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• Kuhn . The Power of the Image 114–15
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• Ibid.
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• The DPH's infectious diseases hospital at Rietfontein, Johannesburg featured in the treatment scenes
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• The DPH's records contain scenarios and proposals for other health and nutrition films planned for black audiences. GES 2268 60/38L
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• 1886–1910 . A partial list includes the following: E.N. Katz, ‘The White Death: Silicosis (Miners’ Phthisis) on the Witwatersrand Gold Mines, (PhD thesis, University of the Witwatersrand, 1990); E. Katz, The White Death: Silicosis on the Witwatersrand Gold Mines 1886–1910 (Johannesburg, 1994); S. Marks and N. Andersson. ‘Typhus and Social Control: South Africa, 1917–50’, in R. MacLeod and M. Lewis, eds, Disease, Medicine, and Empire: Perspective on Western Medicine and the Experience of European Expansion (London and New York, 1988), 257–83; R.M. Packard, White Plague, Black Labor: Tuberculosis and the Political Economy of Health and Disease in South Africa (Berkeley, 1989); R.M. Packard, ‘The Invention of the “Tropical Worker”: Medical Research and the Quest for Central African Labor in the South African Gold Mines’, Journal of African History 34 (1993), 271–92. H. Phillips, ‘“Black October”: The Impact of the Spanish Influenza Epidemic of 1918 on South Africa’ (PhD thesis, University of Cape Town, 1984), published in the Archives Year Book for South African History (1990); H. Phillips, ‘The Local State and Public Health Reform in South Africa: Bloemfontein and the Consequences of the Spanish ‘Flu Epidemic of 1918’, Journal of Southern African Studies, 13 (1987), 210–253; D. Wylie, ‘The Changing Face of Hunger in Southern African History, 1800–1980’, Past and Present, 122 (1989), 159–99; and Wylie, Starving on a Full Stomach
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