- For Riccoldo’s account see Denys Pringle, Pilgrimage to Jerusalem and the Holy Land, 1187– 1291, Crusade Texts in Translation 23 (Farnham, 2012), 55–57; René Kappler, ed. and trans., Riccoldo de Monte Croce, Pérégrination en Terre Sainte et au Proche Orient (Paris, 1997). For an earlier edition, see Johann C. M. Laurent, ed., Peregrinatores medii aevi quatuor: Burchardus de Monte Sion, Ricoldus de Monte Crucis, Odoricus de Foro Julii, Wilbrandus de Oldenborg (Leipzig, 1864), 101–41.
- Riccoldo’s testimony is described as such, for example, in Herbert Thurston, The Stations of the Cross: An Account of their History and Devotional Purpose (London, 1906), 21.
- Thurston, The Stations of the Cross; Albert Storme, La Voie Douloureuse (Jerusalem, 1973). See also: Louis-Hugues Vincent and Félix-Marie Abel, Jérusalem: Recherches de topographie, d’archéologie et d’histoire: Jérusalem Nouvelle, 2 vols. (Paris, 1922), 2:610–39.
- Sandro Sticca, “The Via Crucis: Its Historical, Spiritual and Devotional Context,” Mediaevalia 15 (1993): 93–196; Amédée Teetaert, Saggio storico sulla devozione alla Via Crucis: evocazione e rappresentazione degli episodi e dei luoghi della Passione di Cristo: saggi introduttivi (Ponzano Monferrato, 2004), 65–138; Mitzi Kirkland-Ives, “Alternate Routes: Variation in Early Modern Stational Devotions,” Viator 40 (2009): 249–70.
- On the official establishment of Franciscan authority in Jerusalem, see Girolamo Golubovich, Biblioteca bio-bibliografica della Terra Santa e dell’Oriente francescano, 5 vols. (Florence, 1923), 4:1–73. Recently, the popular narrative of the Franciscans’ settlement in Jerusalem was challenged and reexamined by Beatrice Saletti, I Francescani in Terrasanta (1291–1517) (Padua, 2016). For the initial establishment of the Franciscan processions in the Church of the Holy Sepulcher and in Mount Zion, see Augusto Facchini, Le processioni praticate dai frati minori nei santuari di Terra Santa: Studio storicoliturgico (Jerusalem, 1986), 1–19, 91–102. A Franciscan influence on the formation of the Way of the Cross is noted in the above-cited works (notes 3 and 4 above) as well as in popular sources. Recently, Valentina Covaci investigated several aspects of the evolving route under Franciscan guidance as part of her study of the rituals of the Franciscans in Jerusalem during the Mamluk period: Valentina Covaci, “The Franciscan Via Crucis in Late Medieval Jerusalem,” in “Between Traditions: The Franciscans of Mount Sion and their Rituals (1330–1517)” (PhD thesis, University of Amsterdam, 2016), 113–40. For a recent study on the theological and ideological concepts which formed part of the Franciscan establishment in Jerusalem, see Marianne Ritsema van Eck, The Holy Land in Observant Franciscan Texts (c. 1480–1650): Theology, Travel, and Territoriality (Leiden, 2019).
- For example, while addressing the emergence of the Way of the Cross, Thurston very briefly cites pilgrims’ accounts from the late twelfth century that may provide evidence for the early development of such a pilgrimage route, as well as late thirteenth-century reports. However, he does not discuss them in depth: Thurston, The Stations of the Cross, 20–21.
- The term narrative space may refer to various theoretical categories of the nature of narratives. In the present article, space is understood as a narrative space in that it functions as both a context and as a container for text. For this and other uses of the term, see Marie-Laure Ryan, “Space,” in The Living Handbook of Narratology (Hamburg, 2010): http://www.lhn.uni-hamburg.de/article/space [accessed 18 March 2021]. A similar use of the term is found in: Annette Hoffmann and Gerhard Wolf, “Preface,” in Jerusalem as Narrative Space / Erzählraum Jerusalem, ed. Annette Hoffmann and Gerhard Wolf (Leiden, 2012), xi–xiii.
