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Articles

Paris Masters and the Justification of the Albigensian Crusade1Footnote

Jessalynn BirdIndependent Scholar
Pages 117-155 | Published online: 17 Feb 2023

  • For example, Martha G. Newman, The Boundaries of Charity: Cistercian Culture and Ecclesiastical Reform, 1098–1180 (Stanford, CA, 1996), esp. pp. 223–32; Christine Thouzellier, Catharisme et valdéisme en Languedoc à la fin du XIIe et au début du XIIIe siècle, 2nd ed. (Paris, 1969; repr. Marseille, 1982); Marie-Humbert Vicaire, Saint Dominic and his Times, trans. Kathleen Pond (New York, 1964); Beverly Mayne Kienzle, Cistercians, Heresy and Crusade in Occitania, 1145–1229 (Rochester, NY, 2001); Christoph T. Maier, Preaching the Crusades: Mendicant Friars and the Cross in the Thirteenth Century (Cambridge, 1994). See also the works cited below.
  • I am writing articles on the involvement of Paris masters in recruiting for the initial stages of the Albigensian Crusade and in early inquisitions against heresy. See Peter Biller, “William of Newburgh and the Cathar Mission to England,” in Life and Thought in the Northern Church, c.1100–c.1700. Essays in Honour of Claire Cross, ed. Diane Wood, Studies in Church History, Subsidia 12 (Rochester, NY, 1999), pp. 11–30; Jessalynn Bird, “The Construction of Orthodoxy and the (De)construction of Heretical Attacks on the Eucharist in Pastoralia from Peter the Chanter’s Circle in Paris,” in Texts and the Repression of Medieval Heresy, ed. Caterina Bruschi and Peter Biller (York, 2003), pp. 45–62; Nicholas Vincent, “England and the Albigensian Crusade,” in England and Europe in the reign of Henry III (1216–1272), ed. Björn K. U. Weiler and Ifor Rowlands (Aldershot, 2002), pp. 67–97, here pp. 67–75; G. B. Flahiff, “Ralph Niger: An Introduction to his Life and Works,” Mediaeval Studies 2 (1940), 104–26; idem, “Deus non Vult: A critic of the Third Crusade,” Mediaeval Studies 9 (1947), 162–88; Ralph Niger, De re militari et triplici via peregrinationis Ierosolimitane (1187/88) 66, ed. Ludwig Schmugge (New York, 1977), pp. 187–88; Jessalynn Bird, “Heresy, Crusade and Reform in the Circle of Peter the Chanter, c.1187–c.1240” (D.Phil. thesis, University of Oxford, 2001), pp. 86–119.
  • Canonists contemporary to or cited by Peter the Chanter’s circle in Paris include the anonymous Summa Parisiensis, Sicard of Cremona (who participated in the Fourth Crusade), Stephen of Tournai (an associate of Peter the Chanter and Guy of Vaux-de-Cernay) and Huguccio. See note 7 below; Frederick H. Russell, The Just War in the Middle Ages (Cambridge, 1975), pp. 88–99, 137–38, 213–15, 221–22; Robert Courson, Summa 15.2–3 and 26.10, Paris, Bibliothèque Nationale, MS Latin 14524, fols. 63vb–64vb, 92rb–va, edited in John W. Baldwin, Masters, Princes and Merchants: The Social Views of Peter the Chanter and His Circle, 2 vols. (Princeton, 1970), 1:208 and 2:146–47, notes 23–24 (hereafter MPM).
  • When citing the unpublished works of various Paris masters, I will refer when possible to excerpts published in MPM and other secondary works. See MPM, 1:209–11, notes 32–39; Russell, Just War, pp. 218, 221, 225–28, 230, 233–34, 244–45; Thomas of Chobham, Summa confessorum 7.4.6a.10, ed. F. Broomfield, Analecta mediaevalia Namurcensia 25 (Louvain, 1968), pp. 432–33; Peter the Chanter, Summa de sacramentis et animae consiliis, ed. Jean-Albert Dugauquier, Analecta mediaevalia Namurcensia 4, 7, 11, 16, 21 (Louvain, 1954–67), §§155, 15, II:383, 465, and §270, IIa:290; Stephen Langton, Questiones, Cambridge, St. John’s College, MS 57, fols. 204rb, 334vb–335ra and MPM, 2:112, note 33 and 2:147–48, notes 33, 35; Robert Courson, Summa 26.10, 15 and 30.9, BN Lat. 14524, fols. 50va–vb, 92rb–va, 107ra and MPM, 2:146–48, notes 23, 26, 32, 37.
  • For Stephen Langton’s pivotal role in both the Canterbury electorial dispute and the conflict between John and his barons, see W. L. Warren, King John (Berkeley, 1978), pp. 157–89, 202–51, 265–77; Ralph V. Turner, King John (Harlow, 1994), pp. 155–252; Christopher R. Cheney, Pope Innocent III and England, Päpste und Papsttum 9 (Stuttgart, 1976), pp. 147–78, 298–400; Frederick M. Powicke, Stephen Langton (Oxford, 1965), pp. 75–141.
  • See Raymond H. Schmandt, “The Fourth Crusade and the Just-War Theory,” Catholic Historical Review 61 (1975), 191–221; Donald E. Queller and Thomas F. Madden, The Fourth Crusade: The Conquest of Constantinople, 2nd edn. (Philadelphia, 1997), pp. 58–67, 73–95, 97–99, 101–2, 112, 133, 141, 143, 154–56, 165, 168, 171–75, 179–81; Contemporary Sources for the Fourth Crusade, ed. and trans. Alfred J. Andrea (Leiden, 2000).
  • See note 7 above; Monique Zerner-Chardavoine, “L’abbé Gui des Vaux-de-Cernay prédicateur de croisade,” in Les cisterciens de Languedox (XIIIe–XIVe s.), ed. Edouard Privat, Cahiers de Fanjeaux 21 (Toulouse, 1986), pp. 183–204; Monique Zerner-Chardavoine and Hélène Piéchon-Palloc, “La croisade albigeoise, une revanche. Des rapports entre la quatrième croisade et la croisade albigeoise,” Revue historique 267 (1982), 3–18; Werner Maleczek, Petrus Capuanus: Kardinal, Legat am vierten Kreuzzug, Theologe (†1214) (Vienna, 1988); Jean Longnon, Les compagnons de Villehardouin: recherches sur les croisés de la quatrième croisade (Geneva, 1978).
  • See notes 7–8 above; Russell, Just War, pp. 115–18 (including Stephen of Tournai, Sicard of Cremona, the Summa Parisiensis and Huguccio); PL 215:103–10; PL 216:11–12; Contemporary Sources, ed. Andrea, pp. 115–76. For an interpretation of Innocent’s policy in the context of recent research stressing that the image of a particular region as heresy-ridden was largely manufactured by ecclesiastical and secular princes in the service of their own interests, see Monique Zerner, “Le déclenchment de la croisade Albigeoise retour sur l’affaire de paix et de foi,” in La croisade Albigeoise, ed. Michel Roquebert (Balma, 2004), pp. 127–42 and Pilar Jiménez-Sanchez, “Le Catharisme fut-il le véritable enjeu religieux de la croisade?” in ibid., pp. 143–55.
  • Russell, Just War, pp. 56–83; James A. Brundage, “Holy War and the Medieval Lawyers,” in The Holy War, ed. Thomas P. Murphy (Columbus, OH, 1976), pp. 99–140, here pp. 106–9; Gratian, Decretum, causa 23, in Emil Friedberg, ed., Corpus iuris canonici, 2 vols. (Leipzig, 1879–81; repr. Graz, 1955), 1:889–965 (hereafter CIC).
  • CIC 2:779–80; Third Lateran Council (1179), c.27, in Joseph Alberigo et al., eds., Conciliorum oecumenicorum decreta, 3rd ed. (Bologna, 1973), pp. 224–25 (hereafter COD); Alan of Lille, Liber Poenitentialis 3.29, 31, ed. Jean Longère, Analecta mediaevalia Namurcensia 17–18 (Louvain, 1965), 2:144–46; Thouzellier, Catharisme, pp. 23–24; and the discussion below.
