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Articles

The Henrys of Manchester. Part 6. William Charles Henry: The Magnesia Factory

Pages 1-26 | Published online: 18 Jul 2013

REFERENCES

  • J. Leslie to W. C. Henry, 23 March 1825 (Harvard University). "The competitors for prizes in the Natural Philosophy Class ... have by a great majority of their suffrages named you as entitled to a prize of general merit. . . . The pecuniary premium is only one pound; but your name will appear in the Newspapers, and I shall give you an inscription to be placed on any handsome philosophical work which you may select."
  • In the Kay-Shuttleworth. Collection, Manchester University. We are grateful to John Pickstone for finding these letters for us, as well as for help in evaluating W. C. Henry's physiological work.
  • Bugs, i.e. Cimex lectularius.
  • Man. Mem., 5, 178, 1892.
  • W. C. Henry to J. P. Kay, 23 September 1827. In another passage of the letter he continues ". . . it would be most unwise to sacrifice my prospects of medical practice in this place [Man-chester], which from family connections and from my father and grandfather having both exer-cised the profession here, are very promising, for the remote contingency of success in London, too often decided by everything but real desert. The honors of the College of Physicians, of small and rapidly decreasing avail even in London, would be useless here, where good opinion can be conciliated only by sterling qualities and not by adventitious distinctions."
  • C. Hingston to J. P. Kay, ro November 1827. The Cambridge University Calendar for 1827, 1828, and 1829 confirms that Henry was a "pensioner" at Caius during these years.
  • MS in Kay-Shuttleworth Collection headed Notes by Dr W. Charles Henry, M.D., F.R.S., made in 1877 on the Edinburgh, Dublin eznd Manchester days off. P. Kay. In later years Kay, as Sir James Kay-Shuttleworth, was an occasional visitor to Haffield.
  • W. C. Henry to J. P. Kay, undated but ca. 3830. Kay was again unsuccessful when the post became vacant by Henry's resignation in 3835. -He had in the interval engaged in politics more eagerly than was prudent or consistent with medical success" (ref. 7).
  • Supplementary' Report of the Factory Commissioners, Part I, 229–54, 1833; E. Baines, History of the Cotton Manufacture in Great Britain, London, 3835, 472.
  • Minute Book of the Manchester Mechanics' Institution (Registrar's Dept., UMIST).
  • W. C. Henry, Man. Mem., 7, 113–36: 1847.
  • A. E. Watkin (ed.), Absalom Watkin: extracts from his journal, London, 1920, 189. The English Unitarians were very interested in the philosophy of Locke. See H. MacLa.chlan, Man. Mem., 84, 39, 1939–41; and note the letter of William Henry to Babbage quoted in Part 2.
  • 'W. Henry to C. G. B. Datibeny, 30 August 1831 (Magdalen College, Oxford).
  • J. Thompson, The Owens College, its foundation and growth, Manchester, x886. The documents relating to this matter which were used by Thompson are not now traceable. '' .
  • On a MS fragment of autobiography by Thomas Allan in the possession of the Henry family, see W. V. Farrar and Kathleen R. Farrar, Ann. Sc., 24, 115, 1968.
  • W. C. Williamson, Reminiscences of a Yorkshire Naturalist, London, 1896. We have corrected Williamson's spelling of some personal names.
  • W. C. Henry, Edin. Med. Surg. J., 37, 11–20, 1832; abstracted in Proc. Roy. Soc., 3, 64, 1831.
  • British Association Report (1833), 59–91.
  • Lithographed signatures of the members who met at Cambridge. . ., Cambridge, 1833.
  • W. C. Henry, Phil. Mag., 5, 33–9, 1834. Prout, who held the opposite view, replied briefly to this paper: Phil. Mag., 5, 132, 1834. Henry's paper was "read before the Manchester Society, and in Dalton's presence, previously submitted to him in manuscript, and, as far as I can remem-ber, sanctioned by his approval" (ref. 42, 33).
  • W. C. Henry, Phil. Mag., 6, 354–66, 1834.
  • W. C. Henry, Phil. Mag., 9, 324–33, 1836; abstracted in British Association Report (1836), fi, 54–5.
  • W. Henry, Phil. Trans., 114, 266–89, 1824. W. C. Henry assisted his father in this work. There is an earlier paper by Dalton (Ann. Phil., 12, 245, 1818) on the then fashionable topic of "the lamp without flame" (a white-hot platinum spiral continues to glow in ether vapour), in which it is made clear that the experiments were made jointly with William Henry.
