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Articles

Can family language policy predict linguistic, socio-emotional and cognitive child and family outcomes? A systematic review

ORCID Icon, ORCID Icon & ORCID Icon
Pages 1044-1075 | Received 16 Jul 2020, Accepted 25 Nov 2020, Published online: 17 Dec 2020

ABSTRACT

Multilingual families face decisions about the linguistic upbringing of their children. These decisions shape their family language policy (FLP) which potentially impacts the children and their family. Departing from this hypothesis we conducted a systematic literature review applying the PRISMA guidelines, screening three databases, using search terms related to FLP (building on Spolsky’s framework). After a title- and abstract-based initial screening, 191 retained articles were scanned for a connection between FLP (components) and outcomes. We classify forty-two studies that describe such a link in multilingual families with focal children under the age of thirteen. Based on our results, we argue that studies exploring the socio-emotional (9) and cognitive outcomes (13) are underrepresented, especially because all but one of these studies also largely focus on linguistic outcomes (41). When it comes to the separate components of FLP, practices are found to have the most impact (41 studies), either exclusively (16) or combined with management (12), beliefs (6) or both (7). Based on this review, we recommend future studies to further explore the socio-emotional and cognitive spheres and all their aspects, preferably in families with young children, including families from various language groups or communities, and adopting a longitudinal design.

Introduction

Multilingual families, whether they have multiple home languages or the home language(s) differ(s) from the institutional language, face decisions about the linguistic upbringing of their children. These decisions shape their family language policy (FLP, i.e. how a family views and organises language use) which potentially impacts children and the family as a whole. This insight goes together with scholars’ growing interest in multilingual child-rearing, often focusing on children’s (linguistic) home environment and families’ language policies. But even though linguistic diversity, in and outside the family domain, is, more than ever, a reality, beliefs on the impact of early multilingualism still differ greatly. While most scholars shifted from bilingual disadvantage theories stating multilingualism leads to confusion and lower intelligence (e.g. Saer Citation1923) towards a more nuanced or even appreciatory approach (as evidenced in Barac and Bialystok Citation2011 and Byers-Heinlein and Lew-Williams Citation2013), society often remains sceptical. Some policymakers and ECEC (Early Childhood Education and Care) professionals, for instance, still advise against multilingual child-rearing (e.g. Kirsch Citation2012; Aghallaj et al. Citation2020), causing parents raising their family in a multilingual context even more concern about the linguistic, cognitive and socio-emotional development of their children.

Research on family language policy frequently addresses these concerns when studying ‘[w]hat beliefs, practices, and conditions lead to what child language outcomes?’ (King Citation2016, 729), often even going beyond outcomes in the linguistic domain. This is evidenced in several research timelines and review studies on family language policy, family factors for childhood bilingualism or well-being in bilingual settings (e.g. De Houwer Citation2017, Citation2020; Hirsch and Lee Citation2018; King and Fogle Citation2013; Pearson Citation2007; Schwartz Citation2010), each of which describes how certain factors (e.g. parental language use) may lead to certain outcomes (e.g. children’s proficiency or well-being). However, we argue that, in order to better find associations between FLP components and outcomes and generalise claims on the potential impact of FLP, the literature ought to be addressed systematically. In light of this hiatus, we methodically analysed the connection between FLP components (based on Spolsky’s framework) and their outcomes, applying the PRISMA guidelines. This way of systematizing FLP research not only enables us to uncover potential connections between FLP (components) and outcomes on individual and family level, but might also enable us to better support families in making educated decisions concerning their language policy, taking into account their possibilities and goals. In addition, by examining both FLP as a potential predictor variable and used research methods in the literature, we aim to divulge lacunae and make recommendations for future FLP studies.