  • Robert’s legation included the Albigensian crusade and was meant to help prepare for the impending business of the Fourth Lateran Council: the reform of the Church and a proposed eastern crusade. The council of Avignon (1209) had previously reiterated the Third Lateran decree. See Vincent, “England,” p. 76; PL 216:741–44, 817–22; Peter of Vaux-de-Cernay, Hystoria albigensis 399, 401–11, 422, 438–32, 440–41, ed. P. Guébin and E. Lyon, 3 vols. (Paris, 1926–39), 2:97–105, 114–15, 128–35 (hereafter VDC); Marcel and Christine Dickson, “Le Cardinal Robert de Courson: sa vie,” Archives d’histoire doctrinale et littéraire du moyen âge 9 (1934), 53–142; Thomas Rymer et al., eds., Foedera, conventiones, litterae, et cuiuscunque generis acta publica inter reges Angliae et alios quosvis imperatores, reges, pontifices, principes vel communitates, 1101–1564, 4 vols. in 7 pts. (London, 1816–69), 1.1:121–22; Fourth Lateran Council (1215), c.3, in COD, pp. 233–35; Avignon (1209), 1.10, 1.16, in Mansi, Concilia, 22:789, 790.
  • See CIC, 2:780–83; Robert Courson, Summa 30.1–2, 5, BN Lat. 14524, fols. 104vb–105ra, 106ra–rb; and MPM, 2:216, notes 60–61; and note 14 below.
  • For the impact of these decrees on the fight against heresy, see note 9 above; Fourth Lateran Council (1215), c.3, in COD, pp. 233–35; MPM, 2:321–32; Thouzellier, Catharisme, pp. 45–48, 139–212; Edward Peters, Inquisition (New York, 1988), esp. pp. 45–48; idem, “Wounded Names: The Medieval Doctrine of Infamy,” in Law in Medieval Life and Thought, ed. Edward B. King and Susan J. Ridyard, Sewanee Medieval Studies 5 (1990), pp. 43–89, esp. pp. 53, 65, 69, 76–79, 81–85; Raoul Manselli, “De la ‘Persuasio’ a la ‘coercitio,’” in Le credo, la morale et l’inquisition, Cahiers de Fanjeaux 6 (Toulouse, 1971), pp. 175–97; Newman, Boundaries, pp. 181, 185–88, 192–93; Peter Diehl, “‘Ad abolendam’ (X.5.7.9) and Imperial Legislation against Heresy,” Bulletin of Medieval Canon Law 19 (1989), 1–11; Henri Maissoneuve, Études sur les origines de l’Inquisition, 2nd ed. (Paris, 1960), pp. 133–37, 151–57, 281–84, 339–57; Kenneth Pennington, “‘Pro peccatis patrum puniri’: A Moral and Legal Problem of the Inquisition,” Church History 47 (1978), 137–54; H. G. Walther, “Häresie und päpstliche Politik: Ketzerbegriff und Ketzergessetzgebung in de Übergangsphase von der Dekretistik zur Dekretalistik,” in The Concept of Heresy in the Middle Ages (11th–13th centuries), ed. Willem Lourdaux and Daniël Verhelst (Louvain, 1983), pp. 104–43; Othmar Hageneder, “Der Häresiebegriff bei den Juristen des 12. und 13. Jahrhunderts,” in ibid., pp. 42–103; idem, “Studien zur Dekretale ‘Vergentis’ (X.5.7.10). Ein Beitrag zu Häretikergesetzebung Innocenz III,” Zeitschrift der Savigny-Stiftung für Rechtsgeschichte 80, Kanonistische Abteilung 49 (1963), 138–73; Walter Ullmann, “The Significance of Innocent III’s Decretal Vergentis,” in Études d’histoire du droit canonique. Festschrift dediées à Gabriel Le Bras, 2 vols. (Paris, 1965), 2:729–44. For anti-heretical decrees and the negotiations with Raymond, see the works cited above and Mansi, Concilia, 22:789–90; 815–16, 855–64, 931–34, 935–54, 1087–90, 1206–10; 1214–20, 23:21, 22–23, 161–76, 185–88, 195; VDC 37–39, 162–64, 212, 368, 542–47, 1:140–45, 165–69, 210–11, 2:66–96, 236–40; Richard Kay, The Council of Bourges, 1225: A Documentary History (Aldershot, 2002); Gerard Sivéry, Louis VIII: le lion (Paris, 1995); and the discussion below.
  • For the development of Innocent III’s presentation of the crusade, see PL 214:537–39; PL 215:176–80, 358–62, 501–3, 525–28, 1246–48, 1358–59; Thouzellier, Catharisme, pp. 188–89; Maissonneuve, Études, pp. 196–97, 199–209; Raymonde Foreville, “Innocent III et la croisade des Albigeois,” in Paix de Dieu et guerre sainte en Languedoc au XIIIe siecle, ed. Edouard Privat, Cahiers de Fanjeaux 4 (Toulouse, 1969), pp. 182–217; Helmut Roscher, Papst Innocenz III und die Kreuzzüge, Forschungen zur Kirchen-und Dogmengeschichte 21 (Göttingen, 1969), pp. 222–31; compare Alan of Lille, Sermo ad milites, PL 210:185–87.
  • John W. Baldwin, The Government of Philip Augustus: Foundations of French Royal Power in the Middle Ages (Berkeley, 1986), pp. 41, 122; Claude de Vic, Joseph Vaissete et al., eds., Histoire générale de Languedoc avec des notes et les pièces justificatives, 16 vols. in 18 (Paris, 1872–1904), 8:557–58 (December 1207), 8:558–59 (April 1208) (hereafter HGL); PL 215:1246–48; Roscher, Papst Innocenz III, p. 223.
  • VDC 27–46, 62–64, 1:30–41, 62–65; PL 215:1354–60; and note 15 above. Compare Philip the Chancellor, Sermo scolaribus … tempore quo rex Ludovicus assumpsit crucem in Albigenses, Schneyer, no. 269, 4:837.
  • See X.5.7.8–10, 13, in CIC, 2:779–83, 787–89; Russell, Just War, pp. 112–15, 196–97, 221–22, 252–53; Robert Courson, Summa 15.2–4 and 26.10, BN Lat. 14524, fols. 63vb–64vb, 92rb–va; MPM, 1:208–9 and 2:146–47, notes 23–25; Thomas of Chobham, Summa de arte predicandi 3, ed. Franco Morenzoni, CCCM 82 (Turnhout, 1988), pp. 76–77; James of Vitry, Sermo ad fratres ordinis militaris insignitos charactere militiae Christi, no. 37, and Sermo ad fratres ordinis militaris, no. 38, in Johannes-Baptiste Pitra, ed., Analecta novissima spicilegii Solesmensis: altera continuatio, 2 vols. (Paris, 1885–88), 2:405–21 (partial edition), esp. pp. 405, 416–20.
  • The threat of a similar application loomed over other excommunicated rulers, in particular John of England, a conclusion not lost on Robert Courson’s colleague, the reformer Stephen Langton, with whom Robert was in communication. See Russell, Just War, pp. 104, 231–32; MPM, 1:211–13; Robert Courson, Summa 4.4, 4.12, and 26.9, BN Lat. 14524, fols. 27rb–vb, 29ra–va, 92ra–rb and MPM, 2:151–52, notes 53, 55–56; compare Peter the Chanter, Summa §24, III2b:740 and §317, III2a:370–71; Thomas of Chobham, Summa de arte predicandi 3, pp. 78–79. For England, see Kathleen Major, ed., Acta Stephani Langton Cantuariensis archiepiscopi, AD 1207–1228, Canterbury and York Society 50 (Oxford, 1950), 1:5, no. 2; Cheney, Innocent III, pp. 261, 320–21, 327, 338–41, 358, 391; Turner, King John, pp. 163–68; Warren, King John, pp. 174–75, 202–3, 248; Powicke, Stephen Langton, pp. 90, 104–5.
  • See the discussion below.
  • VDC 75–80, 101–2, 108, 110–15, 1:75–80, 101–2, 112–13, 115–19; PL 216:152–53; Roscher, Papst Innocenz III, pp. 234–40; Raymonde Foreville, Le Pape Innocent III et la France, Päpste und Papsttum 26 (Stuttgart, 1992), pp. 249, 268. Peter of Vaux-de-Cernay was careful to counter insinuations that Simon was a land-grabber who attacked Christians in order to obtain their land by highlighting Simon’s refusal to do this during the Fourth Crusade (VDC 105–6, 1:105, 107–11).