- Kappler, Riccoldo, 66–68: “Adscendentes autem invenimus domum Herodis et ibi prope domum Pilati … Adscendentes autem per viam per quam adscendit Christus baiulans sibi crucem, invenimus locum ubi Christus dixit filie Iherusalem nolite flere super me. Ibi ostendunt locum tramortitionis Domine cum sequeretur filium portantem crucem, et ostendunt locum et memoriale ubi corruit. Ibi iuxta viam ostendunt domum Iude … Ibi ostendunt locum ubi sustitit Christus cum cruce et fessus quievit paululum … ubi occurrerunt Symoni Cirreneo venienti de villa ut tolleret crucem Ihesu … Adscendentes autem per viam in directum ubi ascendit Christus … Elena probavit et discrevit crucem Domini … Inde procedentes intravimus in ecclesiam sepulcri … in loco ubi crucifixus est Dominus, invenimus locum ubi in saxo fixum est lignum crucis.” Translation by Pringle, Pilgrimage, 372–73.
- Kappler, Riccoldo, 66: “viam per quam adscendit Christus baiulans sibi crucem …”.
- Ibid.: “iuxta viam.”
- John Baldovin characterizes processions through the city space of Jerusalem as mimetic acts, reenacting historical events in their authentic historical locations: John F. Baldovin, The Urban Character of Christian Worship: The Origins, Development, and Meaning of Stational Liturgy (Rome, 1987), 104, 230.
- For a detailed overview of the liturgy on Good Friday throughout the Byzantine period, see Sebastià Janeras, Le Vendredi-Saint dans la tradition liturgique byzantine: Structure et histoire de ses offices, Studia Anselmiana 99, Analecta Liturgica 12 (Rome, 1988).
- “Baldovin, The Urban Character, 98–100.
- Just before daybreak, between Thursday and the morning of Good Friday: Otto Prinz, ed., Itinerarium Egeriae (Heidelberg, 1960), 44–45.
- Ibid. For a more detailed assessment of the growing role played by the holy sites in the liturgy of Jerusalem in the late fourth century and onward, see Stéphane Verhelst, “The Liturgy of Jerusalem in the Byzantine Period,” in Christians and Christianity in the Holy Land: From the Origins to the Latin Kingdoms, ed. Ora Limor and Guy G. Stroumsa (Jerusalem, 2006), 421–62, at 428–29, 440–41.
- Prinz, Itinerarium, 45.
- As confirmed by the Bordeaux Pilgrim (333), the only possible site of the trial was in ruins: Paul Geyer, ed., Itinera Hierosolymitana: Saeculi IV–VIII, CSEL 39 (1893), 22.
- Jerusalem, St. James Convent, MS Jérusalem 121 (J); Paris, Bibliothèque Nationale de France, MS Paris 44 (P); transcribed, translated and compared in: Athanase [now Charles] Renoux, ed. and trans., Le codex Arménien Jérusalem 121: Édition comparée du texte et de deux autres manuscrits, Patrologia Orientalis 36 (Turnhout, 1971).
- Baldovin, The Urban Character, 96. For the guidelines of this procession see Renoux, Le codex, 277–81.
- Renoux, Le codex, 277–81. See also Gabriel Bertonière, The Historical Development of the Easter Vigil and Related Services in the Greek Church (Rome, 1972), 97. As confirmed by the Pilgrim of Piacenza, at this time a shrine associated with the trial was located along the Tyropoeon Valley, to the West of the Temple Mount: Paul Geyer, ed., Itineraria et alia geographica, CCSL 175 (Turnhout, 1965), 175.
