- Wiseman , J. 1999 . 'The Continuing Case for Demo-Optimism in Africa' . Democratization , 6 ( 2 ) : 128 – 129 .
- Woodward , P. 1994 . 'Democracy and Economy in Africa' . Democratization , 1 ( 1 ) : 116 – 132 . For an earlier rendition of the optimists versus pessimists debate, see
- Joseph , R. 1998 . 'Africa, 1990-1997: From Abertura to Closure' . Journal of Democracy , 9 ( 2 ) : 3 – 17 .
- Wiseman . “ 'The Continuing Case' ” . 130
- Ibid, pp. 132-138.
- 1999 . The Namibian , 13 July In mid-1999 a report of the Southern African Development Community entitled Governance and Human Development in Southern Africa ranked Namibia as the most democratic of seven countries evaluated in the region. Namibia was seen as more democratic than Botswana or South Africa
- Bratton , M. and van de Walle , N. 1997 . Democratic Experiments in Africa: Regime Transitions in Comparative Perspective , xv Cambridge : Cambridge University Press . The book is based on the premise that most of the post-colonial regimes in Africa have been neo-patrimonial regimes, and that it is the 'distinctive features' of political transitions from neo-patrimonial regimes that account for the particular problems of democratic transitions in Africa (pp. 77-89)
- Ibid., p. 81.
- Ibid., pp. 178-179.
- Ibid., p. 81.
- Ibid
- Weiland , H. and Braham , M. , eds. 1994 . The Namibian Peace Process: Implications and Lessons for the Future , Freiburg : Arnold-Bergstraesser-Institut .
- Cliffe , L. , Bush , R. , Lindsay , J. , Mokopakgosi , B. , Pankhurst , D. and Tsie , B. 1993 . The Transition to Independence in Namibia , Boulder : Lynne Rienner .
- 2000 . The Namibian , 26 May Already in September 1998, the European Union announced plans to review aid to all African countries fighting in the DRC to ensure that aid money was not being used to fund the war effort
- 1998 . The Namibian , 21 September
- 1999 . Daily Mail and Guardian , 23 December Amnesty International, Report AFR 03/01/00. Angola and Namibia. Human Rights Abuses in the Border Area. www.amnesty.org
- 2000 . The Namibian , 2 May
- 2000 . Daily Mail and Guardian , 7 January
- 2000 . The Namibian , 15 February
- 1999 . Daily Mail and Guardian , 6 August
- 1999 . The Namibian , 2 August 3 August 1999, 6 August 1999
- US State Department, Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor . 25 February 2000 . Human Rights Reports for 1999 Namibia 25 February , www.state.gov/www/globla1/humanrights
- Kalenga . “ 'The CoD' ” . 26 – 27 .
- 2000 . The Namibian , 13 April Certain privileges are accorded the official opposition, such as the leader of the official opposition party being able to respond first in major debates introduced by the ruling party, and at times being able to speak for an unlimited period in the National Assembly. The leader of the official opposition also receives a higher salary than ordinary MPs
- 2000 . The Namibian , 23 May
- Kalenga . "The CoD,' ” . 27
- 1999 . The Namibiern , 13 July
- 'Political Declaration and Principles of the Congress of Democrats'.
- Bratton and van de Walle . Democratic Experiments 241 – 242 .
- 2000 . The Namibian , 24 March
- Wallerstein , I. 1966 . “ 'The Decline of the Party in Single-Party African States' ” . In Political Parties and Political Development , Edited by: Palombara , J. and Weiner , M. 201 – 214 . Princeton : Princeton University Press . See, for example
- 1997 . The Namibian , 18 August
- 1999 . The Namibian , 24 September
- 1992 . Namibian editorial , 18 December following the 1992 elections, Gwen Lister wrote: 'In fact it is said, even in the ranks of SWAPO, that it is DESPITE the lack of organizational leadership in the party that SWAPO won a convincing majority in the elections'. According to a Swapo Central Committee report submitted to the May 1997 Swapo Congress, the party does not even have a complete list of members and admits to being 'administratively and technically weak'
- 1997 . The Namibian , 23 June
- 1998 . The Namibian , 4 September
- EIU, Country Report 1st quarter 1998, pp. 10-11. Pohamba subsequently lost his position as Minister Without Portfolio.
- Simon , D. 1996 . 'Restructuring the Local State in Post-Apartheid Cities: Namibian Experience and Lessons for South Africa' . Journal of Southern African Studies , 95 : 79
- Bratton , M. 1989 . 'Beyond the State: Civil Society and Associational Life in Africa' . World Politics , 42 : 407 – 430 .