  • Maissoneuve, Études, pp. 156–58; Foreville, “Innocent III et la croisade,” pp. 184–217; Thouzellier, Catharisme, pp. 136, 146, 155–56; Lothar Kolmer, Ad capiendas vulpes: die Ketzerbekämpfung in Südfrankreich in der ersten Hälfte des 13. Jahrhunderts und die Ausbildung des Inquisitionsverfahrens (Bonn, 1982), pp. 35–41.
  • The History of the Albigensian Crusade: Peter of les Vaux-de-Cernay’s Historia Albigensis, trans. W. A. and M. D. Sibly (Rochester, NY, 1998), pp. 317–20; Foreville, “Innocent III et la croisade,” pp. 205–7, 209–11; PL 216:171–74, 183–84, 524–25, 613–14, 739–44, 959–60. On Raymond’s appeals, see note 14 above; Foreville, Innocent III et la France, pp. 225, 228–33, 264–65, 266–67.
  • See note 23 above; Elaine Graham-Leigh, “Morts Suspectes et Justice Papale. Innocent III, les Trencavel et la réputation de l’église,” in La croisade albigeoise, pp. 219–33, here pp. 222–32; Foreville, “Innocent III et la croisade,” pp. 205–11; PL 216:151–54, 158–60; Karl Joseph von Hefele, Histoire des conciles d’après les documents originaux, trans. H. Leclerq, 22 parts in 11 vols. (Paris, 1907–73), 5.2:1316–98 and 1722–33; VDC 522–23, 2:215–17 and notes; William of Puylaurens, Chronica 34, ed. and trans. Jean Duvernoy (Paris, 1976), pp. 92–93; Stephan Kuttner and Antonio García y García, “A New Eyewitness Account of the Fourth Lateran Council,” Traditio 20 (1964), 115–78, here pp. 124–25 and 138–43; Cheney, Innocent III and England, pp. 395–96; Foreville, “Innocent III et la croisade,” pp. 213–16; Foreville, Innocent III et la France, pp. 328–30.
  • For Raymond, see notes 14 and 23–24 above. For the insertion of reformers, see Thouzellier, Catharisme, pp. 243–44; Foreville, Innocent III et la France, pp. 174–80.
  • For example, when John of England swore fealty to Innocent III and adopted the crusader’s cross, Innocent accepted his volte face without hesitation. See Cheney, Innocent III, pp. 332–36, 338, 365–66, 374–75; Turner, King John, pp. 168–71, 233; Powicke, Stephen Langton, pp. 126–32; Warren, King John, pp. 209, 244–45.
  • See notes 14, 23–24 and 26 above, and notes 28 and 61 below; James of Vitry, Sermones in epistolas et evangelia dominicalia totius anni, ed. Damianus a Ligno (Antwerp, 1575), pp. 703–5; Jessalynn Bird, “Reform or Crusade? Anti-Usury and Crusade Preaching during the Pontificate of Innocent III,” in Pope Innocent III and His World, ed. John C. Moore (Aldershot, 1999), pp. 165–85, esp. pp. 169, 174, 177–81 (emphasis on restitution and penance before absolution); Turner, King John, pp. 166–72; Powicke, Stephen Langton, pp. 90, 104–5; Warren, King John, pp. 207–13; Cheney, Innocent III, pp. 330, 343–55, 368–69.
  • On the negotium fidei et pacis, see note 9 above; VDC 6–7, 27–28, 55–66, 74–81, and passim, 1:5–7, 30–32, 51–65, 74–81, etc.; Marie-Humbert Vicaire, “‘L’affaire de paix et de foi’ du midi de la France,” in Paix de Dieu et Guerre Sainte en Languedoc au XIIIe siècle, Cahiers de Fanjeaux 4 (Toulouse, 1969), pp. 102–27; Vicaire, Saint Dominic, pp. 62, 149, 298, 320–25, 334, 369–70, 375, 378–80, 462–63; Thouzellier, Catharisme, pp. 183–212; Catharine Thouzellier, “La légation en Lombardie du cardinal Hugolin (1221): un épisode de la cinquième croisade,” Revue d’histoire ecclésiastique 45 (1990), 508–42; James M. Powell, Anatomy of a Crusade, 1213–1221 (Philadelphia, 1986), pp. 33–50; Augustine Thompson, Revival Preachers and Politics in Thirteenth-century Italy (Oxford, 1992), pp. 83–135.
  • See notes 14, 23–24 and 28 above, and notes 40 and 51 below; PL 214:537–39; PL 215:1166–68; PL 216:89–98; VDC 77, 137–39, 164, 195–96, 370–411, 1:77–78, 140–45, 167–69, 196–99, 2:69–105; Mansi, Concilia, 22:793–94, 815–16, 865–94; William of Tudela, Chanson de la croisade, laisses 58–61, 143–52, trans. Janet Shirley (Aldershot, 1996), pp. 37–39, 72–82 (hereafter Tudela).
  • James of Vitry, Sermo ad potentes et milites, no. 51, in Douai, Bibliothèque Municipale, MS 503, fols. 374r–376v, here fol. 374r–v; idem, Sermo ad potentes et milites, no. 52, in Douai 503, 376v–379v, here fols. 377v–378r; Alan of Lille, Sermo ad milites, PL 210:186.
  • James of Vitry, Sermo ad potentes et milites, no. 51, in Douai 503, fols. 374r–375v.
  • James of Vitry, ibid., fol. 375v; idem, Sermo ad potentes et milites, no. 52, in Douai 503, fols. 378r–379r; idem, Sermo ad potentes et milites, no. 53, in Douai 503, fol. 381r–v; Alan of Lille, Sermo ad milites, PL 210:186.
  • James of Vitry, Sermo ad dolentes, no. 46, in Douai 503, fols. 360v–363v, here fol. 361v; idem, Sermo ad potentes, no. 52, in Douai 503, fol. 378r; idem, Sermo ad potentes, no. 53, Douai 503, fol. 380r–v; Philippe Buc, L’Ambiguïté du livre: prince, pouvoir et peuple dans les commentaires de la Bible au moyen-âge (Paris, 1994), pp. 213–24; Philip the Chancellor, Schneyer, no. 269, 4:837; Alan of Lille, Sermo ad milites, PL 210:186; and note 107 below.
  • James of Vitry, Sermo ad dolentes, no. 45, Douai 503, fols. 357v–360v, here fols. 359v–360r.
  • VDC 466, 2:157–58. For routiers, see notes 71 and 98 and discussion below.
  • See note 96 below; Pamiers (1212), in Mansi, Concilia, 22:855–64; Jean-Louis Biget, “La dépossession des seigneurs méridionaux: modalités limites, portée,” in La croisade albigeoise, pp. 261–99, here p. 269. Compare Avignon (1209), in Mansi, Concilia, 22:783–94; PL 216:89–98, 151–53, 690–94.
  • VDC 246–47, 487–89, 509–10, 516, 519, 528, 532–34, 537, 541, 1:245–47, 2:179–83, 205–6, 212–15, 222–23, 227–29, 230–32, 235–36.
  • Peter and his advisors were here invoking the concept that just motives rather than ambition or greed must mark the conduct of a just war. See PL 216:739–43; Russell, Just War, pp. 196–97.
  • PL 216:739–40.
  • VDC 367–418, 2:65–95, 110; PL 216:833–52; Foreville, Innocent III et la France, pp. 235–37.
  • Charles A. Robson, Maurice of Sully and the Medieval Vernacular Homily (Oxford, 1952), p. 45; Guillaume le Clerc, Le Besant de Dieu vv. 1584–776, 2387–99, 2485–90, 2501–7, ed. Pierre Ruelle (Brussels, 1973), pp. 110–16, 131–33. The parable of the wheat and the tares (Matt. 13.24–30) was a key authority in arguments for and against the prosecution of heretics. Some argued that, as in the parable, the tares ought to be allowed to grow with the wheat until the final judgment. While clergymen ought to advise secular leaders to wield the sword against evildoers, they ought only to excommunicate (not execute) individuals after they had been condemned by due process (that is, by full proof of their guilt or their legal confession) and given an opportunity to repent, lest the innocent be unjustly condemned. Others argued against this position. For example, Caesarius of Heisterbach and Robert of Auxerre claimed that anti-heretical preaching had failed and the tares were taking over the wheat to such an extent that all Europe would have been corrupted if not for intervention with the material sword. See PL 214:695, 788–89, 793–95; PL 215:358–59, 526; PL 216:1210; Robert Courson, Summa 30.1, 4, 7–8, BN Lat. 14524, fols. 105rb–106rb, 107ra–rb; Caesarius of Heisterbach, Dialogus Miraculorum 5.21, ed. Joseph Strange, 2 vols. (Cologne, 1851), 1:300–302 (hereafter DM); Robert of Auxerre, Chronicon, RHGF 18:279; VDC 5, 1:5; James of Vitry, Sermo ad fratres ordinis militaris, no. 38, ed. Pitra, 2:419; James of Vitry, Sermones in epistolas, pp. 179–83; Kienzle, Cistercians, pp. 95, 100–101, 104–5, 166; Beryl Smalley, The Gospels in the Schools, c.1100–c.1280 (London, 1985), pp. 109–10; Beryl Smalley, “The Gospels in the Paris Schools in the Late Twelfth and Early Thirteenth Centuries: Peter the Chanter, Hugh of Saint Cher, Alexander of Hales, John of La Rochelle,” Franciscan Studies 39 (1979), 230–54 and 40 (1980), 298–369, here pp. 240–41; note 14 above and note 120 below. For William of Tudela, see Tudela, laisses 208, 212, pp. 176, 188 and discussion below.