- The site of the trial was localized on Mount Zion as of the seventh century. In the late tenth century, the Church of Zion was burnt down. During the next century, it is thought to have suffered further damage on a number of occasions. See Pringle, Churches, 3:262–63; Joshua Prawer, “The Settlement of the Latins in Jerusalem,” Speculum 27 (1952): 491–92. The riots of the late tenth century probably led to the dispersal of the Passion relics, preserved on Mount Zion since the early Byzantine period. A number of sources confirm the transition of the Crown of Thorns and other relics to the Church of the Virgin of the Pharos, within the imperial palace in Constantinople: Holger A. Klein, “The Crown of His Kingdom: Imperial Ideology, Palace Ritual, and the Relics of Christ’s Passion,” in Saints and Sacred Matter: The Cult of Relics in Byzantium and Beyond, ed. Cynthia J. Hahn and Holger A. Klein (Washington DC, 2015), 203–4. See also: Chiara Mercuri, Corona di Cristo corona di re: La monarchia francese e la corona di spine nel Medioevo (Rome, 2004), 48–49.
- Caliph Al-Ḥākim’s campaign likely damaged the contemporary Passion landmarks on Mount Zion as well. See Pringle, Churches, 3:262–63; Prawer, “The Settlement,” 491–92.
- Bianca Kühnel, “Productive Destruction: The Holy Sepulchre after 1009,” in Konfliktbewältigung vor 1000 Jahren: Die Zerstörung der Grabeskirche in Jerusalem im Jahre 1009, ed. Ralph J. Lilie (Berlin, 2010), 35–37. See also Robert Ousterhout, “Rebuilding the Temple: Constantine Monomachus and the Holy Sepulchre,” Journal of the Society of Architectural Historians 48 (1989): 66–78.
- See reference in Kühnel, “Productive Destruction,” 37–38, n. 3. The new Passion-related chapels in the reconstructed church are associated with the Flagellation, the division of the garments and crowning with the Crown of Thorns: ibid.
- Kühnel, “Productive Destruction,” 38; Ousterhout, “Rebuilding the Temple,” 78. Both Ousterhout and Kühnel refer to a liturgical practice which is attested in the copy of The Typikon of the Anastasis of 1122: Athanasios Papadopoulos-Kerameos, ed., “Typikon tēs en Iērosolymois Ēkklesias,” in Analekta Ierosolymitikēs Stachyologias, 5 vols. (St. Petersburg, 1894), 2:144–47, after Kühnel, “Productive Destruction,” 38, n. 3–4; Ousterhout, “Rebuilding the Temple,” 78 n. 48. For a recent study that questions the direct effect of Al-Hakim’s destruction on the configuration of liturgical practice in Jerusalem, see Daniel Galadza, “La distruzione del Santo Sepolcro (1009): la tradizione cultuale gerosolimitana privata degli spazi rituali,” in Una città tra terra e cielo. Gerusalemme: le religioni – le chiese, ed. Cesare Alzati and Luciano Vaccaro (Varese, 2014), 265–88.
- On the re-affirmation and configuration of Jerusalem’s liturgical space following the crusader conquest see, for example, the test cases presented in: Amnon Linder, “The Liturgy of the Liberation of Jerusalem,” Mediaeval Studies 52 (1990): 110–31; Iris Shagrir, “Adventus in Jerusalem: The Palm Sunday Celebration in Latin Jerusalem,” Journal of Medieval History 41 (2015): 1–20.
- Published in Papadopoulos-Kerameus, Analekta Ierosolymitikēs Stachyologias. This work has been partly translated into Latin in Donatus Baldi, Enchiridion locorum sanctorum: Documenta S. Evangelii loca respicienta (Jerusalem, 1982), 649–52.
- Baldovin, The Urban Character, 81.
- Daniel Galadza, “Sources for the Study of Liturgy in Post-Byzantine Jerusalem (638–1187 ce),” Dumbarton Oaks Papers 67 (2013): 75–76, 90; Bertonière, The Historical Development, 12–14, 49–50.
- There are close parallels between the pilgrim accounts and the instructions in the Typikon when it comes to activities involving the Holy Fire: Bertonière, The Historical Development, 48–50. However, the sources are silent as to the Good Friday celebrations.