- Diamond , L. 1994 . 'Rethinking Civil Society: Toward Democratic Consolidation' . Journal of Democracy , 5 ( 3 ) : 4 – 17 .
- Harbeson , J. , Rothchild , D. and Chazan , N. , eds. 1994 . Civil Society and the State in Africa , Boulder : Lynne Rienner .
- Gyimah Boadi , E. 1996 . 'Civil Society in Africa' . Journal of Democracy , 7 ( 2 ) : 120 – 122 . These limitations stem from a number of problems confronting civil society in Africa including vulnerability to state repression and co-option, a culture of incivility in politics, weak private sectors, low levels of institutional development, material and financial constraints and more. Ibid, pp. 122-127
- Bauer . “ 'Challenges' ” . 437 – 438 . In August 1997 NANSO-affiliated also disaffiliated from Swapo, renaming itself Mighty NANSO. The group stated that they were disaffiliating because they had achieved their goal of helping Swapo to win a two-thirds majority in the December 1994 elections and because they wished to obtain donor funds. Mighty NANSO leader Abraham Ndumbu, meanwhile, was expelled from Swapo in late 1996 after urging the party to come clean on the detainee issue and calling for greater government action to curb corruption
- 1997 . The Namibian , 20 August
- Bauer . “ 'Challenges' ” . 436 – 437 .
- 1998 . The Namibian , 1 October
- Bauer , G. 1998 . Labor and Democracy in Namibia, 1971-1996 , 101 – 102 . Athens : Ohio University Press . Independence in Namibia was preceded by a series of meetings outside the country between representatives of the exiled liberation movement and the white business and professional communities inside Namibia. These meetings took place throughout the 1980s, beginning in 1981 in Paris and ending in 1988 in Kabwe, Zambia. Topics for discussion ranged from democratization to economic reconstruction and development to land, judicial and public service reform
- Forrest , J. 1998 . Namibia's Post-Apartheid Regional Institutions: The Founding Year , 42 Rochester : University of Rochester Press .
- Dobell , L. 1997 . 'Silence in Context: Truth and/or Reconciliation in Namibia' . Journal of Southern African Studies , 23 ( 2 ) : 371 – 382 . 'The South West African People's Organisation was known by its acronym, SWAPO, until independence, after which it adopted the proper name 'Swapo'. Uppercase letters are used only when referring to the pre-independence period'
- Forrest . The Founding Year , 43 – 44 .
- According to Bratton and van de Walle, Democratic Experiments, pp. 83-86, those obstacles have been many. For example, they argue that transitions from neo-patrimonial regimes will more likely occur as a result of political protest from organizations of civil society than from initiatives on the part of state elites. However, because neo-patrimonial rule tends to undercut civil society, it tends to be under-developed and so completion of the transition becomes problematic. Further, they observe that in neo-patrimonial regimes, incumbent dictators often stubbornly refuse to cede power, sometimes allowing 'the destruction of their nation's economic and political structures as a cost of personal political survival'. In addition, they suggest that elite pacts will be less likely in neo-patrimonial regimes given that a number of the requisite conditions (the possibility of compromise, the institutionalization of political parties and civic groups) are generally absent.
- Gyimah Boadi , E. 1998 . 'The Rebirth of African Liberalism' . Journal of Democracy , 9 ( 2 ) : 18 – 31 .
- Kwasi Prempeh , H. 1999 . 'A New Jurisprudence for Africa' . Journal of Democracy , 10 ( 3 ) : 135 – 149 . on the importance of the rise of constitutionalism in Africa, See also
- 1998 . Economist Intelligence Unit, Country Profile 1997-98 , 7 London : Economist Intelligence Unit (EIU) .
- 1998 . The Namibian , 1 September
- 1999 . The Namibian , 7 December In the 1994 Presidential race, Sam Nujoma was re-elected with 74.5 percent of the vote; rival candidate Mi shake Muyongo of the DTA polled 23.1 percent of the vote. In the 1999 Presidential race, Sam Nujoma was again re-elected, with 76.7 percent of the vote; CoD's Ben Ulenga garnered 10.6 percent of the vote, DTA's Katuutire Kaura polled 9.7 percent of the vote, and UDF's Justus Garoeb 3.0 percent
- Economist Intelligence Unit . 1997-98 . Country Profile , : 8
- 1999 . The Namibian , 4 January 5 January 1999; Daily Mail and Guardian, 6 January 1999. Already in September 1998, Namibian editor Gwen Lister noted that the government had been 'completely unreliable in keeping the people informed about the DRC situation, and that most of the information about the conflict and Namibia's involvement had come from outside sources'
- 1998 . The Namibian , 16 September
- 1998 . The Namibian , 9 March
- 2000 . The Namibian , 10 February
- Allison , C. 1998 . “ 'Study of Namibian NGO Capacity and Development' ” . 16 – 20 . Windhoek : Nangof and USAID .