  • Guilhem de Mur, “D’un sirventes far,” ed. Carl Appel, in Provenzalische inedita aus Pariser Handschriften, Altfranzösische Bibliothek 13 (Leipzig, 1892), pp. 144–46.
  • See notes 44 and 51 below; Tudela, laisses 142–53, 191, 202, 208–9, pp. 72–83, 143, 165–66, 176, 179.
  • Tudela, laisses 132–34, 169, 170, 172, pp. 66–67, 102, 105, 107.
  • Tudela, laisses 137, 154, 161, pp. 68, 85, 92–93.
  • Elizabeth Siberry, Criticism of Crusading, 1095–1274 (Oxford, 1985), p. 167; Palmer A. Throop, Criticism of the Crusade: A Study of Public Opinion and Crusade Propaganda (Amsterdam, 1940; repr. Philadelphia, 1975), p. 45; Gormonda de Montpellier, “Greu m’es a durar,” 7.67–8.88, 10.100–11.121, 14.145–15.165, 17.177–87, ed. Vincenzo de Bartholomaeis, in Poesie provenzali storiche relative all’Italia, 2 vols. (Rome, 1931), 2:108–11; notes 42 above and 85 below. For alternative editions and translations of this poem, see Matilda T. Bruckner, Laurie Shepard and Sarah White, eds. and trans., Songs of the Women Troubadours (New York, 1995), pp. 106–19; Katharina Städtler, “The Sirventes by Gormonda de Montpellier,” in The Voice of the Trobairitz: Perspectives on Women Troubadours, ed. W. D. Paden (Philadelphia, 1989), pp. 129–55, here pp. 130–37.
  • Robert Courson, Summa 26.10, BN Lat. 14524, fols. 92rb–93ra; Powicke, Stephen Langton, pp. 131–32, 138–41; Cheney, Innocent III, pp. 371–81.
  • Innocent retained his previous position that suspect individuals ought to be reconciled to the Church if possible and a final decision reserved for the ecumenical council. See the discussion and note 12 above; PL 216:958–60; Alexandre Teulet et al., eds., Layettes de trésor des chartes, 5 vols. (Paris, 1863–66; repr. Nendeln, 1977), 1:409–10, no. 1099; MPM, 1:214, note 57; VDC 542–48, 2:236–41; Mansi, Concilia, 22:935–54; Austin P. Evans, “The Albigensian Crusade,” in Crusades, 2:227–324, here pp. 304–5, 306–7; Foreville, Innocent III et la France, p. 269. For Peter Beneventano’s decisive intervention in military and diplomatic matters, see, for example, VDC 503, 550–67, 2:196–98, 242–58.
  • HGL 8:653–56, no. 177.
  • See Vincent, “England and the Albigensian Crusade,” pp. 74–77, 96–97; Claire Taylor, “Pope Innocent III, John of England and the Albigensian Crusade (1209–1216),” in Pope Innocent III and his World, ed. Moore, pp. 205–28, esp. pp. 208–14, 219–21; Powell, Anatomy, pp. 33–38; MPM, 1:21–22; Dickson and Dickson, “Cardinal Robert de Courson,” pp. 92–93, 105–8; VDC 522, 2:215–16, and note 4. For the Council of Bordeaux (1214), see Mansi, Concilia, 22:931–34; Rymer, Foedera, 1.1:121–22; VDC 522, 2:216–17 and notes; MPM, 1:20; Dickson and Dickson, “Cardinal Robert de Courson,” pp. 100, 141; and note 12 above.
  • See note 24 above; Taylor, “Pope Innocent III,” pp. 225–27; Tudela, laisses 142–53, pp. 72–83, VDC 522–23, 555–58, 2:215–17, 248–52; William of Puylaurens, Chronica, pp. 92–93; Anonymous, Histoire de la Guerre des Albigeois 31 in RHGF 19:156–60; Kuttner and García y García, “Eyewitness,” pp. 124–25 and 138–43.
  • See note 7 above; Tudela, laisses 13, 21, pp. 17, 21; and the discussion below.
  • Jessalynn Bird, “The Victorines, Peter the Chanter’s Circle, and the Crusade: Two Unpublished Crusading Appeals in Paris, Bibliothèque Nationale, MS Latin 14470,” Medieval Sermon Studies 48 (2004), 5–28; Alberic of Troisfontaines, Chronicon, ed. P. Scheffer-Boichorst, MGH SS 23:631–950, here pp. 877–78; Robert of Auxerre, Chronicon, ed. Othmar Holder-Egger, MGH SS 26:216–87, here pp. 257, 272–73; PL 215:1361–62; Odette Pontal, ed., Les statuts synodaux français du XIIIe siècle. Vol. I. Les statuts de Paris et le synodal de l’ouest (XIIIe siècle), Collections de documents inédits sur l’histoire de France 9 (Paris, 1971), 1:45, 81, 88–89 (hereafter Pontal). For other surviving sermons from this period, see Nicole Bériou, L’Avènement des maîtres de la parole. La prédication à Paris au XIIIe siècle, 2 vols., Études Augustiniennes 31–32 (Paris, 1998), 1:58–63, 67–69, 95–96, 143–45, 2:681–86. For the development of the indulgence in the letters of Innocent III for the Albigensian crusade, from initial offers of an indulgence equivalent to the pilgrimage to Rome or Compostella to the plenary indulgence originally reserved for the eastern crusades, see Roscher, Papst Innocenz III, pp. 222–31, 233; Foreville, Innocent III et la France, pp. 251–59.
  • Pontal, 1:96–97. For sermons from this period, see note 53 above.
  • Both Christoph Maier and Nicole Bériou have argued that a liturgy for the crusade was instituted only during the crusade of Louis VIII. However, there is some evidence that prayers and diocesan recruiting were instituted in the diocese of Paris at an earlier date. See notes 53–54 above; Nicole Bériou, “Le prédication de croisade de Philippe le Chancelier et d’Eudes de Châteauroux en 1226,” in Le prédication en Pays d’Oc (XIIe–début XVe siècle), Cahiers de Fanjeaux 32 (Toulouse, 1997), pp. 85–109, here pp. 93–95; Christoph T. Maier, “Crisis, Liturgy and the Crusade in the Twelfth and Thirteenth Centuries,” Journal of Ecclesiastical History 48 (1997), 628–57, here pp. 640–41, 644–46, 650, 656; Philip the Chancellor, Schneyer, no. 269, 4:837; idem, Sermo de eodem, Schneyer, no. 271, 4:837; idem, Sermo … apud Sanctum Victorem in processione pro rege Ludovico quando erat ante Avinionem, Schneyer, no. 328, 4:842; Odo of Châteauroux, Sermo contra hereticos de Albigensibus partibus, Schneyer, no. 863, 4:464.
  • Michael McCormick, Eternal Victory: Triumphal Rulership in Late Antiquity, Byzantium and the Early Medieval West (Cambridge, 1986); “Militia Christi” e crociata nei secoli XI–XIII. Atti della undecima settimana internazionale di studio, Mendola, 28 agosto–1 settembre, 1989, Miscellanea del Centro di studi medioevali, 13 (Milan, 1992); D. S. Bachrach, Religion and the Conduct of War, c. 300–1215 (Rochester, 2003); Baldwin, Government of Philip Augustus, pp. 215–16; Georges Duby, The Legend of Bouvines: War, Religion and Culture in the Middle Ages, trans. Catherine Tihanyi (Cambridge, 1990), pp. 113–15, 119–21, 130–34; William the Breton, Philippidos 10.759–90, 12.190–344, in Henri-François Delaborde, ed., Oeuvres de Rigord et de Guillaume le Breton, 2 vols. (Paris, 1885), 2:305–8, 313–14, 359.