- Galadza, “Sources for the Study of Liturgy,” 90. This opinion is offered also by Bertonière. According to him, inconsistencies between the Typikon’s instructions and the descriptions of both Abbot Daniel and Fulcher of Chartres lead to the conclusion that the Typikon might have been drawn up in the hope of an eventual restoration of the Orthodox Patriarchate and thus was not necessarily exercised: Bertonière, The Historical Development, 49–50. Johannes Pahlitzsch, in contrast, seems quite certain that the Typikon attests to the actual practices that took place in Frankish Jerusalem. In his view, the Typikon teaches us of the authority and practice of the eastern clergies in Latin Jerusalem: Johannes Pahlitzsch, “The Greek Orthodox Church in the First Kingdom of Jerusalem (1099–1187),” in Patterns of the Past, Prospects for the Future: The Christian Heritage in the Holy City, ed. Charles T. Hummel, Kevork Hintlian and Ulf Carmesund (London, 1999), 202–6.
- In her study of the liturgical manuscripts of the Latin Kingdom, Cristina Dondi presents the Jerusalem Ordinal contained in Bib. Vat., Barb. Lat. 659 as the most complete ordinal surviving from this period. It presents the offices for the liturgical year and detailed information on ritual performances and other liturgical activities: Cristina Dondi, The Liturgy of the Canons Regular of the Holy Sepulchre of Jerusalem: A Study and a Catalogue of the Manuscript Sources (Turnhout, 2004), 64–65. This ordinal is transcribed and analyzed in Sebastián E. Salvadó, “The Liturgy of the Holy Sepulchre and the Templar Rite; Edition and Analysis of the Jerusalem Ordinal (Rome, Bib. Vat., Barb. Lat. 659) with a Comparative Study of the Acre Breviary (Paris, Bib. Nat., MS. Latin 10478)” (PhD thesis, Stanford University, 2011).
- Salvadó, “The Liturgy,” 239–40. See, for example, the elaborate orchestration of the Palm Sunday procession under Latin hands during the twelfth century as presented and analyzed in: Shagrir, “Adventus in Jerusalem.”
- Salvadó, “The Liturgy,” 153–54, 237, 583–84: MS 659, fols.71r–73r. Nonetheless, on Sundays during the Lent season, the processions led to the eastern oratories of the Church, an area associated with the events of the Passion. However, these processions did not mark Calvary as their focal point: ibid., 232.
- References to “the circuit” are found in the sources as of the late fourteenth century. See, for example, in the account by Leonardo Frescobaldi (1384): Guglielmo Manzi, ed., Viaggio di Lionardo di Niccolò Frescobaldi Fiorentino in Egitto e in Terra Santa, con un discorso dell’Editore sopra il Commercio degl’Italiano nel secolo XIV (Rome, 1818; repr. Cambridge, 2012), 143. For more on “the circuit,” see Covaci, “The Franciscan Via Crucis,” 132–33. In this context, the route of Christ’s walk to Calvary was followed in reverse, beginning at the courtyard of the Church of the Holy Sepulchre and ending in northeastern Jerusalem.
- Covaci, “The Franciscan Via Crucis,” 134.
- The different types of building projects include the repurposing of sites never before physically attended by Christians, new construction, renovation of buildings, and more. See examples in Denys Pringle’s comprehensive work on the crusader churches of Jerusalem: Pringle, Churches, 3:6–72, 132– 37, 358–65, 367–417.
- For a discussion of symbolic and iconographic change see, for example, Joshua Prawer, “Jerusalem in the Jewish and Christian Perspectives of the Early Middle Ages,” Settimane di Studio del Centro italiano di studi sull’alto Medioevo 26 (Spoleto, 1980): 765–67. Symbolic and iconographic features of Jerusalem’s holy sites during this period may be inferred from the liturgical practices in particular sites as well. See, for example, the case studied in Iris Shagrir, “The Visitatio Sepulchri in the Latin Church of the Holy Sepulchre in Jerusalem,” Al-Masāq 22 (2010): 57–77. For other examples in the writings of pilgrims, see Robert Ousterhout, “The Memory of Jerusalem: Text, Architecture and the Craft of Thought,” in Jerusalem as Narrative Space, 139–54.