- LaRRI . 1998 . “ 'Still Fighting for Social Justice: A Survey of Trade Unions, Women's Organisations, Communal Farmers' and Service Organisations in Namibia' ” . 6 Windhoek : LaRRI .
- 1997 . The Namibian , 22 October 3 November 1998
- 1999 . The Namibian , 7 October
- 1998 . The Namibian , 24 November 24 September 1998, 7 October 1998, 10 February 2000
- 1998 . The Namibian , 30 June
- Saul , J. and Leys , C. 1995 . “ 'SWAPO: The Politics of Exile' ” . In SWAPO's Liberation Struggle: The Double Edged Sword , Edited by: Leys , C. and Saul , J. London : James Currey . on Swapo in exile
- Dobell , L. 1996 . 'Namibia's Wall of Silence' . Southern Africa Report , 11 ( 4 ) : 30 – 31 .
- 'Swapo's initial response to the oppositional activity engendered by it [the release of the book Namibia: The Wall of Silence] was not especially encouraging'. Dobell continues: "The book was immediately attacked by senior Swapo leaders, including President Sam Nujoma and Secretary-General Moses Garoeb as 'false history', its author as an 'enemy of Swapo' (and, by implication, of Namibia)".
- 1997 . The Namibian , 29 May
- 1998 . The Namibian , 14 September 6 October 1998
- US State Department, Human Rights Reports.
- Beetham , D. 1994 . 'Conditions for Democratic Consolidation' . Review of African Political Economy , 60 : 157 – 172 . See, for example
- Toetemeyer , G. , Wehmhoerner , A. and Weiland , H. 1996 . Elections in Namibia , Windhoek : Gamsberg Macmillan .
- 1998 . The Namibian , 2 December
- Lodge . “ 'Heavy Handed Democracy' ” . 27
- 1999 . The Namibian , 9 December Ibid Organizations such as the Council of Churches of Namibia and the Namibia NGO Forum termed the election 'free but not completely fair, because of intimidation and hate speech'
- Lodge . “ 'Heavy Handed Democracy' ” . 27
- 1999 . Daily Mail and Guardian , 9 November
- 1999 . The Namibian , 3 May 7 May 1999
- 1998 . The Namibian , 20 February
- Soiri . “ 'Swapo Wins' ” . 18 According to Soiri, Swapo had acknowledged even before the election that political apathy was its main rival, rather than an opposition political party. 'Slow economic growth, and appalling social problems were believed to have frustrated even loyal supporters'
- 1998 . The Namibian , 18 December According to the study itself, the breakdown of non-voters was as follows: those with negative feelings toward political actors (30 percent), those with particular circumstances related to the electoral process (35 percent), and apathetic or lethargic individuals (35 percent)
- Keulder , C. 1999 . Voting Behaviour in Namibia (Part II) - Regional Council Elections 1998 , 19 Windhoek : Friedrich Ebert Stiftung .
- Ibid., p. 11.
- Local authorities and National Assembly elections are by the proportional representation party list method, while the Regional Council elections utilise the plurality or winner take all method. The PR party list method is considered advantageous for smaller parties but provides for little accountability as voters elect a party rather than an individual candidate. The winner take all method, of course, promotes a two-party system; smaller parties stand no chance of winning and therefore are reluctant to participate. Toetemeyer et al.. Elections in Namibia, pp. 13-14.
- 1999 . The Namibian , 12 August 19 August 1999
- 1999 . The Namibian , 23 August 16 August 1999, 25 August 1999. The dispute over the state of emergency concerned whether or not it applied outside of Caprivi
- 1998 . The Namibian , 14 September 6 October 1998, 6 March 2000
- Nyang'oro , J. 1996 . 'Critical Notes on Political Liberalization in Africa' . Journal of Asian and African Studies , 33 ( 1-2 ) : 112 – 124 . In separate articles, Nyang'oro and Ihonvbere have identified a number of the problems confronting Africa's new multiparty systems. In brief, these include a return to single party rule and even authoritarian tendencies after a democratic transition; the persistence, despite elections, of previous institutions and structures of rule; the continued influence of retired military leaders and former politicians; a lack of credible policy alternatives among new parties; greatly divided oppositions; a failure to mobilize new constituencies; and an over reliance on foreign donors and governments
- Ihonvbere , J. 1996 . On the Threshold of Another False Start? A Critical Evaluation of Prodemocracy Movements in Africa' . Journal of Asian and African Studies , 33 ( 1-2 ) : 125 – 142 .