  • W. Henry to C. G. B. Daubeny, 7 August 1835 (Magdalen College, Oxford).
  • W. Henry to B. Silliman, 29 November 1835 (Haverford College, Conn.).
  • H. Rose to W. C. Henry, 2 August 1836 (Harvard University). We have a fellow-feeling with Rose, who complained that Henry's handwriting was "schwer zu entziffem".
  • W. C. Henry to J. von Liebig, 4 June 1836. (All the Liebig letters are in the Bayerische Staats-bibliothek, Munich, to whom our best thanks are due.) Henry's resolve to devote himself to scientific research is confirmed by two letters of Leonard Homer, who visited him in the following month. (K. M. Lyell, Memoir of Leonard Horner, London, 1890).
  • W. C. Henry to J. von Liebig, (a) 6 March, (b) 2 June (c) 19 July 1837.
  • J. von Liebig to Frau Liebig, 9 August 1837. This letter is partly transcribed in J. Volhard, Justus von Liebig, Leipzig, 2909, i, 134–6.
  • Possibly negro servants? They were not a normal part of the Henry establishment, and may have been hired for the evening.
  • Margaret (Mrs. Vivian), 1834–1916; evidently she had been taken to Germany with her parents.
  • Mary (1837–1861) was three weeks old at the time of Liebig's visit.
  • William (1836–1849) died in childhood.
  • J. von Liebig to Frau Liebig, 14 August 1837.
  • J. von Liebig to Frau Liebig, 17 September 1837.
  • The fine avenue of wellingtonias, now such a feature of the grounds, was planted by W. C. Henry in 1868. Our thanks are due to Mr. A. Cadbury, the present owner, for showing one of the authors round the house.
  • W. C. Henry to J. von Liebig, 10 September 1837.
  • W. C. Henry to J. von Liebig, 21 April 1842. Liebig wrote to his wife from Haffield on 4 September of that year, but the letter contains only a few conventional remarks about the Henrys.
  • Obituary, from unidentified local newspaper, in possession of the Henry family.
  • W. C. Henry to J. von Liebig, 3 and zo July 1859.
  • W. C. Henry, Man. Mem., 6, 99–141, 1842 (of his father); Man. Mem. 7, 113–36, 1847 (of his father's and John Dalton's old friend Peter Ewart, killed in an accident at Chatham Dockyard); Memoir of Robert Allan, London, n.d. probably 1865 (his brother-in-law); Biographical notice of Edward Holme, Worcester, 1848 (a Manchester physician, and a family friend) ; Memoir of the Very Rev. Richard Dawes, Dean of Hereford, London, 1867 (a personal friend). Henry is also listed in the British Museum Catalogue as "author" of a report of a case in Chancery (2857) between certain preference shareholders of the Great Northern Railway Co. (Henry being first named), and the Directors of that company. This was an aftermath of an extensive issue of forged stock by Leopold Redpath, a servant of the railway company. Judgment was given in favour of Henry and the other plaintiffs.
  • W. C. Henry, Memoirs of the life and scientific discoveries of John Dalton, London, 2854.
  • 22 January 1838; quoted by K. Loewenfeld, Man. Mem., 57, no. 19, 9, 1913. We have substituted "event" for Loewenfeld's meaningless word "work"; cf. ref. 26.
  • Ref. 22(b). "You will find poor Dalton, if you find him alive, quite a shadow of his former self .. . I fear, if he survives, it can only be a melancholy second childhood. I was of course in constant attendance upon him before I left home, and since my return I have resumed some share of his medical superintendance."
  • It seems that the Lit. and Phil. may also have been dissatisfied with Henry's book, for soon after-wards they sponsored what is almost a rival (though almost equally unsatisfactory) biography by Robert Angus Smith: Memoir of John Dalton, and history of the Atomic Theory up to his time, Manchester, 1856; also in Man. Mem., 13, 1–298, 1856. Smith's preface refers rather slightingly to Henry's work.
  • Kathleen R. Farrar in D. S. L. Cardwell (ed.), John Dalton and the progress of science, Manchester, 1968, 159.
  • W. C. Henry to J. von Liebig, 3 April 1869.
  • Obituary notices: Manchester Evening News, 9 January 1892; Manchester Guardian, is January 1892; refs. 4, 39.
  • R. Gunther, The Daubeny Laboratory, Oxford, 1924. 5o. R. Owen, The life of Robert Owen, London, 1857, i., 56.