- An early indication of the northern site appears in the guide written by an anonymous German author, in Sabino de Sandoli, ed., Itinera Hierosolymitana Crucesignatorum (saec. XII–XIII), 4 vols., Studium Biblicum Franciscanum, Collectio Maior 24 (Jerusalem, 1978–84), 2:156. For an early indication of the site on Mount Zion, see Petrus C. Boeren, ed., Rorgo Fretellus de Nazareth et sa Description de la Terre Sainte: Histoire et édition du texte (Amsterdam, 1980), 60. See also the recent discussion of the dating of Fretellus’ text: Paulo Trovato, “Sulla genealogia e la cronologia di alcuni testi di età crociata: Rorgo Fretellus e dintorni (l’alte Compendium, Eugesippus, l’Innominatus VI o pseudo-Beda, la Descriptio locorum circa Hierusalem adiacentium),” Annali Online di Ferrara 1 (2012): 247–68. The different possible localizations of the site of the trial on Mount Zion, either in the northern aisle of the Church of Zion or in the chapel of St. Saviour, north of the church, are discussed in Denys Pringle, “Itineraria Terrae Sanctae minora: Innominatus VII and its Variants,” Crusades 17 (2018): 44.
- Matthew 27.11–26; Mark 15.1–16; Luke 23.1–25; John 18.1–28 and 19.1–17.
- Pringle, Churches, 3:261–62. The different possible locations of the site of the trial during the Byzantine and early Muslim periods are discussed in a number of studies. See, for example, Maurice Halbwachs, La topographie légendaire des Évangiles en Terre Sainte: Étude de mémoire collective (Paris, 1941), 94–99.
- Scholars offer different possible locations for the Byzantine site of the trial. For an interpretation suggesting that the location of the northern site of the trial during the twelfth century could be identical to that of the site mentioned in sources of the Byzantine period, see Halbwachs, La topographie légendaire, 98.
- It has been suggested that the Templar Order promoted the localization of the site of the trial north of the Temple Mount. See, for example, Andrew Jotischky, “The Franciscan Return to the Holy Land (1333) and Mt Zion,” in The Crusader World, ed. Adrian J. Boas (Abingdon, 2016), 245. In a recent study, Denys Pringle suggests that it was the canons of the Templum Domini who promoted the Passion sites in northeastern Jerusalem rather than the Templars, noting that the canons of the Templum Domini mistakenly became “Templars” due to a miscopying of the guide Innominatus II: Denys Pringle, “Itineraria Terrae Sanctae Minora II: Innominati II–V and VIII,” Crusades 19 (2020): 57–108, at 61.
- See for example, in the guide by an anonymous German author: De Sandoli, Itinera, 2:156.
- The Gospels imply that Jesus was imprisoned after his encounter with Caiaphas/Annas and before his trial before Pilate: Matthew 26.57–75; Mark 14.53–73; Luke 22.54–62; John. 18.12–28. A parallel site of the prison is localized on Mount Zion during the twelfth century, as part of the revival of Passion-related localizations on the Mount: Pringle, Churches, 3:365.
- Nicole Fallon, “The Cross as Tree: The Wood of the Cross Legends in Middle English and Latin Texts in Medieval England” (PhD thesis, University of Toronto, 2009), 18–19.
- For the appearance and early development of this legend see ibid., and Angelique M. L. Prangsma-Hajenius, La Légende du bois de la Croix dans la littérature française médiévale (Assen, 1995), 55. See also Barbara Baert, A Heritage of Holy Wood: The Legend of the True Cross in Text and Image (Leiden, 2004), 289–92. Evidence for this localization is found in the writings of an anonymous pilgrim (1170): “Innominatus II,” in Theodorici Libellus de Locis Sanctis, ed. Titus Tobler (Paris, 1865), 123–24. See also in Pringle, “Itineraria Terrae Sanctae Minora II.”
- See the Chronicle of Ernoul and Bernard the Treasurer: Louis de Mas-Latrie, ed., Chronique d’Ernoul et de Bernard le Trésorier (Paris, 1871), 206. For the dating of the description found within Ernoul’s chronicle, see Pringle, Pilgrimage, 31–32 n. 73.
- Vincent and Abel, Jérusalem, 612–14; John Wilkinson, Joyce Hill and William F. Ryan, eds. and trans., Jerusalem Pilgrimage 1099–1185 (London, 1988), 130; Pringle, Churches, 3:73–77.