  • See notes 7 and 56 above; VDC 297, 1:291.
  • See note 59 below; VDC 453–54, 457–58, 461–62, 2:144–71, 149, 151–53; James of Vitry, Historia Occidentalis, ed. John F. Hinnebusch, Spicilegium Friburgense 17 (Fribourg, 1972), p. 177. For a similar scenario, see VDC 606–9, 2:308–13.
  • Tudela, laisses 33, 95, 1:26, 52; VDC 272, 284, 1:268–69, 280; Anonymous, Brevis ordinacio de predicacione crucis, in Reinhold Röhricht, ed., Quinti belli sacri scriptores minores (Geneva, 1879), pp. 3–26, here pp. 24–26; compare Itinerarium Peregrinorum et gesta regis Ricardi, in William Stubbs, ed., Chronicles and memorials of the reign of Richard I, 2 vols., RS 38 (London, 1864), 1:97–109; Christoph T. Maier, ed., Crusade Propaganda and Ideology: Model Sermons for the Preaching of the Cross (Cambridge, 2000), pp. 60–61, 112–18; DM 10.12, 2:226–27; and note 71 below.
  • Tudela, laisses 8, 30, 158–62, 169–70, 189–93, 206, 208, pp. 14–15, 25, 89–95, 102, 105, 134–37, 145, 173, 176; “I saw the World.” Sixty Poems from Walther von Vogelweide (1170–1228), trans. Ian G. Colvin (London, 1938), no. 56, pp. 95–96; Guilhem Figueira, “D’un sirventes far,” ed. Bartholomaeis, 2:98–104; Throop, Criticism, pp. 33–37, 41–43; Siberry, Criticism, pp. 158–68.
  • Paris, Bibliothèque Nationale, MS Latin 14859, fols. 233r–234r; Newman, Boundaries, pp. 187–89; Bird, “Victorines,” 5–28; Bird, “Construction of Orthodoxy,” pp. 45–62; James of Vitry, Sermones feriales et communes, in Université de Liège, Bibliothèque Générale, MS 347, fols. 138va–145vb, 146rb–148vb; Brevis ordinacio, pp. 3–12; Tudela, laisse 34, p. 26; J. Longère, Oeuvres oratoires de maîtres parisiens au XIIe siècle, 2 vols. (Paris, 1975), 1:423 and 2:326, notes 124–25; Alan of Lille, De fide catholica contra hereticos 1.1–76, in PL 210:305–78; James of Vitry, Sermones in epistolas, pp. 117–18; James of Vitry, Vita Mariae Oigniacensis, ed. Damien van Papenbroeck, AA SS June 23, vol. 5 (Antwerp, 1707), pp. 636–66; VDC 5, 12–54, 1:5, 12–49; DM 3.15–17, 21, 1:130–34, 136–37; A. Hilka, Die Wundergeschichten des Caesarius von Heisterbach, 3 vols. (Bonn, 1933–37), 3:91–93; Maier, Propaganda, pp. 84–88, 102–12. On miraculous hosts used by recruiters, see DM 9.2–3, 2:167–69; Hilka, Wundergeschichte, 3:20–21. For anecdotes on the power of confession and the priestly keys, see Stephen of Bourbon, Tractatus de diversis materiis praedicabilis, in Anécdotes historiques, légends et apologues tirés du recueil inédit d’Étienne de Bourbon, Dominicain du XIIIe siècle, ed. Albert Lecoy de la Marche (Paris, 1877), §174, pp. 153–54; DM 3.14–17, 1:130–34.
  • See note 61 above and note 71 below; Robert of Auxerre, Chronicon, MGH SS 26:275; VDC 144, 1:150; Gervase of Prémontré, Epistolae 42–43, ed. C. L. Hugo, in Sacrae antiquitatis monumenta historica, dogmatica, diplomatica, 2 vols. (Étival, 1725), 1:41–43; Bird, “Victorines,” pp. 23–25; Odo of Châteauroux, Sermo de cruce et de invitatione ad crucem, Schneyer, no. 604, 4:443; idem, Sermo ad invitandum ad crucem, Schneyer, no. 700=909, 4:451, 468; Philip the Chancellor, Dicit Dominus ad Moysen, Schneyer, no. 298, 4:839; compare Itinerarium peregrinorum, ed. Stubbs, p. 107.
  • PL 215:1246–48; James of Vitry, Sermones communes et feriales, Liège 347, fols. 147ra–148va–b; DM 5.21, 1:300–302; VDC 5, 12, 20–26, 47–51, 1:5, 12–13, 21–29, 41–46; Philip the Chancellor, Schneyer, nos. 269, 271, 328, 4:837; idem, Sermo de eodem, Scheyer no. 270, 4:837; Maier, Propaganda, p. 90; Bird, “Construction of Orthodoxy,” pp. 46–47.
  • This bull was known to Robert Courson and other Paris masters. See PL 215:1354–60, 1545–46; VDC 55–65, 1:51–65; note 112 below.
  • Odo of Châteauroux, Schneyer, no. 863, 4:464.
  • VDC 81, 1:80–81 and passim; Odo Rigord, Gesta Philippi Augusti, ed. Delaborde, Oeuvres, 1:1–167, here p. 167; Renier of Liège, Annales Sancti Jacobi Leodiensis, 1066–1230, ed. L. C. Bethmann, MGH SS 16:651–80, here pp. 663–64.
  • See Penny Cole, The Preaching of the Crusades to the Holy Land, 1095–1270 (Cambridge, MA, 1991); Maier, Propaganda, pp. 88, 90–94, 96–98.
  • Mansi, Concilia, 22:1203–6; Gervase of Prémontré, Epistolae, no. 129, ed. Hugo, 1:115; Odo of Châteauroux, Schneyer, no. 863, 4:464; Philip the Chancellor, Schneyer, no. 269, 4:837; compare Maier, Propaganda, pp. 55–56, 94.
  • Notes 56 and 68 above; VDC 276, 431, 1:271–72, 2:123, 3:xxxii–xxxiii and note 21; Roscher, Papst Innocenz III, p. 245; Gervase of Prémontré, Epistolae, no. 129, ed. Hugo, 1:115; Odo of Châteauroux, Schneyer, no. 863, 4:464; Philip the Chancellor, Schneyer, nos. 269–71, 328, 4:837, 842.
  • E.g., VDC 22, 26, 51–54, 1:24–26, 28–29, 46–49; DM 5.18–25, 1:296–309.
  • VDC 5, 10–19, 35, 40, 47, 52–53, 85–86, 89–91, 198–201, 203–7, 218–19, 223, 360–61, 382, 606–9, 1:5, 9–20, 34, 37–38, 46–47, 87–88, 90–92, 199–202, 203–4, 205–7, 217–19, 223, 2:59–61, 78–80, 308–13, 3:xxxvi–xxxvii, xciii; J. Berlioz, “Exemplum et histoire: Césaire de Heisterbach (v.1180–v.1240) et la croisade albigeoise,” Bibliothèque de l’École des chartes 147 (1989), 49–86, here pp. 56–69; DM 5.21 and 7.21, 1:302–3, 2:31–33; Tudela, laisses 69–70, p. 42; James of Vitry, Vita Mariae Oigniacensis, p. 658; Robert of Auxerre, Chronicon, RHGF 18:279.
  • See notes 62, 68 and 71 above. Compare DM 5.21, 1:303; Itinerarium peregrinorum, ed. Stubbs, p. 107; and VDC 40, 1:37–38; James of Vitry, Sermones feriales, Liège 347, fol. 146rb–vb; Carolyn Muessig, “Les sermons de Jacques de Vitry sur les cathares,” in La prédication en Pays d’Oc (XIIe–début XVe siècle), Cahiers de Fanjeaux 32 (Toulouse, 1997), pp. 69–83, esp. p. 72.
  • See note 71 above; VDC 159, 223, 266–67, 499–500, 1:162–63, 223, 226–28, 2:190–92; Stephen of Bourbon, Tractatus, ed. Lecoy de la Marche, §328, pp. 277–78.