- US State Department, Human Rights Reports.
- 1997 . The Namibian , 25 August 18 September 1997, 27 March 2000
- 1998 . The Namibian , 5 May foreign journalists would have to '… give one month's notice of their intention to visit Namibia, apply for a temporary work permit, and await bureaucratic processing and approval'
- US State Department, Human Rights Reports.
- 2000 . Daily Mail and Guardian , 18 April
- 1997 . The Namibian , 12 May 16 September 1998, 4 January 1999, 5 January 1999, 6 January 1999, 27 March 2000
- Bratton and van de Walle, Democratic Experiments, pp. 239-240.
- Jauch , H. 1999 . 'SAPs: Their Origin and International Experiences' . paper prepared for the Labour Resource and Research Institute . March 1999 , Windhoek. pp. 8 This is not to say that the government is not following many of those same policies anyway, for example, privatisation of previously state-owned enterprises, export-led growth, a reduced civil service and cuts to social services such as health and education.
- EIU . 1997-98 . Country Profile , : 11
- US Bank of Windhoek, Economic Review, www.bankwindhoek.com.na, 20 July 1999.
- EIU, Country Report 1st quarter 1999, p. 13.
- EIU . 2000 . Country Report April 2000 , 18 London : EIU .
- EIU, Country Profile 1997-98, p. 12.
- Bauer , G. 1999 . “ 'Challenges to Democratic Consolidation in Namibia' ” . In State, Conflict, and Democracy in Africa , Edited by: Joseph , R. 439 – 441 . Boulder : Lynne Rienner .
- 1999 . The Namibian , IS February
- 1999 . The Namibian , 24 March
- EIU . 1999 . Country Profile 1999-2000 , 23 London : EIU .
- EIU, Country Report April 2000, p. 11.
- Haggard , S. and Kaufman , R. 1995 . The Political Economy of Democratic Transitions , 267 Princeton : Princeton University Press . distinguish between dominant party regimes and democratic regimes with dominant parties. Of the latter, they write,' … opposition parties faced no serious official constraints or harassment, and though ruling parties exploited the powers of office to maintain political support, the legal separation of party and state was generally respected'. The 'barriers to entry were high, but not prohibitively so …"
- Monga , C. 1995 . 'Civil Society and Democratisation in Francophone Africa' . Journal of Modem African Studies , 33 ( 3 ) : 362
- 1999 . The Namibian , 3 August In the 1998 regional elections, uncontested constituencies accounted for 25.49 percent of the vote; this compares with 15.78 percent in the 1992 regional elections (National Democratic Institute, Washington, DC and Windhoek, personal communication, February 1999). Swapo also benefited from the turmoil in the Caprivi. With fewer than 20 percent of Caprivians voting in the 1998 regional elections, Swapo won all six seats. (Several DTA candidates had fled to Botsw ana.)
- Keulder . “ 'A Review' ” . 10
- Forrest, The Founding Year.
- The government had originally wanted to prevent Namibia's progressive Labour Act from applying in the EPZs. Ultimately, a compromise was reached, namely, that the Labour Act would apply but that the export processing zones would be considered essential service areas, thus precluding strikes and lockouts. Bauer, 'Challenges', p. 437.
- Keulder , C. 1999 . “ 'A Review of the Namibian Budget Process: A Report for the National Democratic Institute' ” . 5 – 7 . Windhoek : University of Namibia .
- EIU . 1999 . Namibia Country Report J" quarter 1999 , 6 London : EIU . According to the EIU, further amendments could include 'legislation to allow a fourth term for Mr. Nujoma, who will be a sprightly 73 in 2004'
- ne Namibian, 16 May 2000.
- 2000 . The Namibian , 3 February 22 March 2000, 3 May 2000
- EIU . 1998 . Country Report 1" quarter 1998 , 12 London : EIU . ne Namibian, 2 July 1999
- 1990 . Government of the Republic of Namibia, Constitution of the Republic of Namibia , 52 – 53 . Windhoek : Ministry of Information and Broadcasting . ne Namibian, 19 October 1998
- GRN, Constitution, pp. 15, 51.