- ‘Imad ad-Din al-Isfahani (d. 1201), Saladin’s secretary, describes the re-consecration of the Templum Domini as a Muslim shrine, see ‘Imad ad-Din al-Isfahani, Conquête de la Syrie et de la Palestine par Saladin, trans. H. Massé, Documents relatifs à l’histoire des croisades 10 (Paris, 1972), 54–7, 60. On the events leading to the relocation of the Latin communities and the reduction of pilgrimage space following the Ayyubid conquest, see Beatrice Saletti and Fabio Romanini, I Pelrinages Communes, i Pardouns de Acre e la crisi del regno crociato: Storia e testi (Ferrara, 2012), 18–24, 35–42, 73–81. Some churches were handed over to the Eastern Church communities. On Eastern Christian communities in Ayyubid Jerusalem and their protection of the holy sites see Lucy-Anne Hunt, “Eastern Christian Art and Culture in the Ayyubid and Early Mamluk Periods: Cultural Convergence between Jerusalem, Greater Syria and Egypt,” in Ayyubid Jerusalem: The Holy City in Context, 1187–1250, ed. Robert Hillenbrand and Sylvia Auld (London, 2009), 327–29.
- For an example of the highly restricted movement of pilgrims within Jerusalem see the account of Wilbrand of Oldenburg (1211–12) in Laurent, Peregrinatores, 162–91.
- The contraction of pilgrimage is attested in a letter, sent by Gerold of Lausanne, Patriarch of Jerusalem, to Pope Gregory IX (March, 1229): Malcolm Barber and Keith Bate, trans., Letters from the East: Crusaders, Pilgrims and Settlers in the 12th and 13th Centuries, Crusade Texts in Translation 18 (Burlington VT, 2010), 131–32; Hillenbrand, Ayyubid Jerusalem, 11. On papal attitudes towards pilgrimage to Jerusalem in the thirteenth century, see Diana Webb, Pilgrims and Pilgrimage in the Medieval West, International Library of Historical Studies 12 (London, 2000), 86–87. Adrian Boas, however, mentions archeological evidence for a minor commercial revival during this period: Adrian J. Boas, “Return to the Holy City: Historical and Archaeological Sources on the Frankish Presence in Jerusalem between 1229 and 1244,” in Tell it in Gath: Studies in the History and Archaeology of Israel: Essays in Honor of Aren M. Maeir on the Occasion of his Sixtieth Birthday, ed. Itzhaq Shai, Jeffrey R. Chadwick et al. (Münster, 2018), 1028–50. Insecurity is attested, for example, in the Patriarch’s letter to Pope Gregory IX: Barber and Bate, Letters from the East, 132.
- Pringle, Churches, 3:32.
- There was, however, a constant flow of pilgrims arriving at the ports throughout most of the thirteenth century. Consider David Jacoby, “Ports of Pilgrimage to the Holy Land, Eleventh–Fourteenth Century: Jaffa, Acre, Alexandria,” in The Holy Portolano: The Sacred Geography of Navigation in the Middle Ages = Le Portulan sacré: la géographie religieuse de la navigation au Moyen Age, ed. Michele Bacci and Martin Rohde (Berlin, 2014), 51–72.
- Burchard of Mount Zion (1274–85) also mentions the Gate of Judgment. See Laurent, Peregrinatores, 74; Philip of Savona (1285–89) mentions a church dedicated to St. Mary of the Spasm. See Wilhelm A. Neumann, “Descriptio Terrae Sanctae,” Oesterreichische Vierteljahresschrift für Katholische Theologie 11 (1872): 52–53.
- Such as the Sorrowful Gate.
- Sylvia Schein, Gateway to the Heavenly City: Crusader Jerusalem and the Catholic West (1099–1187) (Aldershot, 2005), 63–90. On a shift in the pilgrims’ experience in the same historical context, see Ousterhout, “The Memory,” 147, with reference to Mary Carruthers, The Craft of Thought: Meditation, Rhetoric, and the Making of Images, 400–1200 (Cambridge, 1998), 42.