  • PL 215:1545–46; VDC 109, 1:113–14; Philip the Chancellor, Schneyer, nos. 269–70, 4:837; Maier, Propaganda, pp. 96–98, 116; Cole, Preaching, pp. 47–61.
  • Philip the Chancellor, Schneyer, no. 271, 4:837.
  • Philip the Chancellor specifically mentions seeking gain, giving bad advice, anticlericalism, tithe-retention, taking bribes, and cheating poor and orphans rather than doing justice (Schneyer, nos. 298, 328, 4:839, 842).
  • Philip the Chancellor, Schneyer, nos. 269–70, 4:837.
  • See notes 3, 18 and 41 above; Joachim of Fiore, Expositio in Apocalypsim (Venice, 1527; repr. Frankfurt, 1964), fols. 134rb–135ra, 145va–vb; James of Vitry, Historia Occidentalis, pp. 73–74; James of Vitry, Sermones de sanctis, Douai 503, fols. 133r–134v (sermon on saints Simon and Jude, incipit: Stelle manentes in ordine et cursu suo, Schneyer, no. 269, 3:203); DM 5.21, 1:303; PL 215:453–61; PL 216:699–703; Annals of Margam, in Henry R. Luard, ed., Annales Monastici, 5 vols., RS 36 (London, 1857–69), 1:32; VDC 395–97, 440, 2:92–95, 132; Annales Coloniensis maximi ab O.C. – 1237, ed. Karl Pertz, MGH SS 17:723–847, here p. 826; Oliver of Paderborn, Historia regum terrae sancte 114, ed. Hermann Hoogeweg, in Die Schriften des Kölner Domscholasters, späteren Bischofs von Paderborn und Kardinalbischofs von S. Sabina Oliverus, Bibliothek des literarischen Vereins 202 (Tübingen, 1894), pp. 80–158, here pp. 157–58; RHGF 19:250–54; Jessalynn Bird, “Crusade and Conversion after the Fourth Lateran Council (1215): Oliver of Paderborn’s and James of Vitry’s Missions to Muslims Reconsidered,” Essays in Medieval Studies: Proceedings of the Illinois Medieval Association 21 (2005), 23–47; Daniel Baloup, “La croisade albigeoise dans les chroniques léonaises et castillanes du XIIIe siècle,” in La croisade albigeoise, pp. 91–107.
  • MPM, 1:215–24; Buc, Ambiguïté du livre, pp. 239–60, 263–70, 283, 287–98, 340–49; Russell, Just War, pp. 236–38; Turner, King John, pp. 90–113, 147–53, 196–98; note 80 below.
  • I am writing an article on the involvement of Paris-trained reformers and their colleagues in the regular religious orders in the financing of the crusades in the late twelfth and early thirteenth centuries. See notes 53 and 79 above; MPM, 1:215–20 and notes 74–77, 79, 82, 90–97; Robert Courson, Summa 10.11–12, 16 and 15.6–7, 13–16, BN Lat. 14524, fols. 49ra–va, 50vb–51ra, 65rb–va, 66va–67ra in MPM, 2:154, 156–57, notes 74–75, 77, 79, 88, 95–97; Stephen Langton, Questiones, Cambridge, Saint John’s College, MS 57, fols. 195va–vb in MPM, 2:155, note 85; Buc, Ambiguïté du livre, pp. 287–98; Powicke, Stephen Langton, pp. 91–94; Turner, King John, pp. 112–13; Cheney, Innocent III, pp. 240–48, 267–68, 296–98; Giuseppe Martini, “Innocenzo III ed il finanziamento delle crociate,” Archivio della R. Società Romana di Storia Patria 67 (1944), 309–35; Bird, “Victorines,” pp. 9–11.
  • See note 79 above; VDC 60, 1:60–61; PL 215:361, 1469–70; PL 216:97–100, 158–60; Foreville, “Innocent III et la Croisade,” pp. 200–203; Roscher, Papst Innocenz III, pp. 232–33; Foreville, Innocent III et la France, pp. 228–29, 260–62.
  • See notes 79–80 above; Evans, “Albigensian Crusade,” in Crusades, 2, p. 315; Roscher, Papst Innocenz III, pp. 241–48; Richard Kay, “The Albigensian Twentieth of 1221–3: An Early Chapter in the History of Papal Taxation,” Journal of Medieval History 6 (1980): 307–15, here pp. 308–9; Kay, Council of Bourges, pp. 6–8, 13–14; Pietro Pressutti, ed., Regesta Honorii papae III, 2 vols. (Rome, 1888–95), nos. 1577–78, 1614–17, 1987, 1995, 3948, 3950, 4620, 4698 (hereafter Pressutti); RHGF 19:666, 669, 671–72, 681–82.
  • Kay, “Albigensian Twentieth,” pp. 309–12; Kay, Council of Bourges, pp. 12–13; Tudela, laisse 192, pp. 142–43; RHGF 19:715–17, 721–23.
  • PL 215:1469–71 (1208); Sivéry, Louis VIII, pp. 373–75; Kay, “Albigensian Twentieth,” pp. 307–15; Roscher, Papst Innocenz III, pp. 242–48; Pressutti, nos. 3374, 3625, 3639, 3644, 3698, 3779, 3783, 3860, 3925, 3947, 4607, 4613, 4621, 4630, 4959, 5337, 4959; RHGF 19:720.
  • “I saw the World,” no. 28, pp. 66–67; Guilhem Figueira, “D’un sirventes far,” 1.1–23.184, ed. Bartholomaeis, 2:98–104; Huon of Saint Quentin, “Rome, Jérusalem se plaint” 7.79–84, 22.253–64, ed. Arié Serper (Madrid, 1983), pp. 89–107, here pp. 94, 104; Tomier and Palazi, “De chantar farai,” 1.1–9.72, ed. Bartholomaeis, 2:54–57; Throop, Criticism, pp. 33–37, 41–43; Siberry, Criticism, pp. 158–68.
  • As early as 1219, the legate for the Fifth Crusade also complained that the anti-heretical crusade was diverting aid from the crusaders in Egypt. Honorius justified the diversion by saying that the heretics were a worse threat than the Saracens (Pressutti, nos. 2195, 3658, 3698; RHGF 19:690–91).
  • Sivéry, Louis VIII, pp. 369–70; Kay, Council of Bourges, pp. 17–18, 20–21, 72–104, 130–31, 135–46, 303–5, 385–91, 401–55.
  • Bériou, “Prédication,” pp. 93–95; Maier, “Crisis,” pp. 640–41, 643–66, 650, 656; Sivéry, Louis VIII, pp. 267–68, 322–23, 364–72; Evans, “Albigensian Crusade,” in Crusades, 2:316; Mansi 23:9–12; Philip the Chancellor, Schneyer, nos. 269–70, 328, 4:837, 842.
  • Sivéry, Louis VIII, pp. 371; Evans, “Albigensian Crusade,” in Crusades, 2:316–19; Kay, Council of Bourges, pp. 147–73.
  • Tudela, laisses 72, 84–85, pp. 43, 48; Bird, “Reform or Crusade?,” p. 170 and note 23; Biget, “Dépossession,” pp. 268–69.
  • Pressutti, nos. 3969, 4613–15, 4618, 4643.
  • Bird, “Reform or Crusade?,” pp. 165–85; Bird, “Heresy, Crusade and Reform,” pp. 236–82 (fuller treatment); Robert Courson, Summa 10.11–12, 16, and 15.13, 16, BN Lat. 14524, fols. 49ra–vb, 50vb–51ra, 66va–67ra and MPM, 2:154 and 157, notes 75–77, 79, 95–97; Tudela, laisses 84–85, p. 48.
  • See notes 14, 23–24, 29, and 40 above; MPM, 1:235–41; Robert Courson, Summa 1.37 and 15.1, 4, 12–13, BN Lat. 14524, fols. 13rb–va, 63vb, 64va, 65ra–rb, 66rb–va; James of Vitry, Sermo ad potentes et milites, no. 52, in Douai 503, fols. 376v–379v, here fol. 379r–v; James of Vitry, Sermo ad potentes et milites, no. 53, in Douai 503, fols. 379v–385r, here fol. 381r.
  • Pamiers (1212), cs. 4, 6–8, 11–13, 16, 26–34, 40, in Mansi, Concilia, 22:855–64.
  • See notes 92–94 above; Turner, King John, pp. 108–9, 172; Cheney, Innocent III, p. 309; Tudela, laisses 171–213, pp. 106–89.