  • R. T. Gunther, Early Science in Oxford, Oxford, 1925, iii, 76.
  • S. Glass, An essay on Magnesia Alba, wherein its history is attempted and the use of it recommended, Oxford, 1754.
  • T. Henry, Med. Trans. Roy. Coll. Physicians, 2, 226–34, 1772.
  • The bottles state on the label "founded 1772". It is clear from the subsequent controversy, however, that Henry had been making magnesia in a small way for several years.
  • T. Henry, An account of the medicinal virtues of Magnesia Alba. . ., London, 1775.
  • T. Henry, Experiments and Observatians. . ., London, 1773.
  • It seems likely (though we have not tried it) that long-continued washing of magnesium carbonate with hard water would result in the replacement of some of the magnesium by calcium. This would be an important factor in the South of England, where most water is hard, and it is probable that Mr. Glass's successors were less scrupulous in this respect than he had been him-self.
  • T. Henry, A letter to Dr. Glass containing a reply to his examination of Mr. Henry's strictures, London, 1774; To the authors of the Critical Review: a letter from Thomas Henry on Mr. Glass's Magnesia (7 May 1774); A letter from Mr. Henry to Mr. Delamotte (II June 1774) "A Physician" [Dr. Glass], Remarks on . . . T. Henry's improved method of preparing Magnesia Alba, 1774. Delamotte's contributions have not been traced, though their content can be guessed from Henry's replies; the dates of two of them are given by Henry as February and June, 1774.
  • It derives from the article on Thomas Henry in D.N.B. by C. W. Sutton, who was in turn informed by W. C. Henry. There is perhaps some confusion between a patent and a "patent medicine", i.e., one whose composition is published and on which a tax is paid.
  • W. Henry, Man. Mem., [2], 3, 204–40, 1819.
  • W. Henry, Phil. Trans., 100, 94, 1810, footnote.
  • Rees's Cyclopedia, London, 1819, article "Magnesia".
  • This information, and much else, is a personal communication from Mr. D. Dobson, one of the surviving employees of the factory. The chemical literature indicates that so-called "mag-nesium carbonate" is usually a hydrated basic carbonate, of which several ill-defined varieties exist; the oxide also exists in two forms, which differ not only in specific gravity but in their reaction with water. See W. C. Anderson, J. Chem. Soc., 87, 257–65, 1905. The ready for-mation of an aqueous dispersion is not easily explained, but is perhaps due to the presence of the right sort of inorganic impurity.
  • E. Schunck, J. Soc. Chem. Ind., 16, 586, 1897.
  • Appended to ref. 55, and to be seen in many Manchester newspapers of the time.
  • Prescott's Manchester Journal, 22 February 1777, and other places.
  • During the 191920's, when the business was in decline, it was still providing the owner (Col. Frank Henry) with an income of about 2000 p.a. We think it likely, however, that much of the family wealth came from the buying and selling of land, in what was at one time the outskirts, but soon became near the centre, of the rapidly growing town of Manchester (for example, in the Oxford Street—All Saints area). These transactions were certainly extensive, though details are not now extant.
  • Anon., Pharrn. J., 4, 191, 2844-5.
  • Quoted in A. Ure, Dictionary of Chemistry, 1st ed., London, 1821, article "Magnesia".
  • A. Marcet, Essay on the chemical history and medical treatment of urinary calculi, London, 1817. 72. E. Brande, Phil. Trans., 113, 213, 1813.
  • W. Henry, Ann. Phil., 1, 381, 1813.
  • T. Henry to J. Watt jun., 20 January 2797 (Birmingham Public Library).
  • W. Henry to Macvey Napier, 19 June 1814 (B. M. Add.MSS3461 L8i).
  • We are most grateful to Mr. Arthur Slater for providing us with copies of these letters, numbering about fifty in all. William Henry's efficiency as a business man is also evident in the much smaller series of letters preserved in the letter-books of William Allen, of the Plough Court pharmacy; our thanks are due to the Directors of Allen and Hanbury Ltd. for allowing us to see these.
  • W. Henry to J. Banks, 6 April 1801 (B.M.Add.MSS 33980 f.283). There are summaries of these letters in W. R. Dawson (ed.), The Banks Letters, London, 1958, 407.
  • J. Banks to W. Henry, 25 April i8o (British Museum (Natural History), Dawson Turner copies, 12, 203–5).
  • W. Henry to J. Banks, 2 May 1801 (B.M.Add.MSS 33980 if. 287–9).