- Simon , D. 2000 . 'Namibian Elections: Swapo Consolidates its Hold on Power' . Review cf African Political Economy , 83 ( 27 ) : 114 – 115 . As Simon notes: "The geographical breakdown of votes underlines the challenge that still lies ahead if Swapo's grip is to be weakened in the future. Swapo won all the seats in the five regions compris! ng the former Ovamboland and Kavango bantustans in the north, its political base, as well as four out of six in the troubled northeastern Caprivi region … Swapo also won five of die six seats in Erongo region, the powerbase of UDF' s Justus Garoeb, and seven of the nine in Khomas region, which is centred on the capital city, Windhoek. In the two sparsely populated southern regions of Hardap and Karas, Swapo won four and five of the six seats respectively. Only in the arid northwestern Kunene region, did Swapo gain minority support - two of the six seats. The other four seats there are shared by the DTA and UDF
- 2000 . The Namibian , 14 February 25 February 2000, 15 March 2000
- 2000 . The Namibian , 23 February 3 March 2000, 14 March 2000, March 27 2000
- Ipinge , E. and LeBeau , D. 1997 . “ 'Beyond Inequalities: Women in Namibia' ” . 39 – 43 . Windhoek : University of Namibia .
- Bauer . Labor and Democracy , 102 – 108 .
- 2000 . The Namibian , 14 April
- EIU . 2000 . Country Report lst quarter TOOQ , 14 London : EIU .
- 1998 . The Namibian , 23 September The Corruption Perceptions Index, prepared by Transparency International, measures corruption as seen by business people, risk analysts and the general public. Namibia received a score of 5.3 on a scale of O to 10, with O as highly corrupt and 10 as highly clean
- Mainwaring , S. 1998 . 'Party Systems in the Third Wave' . Journal of Democracy , 9 ( 3 ) : 67 – 81 .
- Lipset , S. M. 2000 . 'The Indispensability of Political Parties' . Journal of Democracy , 11 ( 1 ) : 48 – 55 .
- Soiri , I. “ 'Swapo Wins, Apathy Rides? The Namibian 1998 Local Authority Elections', manuscript version of forthcoming chapter ” . In Elections in Africa , Edited by: Cowen , Michael and Laakso , Liisa . 21 – 24 . London : James Currey . For a comprehensive analysis of the rise of local residents' associations in Namibia
- 1998 . The Namibian , 28 August
- 1998 . The Namibian , 10 November
- du Toit , P. 1999 . “ 'Bridge or Bridgehead? Comparing the Party Systems of Botswana, Namibia, Zimbabwe, Zambia and Malawi' ” . In The Awkward Embrace: One-Party Domination and Democracy , Edited by: Giliomee , H. and Simkins , C. 217 Cape Town : Tafelberg .
- EIU, Country Report April 2000, p. 8.
- Kalenga , P. 1999 . "The Congress of Democrats' . Southern Africa Report , 15 ( 1 ) : 25 – 27 .
- Lodge , T. 2000 . 'Heavy Handed Democracy: SWAPO's Victory in Namibia' . Southern Africa Report , 15 ( 2 ) : 26 – 29 .
- 1999 . The Namibian , 6 April In the weeks following the party's launch, reported that the party had already signed up more than 3000 members in Windhoek alone, 'drawing 37 percent of its support from among former Swapo members, while 32 percent are first-time members of a political organisation'
- Bauer . Labor and Democracy , 77 – 80 . Ulenga has 'impeccable credentials' in the Namibian context. He left Namibia for exile in 1974, returning as a Swapo combatant shortly thereafter. During an incursion into northern Namibia in 1976 he was wounded and captured; he was sent to Robben Island about one year later, where he remained until mid 1985. Upon his release from Robben Island, Ulenga became one of the leaders in the move to organize Namibian workers into trade unions, serving ultimately as Secretary General of the Mineworkers Union of Namibia. He was an elected member of the Constituent Assembly and at independence was made a Member of Parliament and Deputy Minister of Tourism. See
- Kalenga . “ 'The CoD' ” . 25
- Lodge . “ 'Heavy Handed Democracy' ” . 28
- 1999 . The Namibian , 6 April 31 March 1999
- ne Namibian, 2 September 1999.
- Lodge . “ 'Heavy Handed Democracy,' ” . 26
Journal of Southern African Studies
Volume 27, 2001 - Issue 1