  • See note 97 below and note 36 above; MPM, 1:233; Rymer, Foedera, 1.1:122.
  • MPM, 1:229–35, 276; Buc, L’Ambiguïté du livre, pp. 263–70.
  • In general, see Matthew Strickland, War and Chivalry: the Conduct and Perception of War in England and Normandy, 1066–1217 (Cambridge, 1996), pp. 34–35, 71–72, 297–300, 320–26; Thomas Head and Richard Landes, The Peace of God: Social Violence and Religious Response in France around the Year 1000 (London, 1992); Paix de Dieu et guerre sainte en Languedoc au XIIIe siècle, ed. Edouard Privat, Cahiers de Fanjeaux 4 (Toulouse, 1969); Thouzellier, Catharisme; Vicaire, Saint Dominic; VDC 27, 55, and passim, 1:30–31, 51, etc. For the charges against Raymond, see notes 14, 23–24 and 27–29 above, and note 99 below; Tudela, laisses 2–4, p. 13. For the atrocities of routiers, see note 71 above and VDC 198–200, 218–19, 341, 353, 359, 361, 382, 1:199–202, 218–19, 2:40, 50, 57, 60–61, 78–80; Strickland, War and Chivalry, pp. 81–84, 291–304, 311–20.
  • Sibly, History, pp. 299–301; VDC 273, 1:270; C. H. Haskins, “The Heresy of Echard the Baker of Rheims,” in idem, ed., Studies in Mediaeval Culture (Oxford, 1929), pp. 245–55, here note 2, p. 249; Tudela, laisses 86, 88–89, 93, 95, 98, 103, 115–16, 123, 127, 159, 201–2, pp. 48–49, 50, 51–53, 54, 59, 61, 63, 91, 159–62.
  • Despised for their low status and the depredations they committed, an opponent’s captured routiers were commonly summarily executed, even by lords who employed mercenaries themselves. See VDC 353, 2:49–50; Tudela, laisse 123, p. 61; Sivéry, Louis VIII, pp. 369–70; Strickland, War and Chivalry, pp. 179–81, 301, 322.
  • MPM, 1:220–24; Russell, Just War, pp. 241–43; Duby, The Legend of Bouvines, pp. 82–83; Third Lateran, c. 27, in COD, pp. 224–25; Alan of Lille, Liber Poenitentialis 2.22, 2:145–46; Robert Courson, Summa 4.13 and 10.15, BN Lat. 14524, fols. 29vb–30ra, 50ra and MPM 2:158, note 104; James of Vitry, Sermo ad potentes et milites, no. 52, Douai 503, fols. 376v–79v, here 376v, 377v; Philippe Contamine, War in the Middle Ages, trans. Michael Jones (New York, 1984), pp. 90–101, 243–47.
  • The restriction of the use of crossbows against fellow Christians was widely flouted. See Strickland, War and Chivalry, pp. 72, 180–81; Russell, Just War, pp. 243–44; Contamine, War in the Middle Ages, pp. 71–72; MPM, 1:223–24, 2:160, notes 125, 128; Robert Courson, Summa 10.10, 12, 15, BN Lat. 14524, fols. 48vb, 49va–50va and MPM, 2:159–60, notes 116–17, 127.
  • See notes 101–2 above; MPM, 1:220–24; Peter the Chanter, Summa, §155, II:383 and §270, III2a:290 and MPM, 2:158–59, notes 109, 116–17; Robert Courson, Summa 4.13, 10.15, 15.4, BN Lat. 14524, fols. 29vb–30ra, 49va–50va, 64vb, in MPM 2:158–59, notes 104, 116–17; Russell, Just War, pp. 241–46; Robert of Flamborough, Liber Poentientialis 4.6.206–7, 209, ed. J. J. Francis Firth (Toronto, 1971), pp. 184–86; Thomas of Chobham, Summa confessorum 7.6.9a, p. 502. In a sermon to the powerful, James of Vitry warned that to harm the poor was to attack Christ, and savaged those who despoiled clergymen and the poor, including those who stole peasants’ livestock or their scanty harvest. See James of Vitry, Sermo ad potentes et milites, no. 52, Douai 503, fols. 376v–379v, here fols. 377r, 378v–379r; idem, Sermo ad potentes et milites, no. 53, Douai 503, fols. 379v–385r, here fols. 381r–382r.
  • VDC 97–98, 1:98–99; William of Puylaurens, Chronica 14, ed. Duvernoy, pp. 62–63; Tudela, laisses 33–35, 113, pp. 26–27, 57; Robert of Auxerre, Chronicon, MGH SS 26:273; Alberic of Troisfontaines, Chronicon, MGH SS 23:890; Queller and Madden, Fourth Crusade, pp. 179–81; Maurice Keen, The Laws of War in the Late Middle Ages (London, 1965), pp. 137–55.
  • See note 97 above; Russell, Just War, pp. 105, 160–69, 179.
  • The translation is taken from Peter of Vaux-de-Cernay, History of the Albigensian Crusade 142, trans. Sibly and Sibly, p. 79; VDC 127, 142, 1:131–32, 148. For atrocities, see Jim Bradbury, The Medieval Siege (Rochester, NY, 1999), pp. 312–13, 329–31; Malcolm Barber, “The Albigensian Crusades: Wars like any Other?,” in Dei gesta per Francos: études sur les croisades dédiées a Jean Richard. Crusade studies in honour of Jean Richard, ed. Michel Balard, Benjamin Z. Kedar and Jonathan Riley-Smith (Aldershot, 2001), pp. 45–55; Laurence W. Marvin, “War in the South: A first look at Siege Warfare in the Albigensian Crusade, 1209–1218,” War in History 8.4 (2002), 373–95; Robert of Auxerre, Chronicon, MGH SS 26:274–75; Strickland, War and Chivalry, pp. 52–53, 201–3, 240–49, 309–10.
  • See notes 33 and 63 above; Matt. 7.15; John 10.12; Stephen of Bourbon, Tractatus, ed. Lecoy de la Marche, pp. 23–24, note 3. See also Caesarius of Heisterbach, Homiliae festivae, ed. J. A. Coppenstein, 1 vol. in 3 pts. (Cologne, 1615), no. 37, 3:57–61; Hilka, Wundergeschichten, 1:147–49; James of Vitry, Sermones feriales, Liège 347, fol. 148va–vb; idem, Sermones in epistolas, pp. 699–700; idem, Sermo ad potentes et milites, no. 53, Douai 503, fols. 379v–385r, here fol. 378r; Philip the Chancellor, Schneyer no. 269, 4:837; Alan of Lille, Contra hereticos, PL 210:377–78; Kienzle, Cistercians, pp. 87, 93, 96–97, 104, 124, 166.
  • Laurent Macé, “Homes senes armas: les paysans face à la guerre,” in La croisade albigeoise, pp. 245–57; Strickland, War and Chivalry, pp. 71, 75–97, 259–90; Keen, Laws of War, pp. 189–97; Bradbury, Medieval Siege, p. 299; VDC 144, 147, 245, 327, 423, 434, 447, 1:150, 151–52, 244–45 and 2:27–28, 115–17, 125–26, 138–39; William of Puylaurens, Chronica 36, pp. 128–30.
  • VDC 27, 42 and passim, 1:30–31, 38–40, etc; HGL 8:612–19, esp. cols. 612–13; Tudela, laisses 80, 131, pp. 46, 65; Strickland, War and Chivalry, pp. 283–90; and notes 103 and 108 above, and 110 below.
  • William of Puylaurens, Chronica 35–36, pp. 124–30; Tudela, laisses 171–213, pp. 106–89 (contrast idem, laisses 68, 71, pp. 41–43) and note 122 below.
  • Russell, Just War, pp. 88–99; Brundage, “Holy War,” 111–12.
  • See note 118 below; PL 214:647–50; Russell, Just War, pp. 75–81, 106–11, 116–17, 207–9 (decretalists), 251; Brundage, “Holy War,” pp. 109–12; Robert Courson, Summa 30.1, 5, BN Lat. 14524, fols. 104rb–va and MPM, 2:216, note 60 and 2:125, note 87; Thomas of Chobham, Summa confessorum 5.1.16a, 7.4.6a.3, 7.4.6a.6–13, 7.4.7a.1–6, 7.4.8a.1, pp. 228, 423, 426–45; Alan of Lille, Liber Poenitentialis 2.58, 3.22, 2:77, 146; Robert Flamborough, Liber Poentientialis 3.3.103–7 and 5.2.247, 250, pp. 119–23, 214, 216.