- Ora Limor, “Mary in Jerusalem: An Imaginary Map,” in Visual Constructs of Jerusalem, ed. Bianca Kühnel, Galit Noga-Banai and Hanna Vorholt (Turnhout, 2015), 17–22. See also Yamit Rachman-Schrire, “A Voyage to the Land of Mirrors: Felix Fabri’s Narration of the Virgin Mary’s Pilgrimages as a Model for Late Medieval Mendicant Piety,” Journal of Medieval History 46 (2020): 596–620.
- For a relatively recent study which hints at the possible influence of Western devotional trends of the twelfth and thirteenth centuries on the Jerusalemite emergence of the Way of the Cross, see Sticca, “The Via Crucis,” 107–11. Sticca presents the Passion-devotion trends of the twelfth and thirteenth centuries briefly, within a general survey of related devotional trends that evolve in the West from the early days of Christianity up to the formation of the fourteen-station program. Such trends probably influenced the various formations of the Way of the Cross in Jerusalem. While this correspondence is suggested by Sticca, Jerusalem and the Jerusalemite practice of the Way of the Cross are not the focus of his study.
- Eamon Duffy, The Stripping of the Altars: Traditional Religion in England, 1400–1580 (New Haven CT, 1992), 235; Rachel Fulton, From Judgment to Passion: Devotion to Christ and the Virgin Mary, 800–1200 (New York, 2002), 190. At this period, the focus on the suffering of Christ on the cross contrasted with the greater attention granted to the image of Christ as the triumphant warlord and righteous judge, which highly characterized Christian devotion beforehand. On this contrast see Fulton, From Judgment to Passion, 160–70.
- Giles Constable refers to the High Middle Ages as a time of restructuring, when reformers paid special attention to Christian spirituality and practice: Giles Constable, The Reformation of the Twelfth Century (Cambridge, 1996), 4–5.
- Ibid., 261–66.
- Ibid., 281–86.
- For example, see Benedicta Ward, trans., The Prayers and Meditations of Saint Anselm (Harmondsworth, 1973), 95–96.
- In the two following stages of the meditation the practitioner is advised to ponder on the implications of Christ’s life for himself, and thereafter to contemplate on death, judgment, hell and heaven: John Ayto and Alexandra Barratt, eds., Aelred of Rievaulx’s De Institutione Inclusarum: Two English Versions (London, 1984), xi–xiii.
- Sermon 20, 43, and the Sermon of Holy Thursday: Thomas Bestul, Texts of the Passion: Latin Devotional Literature and Medieval Society (Philadelphia, 1996), 38.
- See, for example, in his Liber de Passione Christi et doloribus et planctibus Matris eius: Henri Barré, “Le ‘Planctus Mariae’ attribué à saint Bernard,” Revue d’Ascétique et de Mystique 28 (1952): 243–66. See also Bernard of Clairvaux’s Dominica infra octavam Assumptionis Beatae Virginis Mariae sermo: PL 182: 1133–42. For more on Bernard and the Planctus Mariae: Sandro Sticca, The Planctus Mariae in the Dramatic Tradition of the Middle Ages (Athens, 1988), 102–8.
- This enhancement is exemplified in the works of other twelfth-century writers, such as the De laudibus Beatae Mariae Virginis of Ernald of Chartres (c. 1160): Otto G. von Simson, “Compassion and Co-redemption in Roger van der Weyden’s Descent from the Cross,” Art Bulletin 35 (1952): 9–16, at 12.
- On the changing characteristics of Mary under the cross, see Miri Rubin, Mother of God: A History of the Virgin Mary (New Haven CT, 2009), 243–49. On the inclusion of Mary’s lament under the cross (Planctus Mariae) in Passion Plays and meditations as of the mid-twelfth century see Sandro Sticca, The Latin Passion Play: Its Origins and Development (Albany, NY, 1970), 173–74. On the theme of Mary lamenting in later centuries, most notably in Franciscan piety, see Sticca, The Planctus Mariae, 96–97.