  • J. Banks to W. Henry, 6 May 18oi (B.M.Add.MSS 33982 f. 351); spelling and punctuation as in original.
  • W. Henry to J. Banks, 16 June i8o1 (B.M.AddMSS 33980 if. 295–6).
  • This seems to mean that the soapboiler was heating crude sodium sulphate with some organic refuse, which reduced it to a very crude sodium sulphide ("liver of sulphur"); this would be a good enough "alkali" for some purposes. Our guide in these obscure matters has been L. H. Gittins, Ann. Sci., 22, 175–89, 1966.
  • The appendix to Henry's paper on the solubility of gases (Phil. Trans., 93, 274–6, 1803) is in the form of a letter to Banks. At the end of the MS of this appendix (Royal Society L. and P., Decade XII, 113, No. 42) is this short note to Banks, headed "Private Letter".
  • Malherbe made soda In 1778 by heating a mixture of sodium sulphate, charcoal, and scrap iron, followed by exposing the product to weather. Versions of this messy and uncertain process were patented in England by Bryan Higgins and George Fordyce in 1781.
  • About 1780, James Keir, a member of the Lunar Society, made dilute sodium hydroxide solution (not soda) by running aqueous sodium sulphate through a bed of slaked lime. See J. L. Moilliet, Chem. and Ind., 405, 1966.
  • Tenuous evidence of some connection between Henry and Losh is given by the presence of a pamphlet (undated, but perhaps about 1810), advertising the Walker Alkali Co. (Losh's enter-prise) in the collection of reprints etc., belonging to William Henry, kept in the University Library, Manchester.
  • "Rosemary tops dried and sage leaves dried, of each 4 oz.; lavender flowers dried, z oz.; cloves bruised, 2 dr.; and distilled vinegar, 8 lbs.; macerating these ingredients for seven days, and filtering the expressed liquor through paper." (The Edinburgh Pharmacopoiea, quoted . by Rees's Cyclopedia (1819), article "Vinegar"). Some recipes add acorns calamus, or sweet flag.
  • W. Henry, Nic. J., 4, 215, 1803; Phil. Mag., 15, 156, 1803.
  • Leeds Intelligencer, 7 May 1798, and other places.
  • J. Pereira, The elements of Materia Medica and Therapeutics, London, 1842, i, 403. He adds "it appears to me to be a very unnecessary preparation".
  • Pharm. J., 8, 158, 1848-9.
  • J. Thompstone to J. Watt, 24 January 1803 (Birmingham Public Library).
  • On the early history of soda-water manufacture see W. Kirkby, The evolution of artificial mineral waters, Manchester, 1902.
  • Ref. 91 is signed "for Henry and Brother", which has puzzled us greatly. Was Peter Henry briefly in the business?
  • Rees's Cyclopedia (1819), article "Pyrmont Water, imitation of".
  • W. Henry to J. Watt jun., 4 February 1804 (Birmingham Public Library).
  • We are grateful to the firm of Schweppes Ltd., for giving us the following details of this little-known figure whose name is so familiar. Jacob (or Jean) Schweppe was born in Witzenhausen (Hesse-Cassel) about 1735 and became a resident of Geneva at some time before 1767, the date of his marriage. In 1790, he set up a company in Geneva with Jacques and Nicolas Paul and Henry Albert Gosse to manufacture seltzer water and other mineral waters; the name of William Balcombe, an English medical man, was later added, in order to ensure the expansion of their trade to England. Schweppe went to London in 1792 and established a factory in Bristol soon afterwards; in 1799 he sold his share of the partnership in England, and returned to Geneva, where he died in 182i.
  • The machinery installed by Boulton and Watt was probably similar to that illustrated by W.H. Pepys, Quart. J. Sci., 4, 358, 1818.
  • W. Henry to J. Watt, 25 May 1804 (Birmingham Public Library).
  • T. & W. Henry to Howard, Jewell & Gibson, II February 1818 (ref. 75).
  • W. Henry to Howard, Jewell, & Gibson, 29 September 1816 (ref. 75).
  • E. P. 4049/1816 (2 August 1816).
  • Our information about the later years of the factory came verbally from Mr. L. Ainsworth and Mr. David Dobson of Manchester, to whom our warmest thanks are due. Mr. Dobson's elder brother, Mr. George Dobson, was the last manager of the factory; at his death in November 1966 a large quantity of papers relating to the factory were unfortunately destroyed, unex-amined, by his family.
  • Our thanks are due to the Directors of B. D. H. Group Ltd. for this extract and for permission to publish it.

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