  • VDC 128, 342–43, 346–47, 351, 1:133, 2:41–42, 44–45, 47–48; Tudela, laisses 118, 121–22, pp. 60–61.
  • Their roles appear to have been modeled after the behavior of clergymen on the Third and Fourth Crusades. Similar roles were played by two recruiters for the Albigensian crusade who later participated in the Fifth Crusade – Oliver of Paderborn and James of Vitry. See note 7 above; Itinerarium peregrinorum, ed. Stubbs, pp. 218–19; Oliver of Paderborn, Historia Damiatina 12–13, ed. Hoogeweg, in Schriften des Kölner Domscholasters, pp. 181–86; James of Vitry, Lettres 4, ed. Robert B. C. Huygens (Leiden, 1960), p. 106; VDC 175, 180, 1:178–79, 183.
  • VDC 342–43, 422–23, 434–35, 2:41–42, 114–16, 125–26.
  • VDC 95, 351, 520, 524, 526, 1:96, 2:47–48, 214–15, 218–21; Tudela, laisses 114, 139, pp. 57, 70.
  • For example, see the descriptions of the spiritual, financial and military influence of Baldwin of Canterbury and other clergymen in the army of the Third Crusade in Itinerarium peregrinorum, ed. Stubbs, pp. 93, 111, 116, 119–24, 133–35, 218–19, 245, 253–54. For clergymen and the Fourth Crusade, see note 7 above.
  • Robert Courson intervened in several legal cases on behalf of Hervé of Nevers during the course of the Albigensian crusade and was later appointed spiritual legate for a contingent of French participants in the Fifth Crusade at Hervé’s request. See note 3 above; VDC 82, 1:81–84; Tudela, laisses 12–13, pp. 16–17; Robert of Auxerre, Chronicon, MGH SS 26:273; Alberic of Troisfontaines, Chronicon, MGH SS 23:889–90.
  • See note 118 above; Peter of Vaux-de-Cernay, History, trans. Sibly and Sibly, pp. 289–93 (analysis of sources); VDC 84–90, 1:86–91; Tudela, laisses 16–23, pp. 19–22; PL 216:137–41; DM 5.21, 1:302; Berlioz, “Exemplum,” pp. 75–85; Marco Meschini, “Diabolus … illos ad mutuas inimicitias acuebat: divisions et dissensions dans le camp des croisés au cours de la première croisade albigeoise (1207–1215),” in La croisade albigeoise, pp. 171–96, here pp. 177–78; Elaine Graham-Leigh, “Justifying Deaths: The Chronicler Pierre des Vaux-de-Cernay and the Massacre of Béziers,” Mediaeval Studies 63 (2001), 283–303.
  • Alan of Lille had suggested a merciful penance for those who inadvertently slew Christians indistinguishable from pagan adversaries, while an anonymous commentary on Exodus, probably written in the 1230s or 1240s in Oxford, came to a similar conclusion. Those who killed Christians who had been warned to leave lest they be confused with the heretics among whom they lived incurred no guilt. Modern opinions regarding the nature of the massacre at Béziers range from viewing it as “remarkably savage” even for its day to an event all too typical of a city taken by storm. See Beryl Smalley, The Study of the Bible in the Middle Ages, 2nd ed. (Blackwell, 1983), pp. 277–78, note 2; Alan of Lille, Liber Poenitentialis 2.59, 2:77; Russell, Just War, p. 256; Brundage, “Holy War,” p. 123 and note 167, p. 139; Marvin, “War in the South,” p. 381 and note 4.
  • Peter Clarke, “Peter the Chanter, Innocent III, and Theological Views on Collective Guilt and Punishment,” Journal of Ecclesiastical History 52.1 (2001), 1–20; idem, “Innocent III, the Interdict and Medieval Theories of Popular Resistance,” in Pope, Church and City: Essays in honour of Brenda M. Bolton, ed. Frances Andrews, Christoph Egger and Constance M. Rousseau (Leiden, 2004), pp. 77–97; idem, “A Question of Collective Guilt: Popes, Canonists and the Interdict, c. 1140–c. 1250,” Zeitschrift der Savigny-Stiftung für Rechtsgeschichte 85 (1999), 104–46; Alan of Lille, De fide catholicorum contra hereticos 4.22, PL 210:397–98; Thouzellier, Catharisme, pp. 81–106.
  • Robert of Auxerre, Chronicon, MGH SS 26:276; Alberic of Troisfontaines, Chronicon, MGH SS 23:892; VDC 213, 215–29, 1:211–12, 214–29; Tudela, laisses 63, 67–71, pp. 41–43; HGL 8:612–19; William of Puylaurens, Chronica 15–16, pp. 64–66, 68–70; Marvin, “War in the South,” p. 392.
  • DM 5.21, 1:302.
  • Berlioz, “Exemplum,” pp. 82–85; 2 Tim. 2.19; Num. 16.5.
  • According to the conventions of contemporary warfare, fortifications and settlements taken by storm were subject to sack and often the massacre of their inhabitants. See Strickland, War and Chivalry, p. 36; Bradbury, Medieval Siege, pp. 296, 301–2, 317–33; notes 33, 41, 63, 107 and 120 above.
  • See VDC 154–56, 1:157–61; Robert of Auxerre, Chronicon, MGH SS 26:275. For Mauvoisin, see Bird, “Victorines,” p. 10; Tudela, laisses 51–52, p. 34. For clergymen and the death penalty, see note 97 above; MPM, 1:185–91, 318–32; Peter the Chanter, Summa, 323–25, 327–28, 332, III2a:383–88, 389–93, 401–2; Thomas of Chobham, Summa confessorum 5.4.11a, 7.4.6a.6, 7.4.6a.9–11, pp. 305, 426–27, 429–35; Robert Courson, Summa 30.1–2, BN Lat. 14524, fols. 104ra–105rb and MPM 2:124, 128–29, notes 84, 104–7; Fourth Lateran Council (1215), c.18, in COD, p. 244.
  • VDC 113, 1:117–18.
  • The exempla were traded by Conrad of Speyer and Walter, abbot of Villers. Walter was well-acquainted with James of Vitry (who, similar to the Paris-educated Conrad, had recruited for the anti-heretical crusade). All three men were associates of Conrad of Porto, previously abbot of Villers, who served as legate for the Albigensian crusade in the early 1220s. See James of Vitry, Lettres 1–2, 4, 6–7, ed. Robert B. C. Huygens (Leiden, 1969), pp. 71–97, 101–11, 123–55; Paul B. Pixton, “Konrad von Reifenberg, eine talentierte Persönlichkeit der deutschen Kirche des 13. Jahrhunderts,” Archiv für Mittelrheinische Kirchengeschichte 34 (1982), 43–81; Falko Neininger, Konrad von Urach (1227): Zähringer, Zisterzienser, Kardinallegat (Paderborn, 1994); note 61 above.
  • The poet William of Tudela claimed that French prelates and noblemen dictated the crusading army’s decisions. One of Philip Augustus’ most trusted counsellors, the former Hospitaller Guérin, bishop of Senlis, had similarly dominated Louis VIII’s two earlier expeditions to the Midi. See note 52 and discussion above; Throop, Criticism, pp. 32–33, 43; Baldwin, Government, pp. 115–18, 123–25, 340–41; Sivéry, Louis VIII, pp. 208–9; “I saw the World,” pp. 51–53, 55, 64–67, 102; Guillaume le Clerc, Le Besant de Dieu, vv. 2387–99, 2547–64, ed. Ruelle, pp. 131, 134–35; Huon of Saint-Quentin, “Rome, Jérusalem se plaint,” 1.1–26.312, ed. Serper, pp. 89–107.
  • Sivéry, Louis VIII, pp. 379–80, 382–84; Layettes de trésor, nos. 1787–89, 2:85–88.
  • Layettes de trésor, 2:89, note 2; Baldwin, Government, p. 441.
  • See note 10 above; Gratian, Decretum 23.2.3, CIC 1:895; Russell, Just War, pp. 64, 221–22, 252–53; MPM, 1:206–9; Robert Courson, Summa 15.2–3 and 26.9–10, BN Lat. 14524, fols. 63vb–64vb, 92ra–93ra and MPM, 2:146–47, notes 23–25.
  • Note 129 above; Sivéry, Louis VIII, pp. 367–68.

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