- Von Simson, “Compassion,” 11. Cf. Sticca, The Planctus Mariae, 102–8, and Sarah McNamer’s discussion on the rise of empathetic emotion in the devotional context: Sarah McNamer, Affective Meditation and the Invention of Medieval Compassion (Philadelphia, 2010).
- Bestul, Texts, 150. For more on this transformation, see, for example, Michelle Karnes, Imagination, Meditation and Cognition in the Middle Ages (Chicago, 2011), 31.
- Karnes, Imagination, 113. Bonaventure’s Franciscan education stands at the base of his work. Reaching full empathy with the Lord was an ideal that developed particularly within mendicant monastic streams such as the Franciscan Order. In the writings of Francis of Assisi (d. 1226) the contemplative state of mind stood at the center of religious practice, and was perceived as the ultimate way of reaching this ideal: Giles Constable, Three Studies in Medieval Religious and Social Thought: The Interpretation of Mary and Martha, the Ideal of the Imitation of Christ, the Orders of Society (Cambridge, 1995), 193.
- Bestul, Texts, 47. This can be seen in Bonaventure’s Vitis Mystica: “O Lord Jesus, I see You with the eyes of my mind, the only way now possible to me, tied with the rough rope, dragged like a bandit …”: José de Vinck, ed. and trans., The Works of Bonaventure: Cardinal, Seraphic Doctor, and Saint, 5 vols. (Paterson NJ, 1960–70), 1:158, after Karnes, Imagination, 135.
- The Meditationes vitae Christi (MVC) has been attributed to Bonaventure himself, with some correlation to the attributions found in medieval copies of the text. However, it is now accepted that the MVC was influenced by Bonaventure rather than written by him. On the dating, authorship and distribution of the Meditationes vitae Christi, see Mary Stallings-Taney, ed., Meditaciones vite Christi olim S. Bonaventurae attributae, CCCM 153 (Turnhout, 1997), ix–xi; Sarah McNamer, “The Origins of the Meditationes vitae Christi,” Speculum 84 (2009): 905–55; Peter Toth and Dávid Falvay, “New Light on the Date and Authorship of the Meditationes vitae Christi,” in Devotional Culture in Late Medieval England and Europe: Diverse Imaginations of Christ’s Life, ed. Stephen Kelly and Ryan Perry (Turnhout, 2014), 17–105.
- The texts strongly suggest that this localization was influenced by a non-Latin tradition, for example Saewulf (1101–3), in R. B. C. Huygens, ed., Peregrinationes tres: Saewulf, John of Würzburg, Theodericus, CCCM 139 (Turnhout, 1994), 67. Unlike Saewulf, the Abbot Daniel (1106–8) associates the event with the Greek Church of Mary located in the Spoudaioi (“the zealous ones”) monastery: Wilkinson, Jerusalem Pilgrimage, 130; Pringle, Churches, 3:315.
- “[Qui locus] idcirco beate Marie dicatus esse dicitur, quia, dum salvator noster ad passionem ductus male tractaretur, ipsius iussu in eodem loco cenaculo quodam, quod tunc ibidem erat”: Huygens, Peregrinationes tres, 158; Wilkinson, Jerusalem Pilgrimage, 288. Since Theoderich speaks of the Church of St. Mary the Great, it is possible that he is referring to Mary Magdalene, to whom this church was dedicated. Theoderich tells of yet another landmark associated with the sorrows of Mary, mother of Christ, in the Church of St. Mary the Latin, where she tore her hair during the crucifixion of her son: Huygens, Peregrinationes tres, 158.
- Neumann, “Descriptio,” 52–53; De Sandoli, Itinera, 4:356. The seemingly sudden appearance of this church in post-1244 pilgrimage accounts is intriguing. It is very unlikely that the church would have been constructed under Muslim rule, whether Ayyubid or Mamluk. Denys Pringle observes that it was most probably constructed between 1229 and 1244, when Jerusalem was under Frankish control. However, there is no direct evidence for its construction. For more conjecture on this matter, see Pringle, Churches, 3:319–20.
- As confirmed by Riccoldo of Monte Croce: Kappler, Riccoldo, 66.
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