Theoretical framework

Family language policy (FLP)

As the family domain soon proved to play a key role in processes such as language maintenance or language shift, the study of family language policy has established itself in the literature over the past two decades (e.g. Caldas and Caron-Caldas Citation2000; Curdt-Christiansen Citation2009; King and Fogle Citation2006, Citation2013; Spolsky Citation2012; Tannenbaum and Howie Citation2002) and has evolved and expanded considerably since Ronjat’s (Citation1913) diary studies on his son’s bilingual upbringing to today’s interdisciplinary research connecting child language acquisition and language policy (King, Fogle, and Logan-Terry Citation2008).

In studying multilingual families, Spolsky’s (Citation2004, Citation2012) language policy framework is commonly adapted to the family domain, examining one or all three components of the non-unitary construct (F)LP; i.e. beliefs (beliefs about and attitudes towards language(s) and language use), language practices (language(s) used in families’ daily interactions and employed strategies), and language management efforts to shape the language use and learning outcomes (King, Fogle, and Logan-Terry Citation2008; Spolsky Citation2004).

This framework has received some remarks over the years, of which the constraining focus on explicit choices probably is the most common one. Several scholars (e.g. Caldas Citation2012; Curdt-Christiansen Citation2009; Fogle Citation2013) therefore, recommend including covert and implicit language choices, as, according to Caldas (Citation2012, 352) the majority of parents do not strategically plan a policy and in reality

family language policies lie along a continuum ranging from the highly planned and orchestrated, to the invisible, laissez-faire practices of most families. Somewhere in between are found the pragmatically inspired language strategies employed by families in sociolinguistic contexts that confront them with real choices that have real consequences for their children.

Irrespective of the consciousness of their linguistic choices, any multilingual family’s language policy is continuously susceptible to internal and external changes and influences. Societal pressure to adopt the dominant language; advice (e.g. Okita Citation2002) from family members, ECEC professionals, or teachers; parental expectations (e.g. Curdt-Christiansen Citation2009); the family’s socio-linguistic background; and the broader context within which the family lives (Caldas Citation2012) can all shape and affect the FLP. One of the strongest described influences, however, probably is the influence (school-age) children exert on their family’s language policy. The observation that children are important agents in modifying the FLP, even though they lack their parents’ authority (Gyogi Citation2015; Kheirkhah and Cekaite Citation2015, Citation2018; Revis Citation2019; Said and Zhu Citation2019; Tuominen Citation1999) was partially addressed by Spolsky’s (Citation2019) latest addition to the original model, introducing advocates to the management component (individuals without authority wishing to change language practices). The addition of self-management or efforts speakers make to modify or increase their own linguistic repertoire and proficiency (Spolsky Citation2019), has also been observed and described in several FLP studies (e.g. adoptive parents learning the birth-language of their adopted children (Fogle Citation2013; Shin Citation2013)).

Possible outcomes of FLP

Since FLP research arose to bridge the gap between language policy studies and research on child language acquisition (King, Fogle, and Logan-Terry Citation2008), much of the early work centred on the impact of FLP on child language development. Reported outcomes in the linguistic sphere, such as children’s proficiency, but also language use, and language maintenance or shift, therefore, seem self-evident and are well researched. The potential impact of FLP, however, goes beyond the linguistic domain, as research also uncovered outcomes in the socio-emotional and cognitive sphere. Below we describe different outcomes (as categorised by us) and several ways in which they are potentially influenced by FLP. Most studies point at children’s outcomes, often linked to parental practices, ideologies and management. Children’s agency or influence and parental outcomes seem to be examined less frequently, but are addressed in the literature nonetheless. Furthermore, one should bear in mind that the reciprocity, interplay and dynamic character of both FLP (components) and outcomes, make it challenging to clearly pinpoint the connection and its directionality.

Linguistic outcomes

Proficiency

Various studies observe a link between FLP and language proficiency, the outcome most examined. Practices seem the most influential component affecting children’s lexical and grammatical development, where a higher quality and/or quantity of language input lead(s) to earlier and/or better language acquisition (Blom Citation2010; Hoff et al. Citation2012; Paradis Citation2011; Place and Hoff Citation2011; Quiroz, Snow, and Zhao Citation2010). Not only parental, but also siblings’ language use is proposed to affect children’s proficiency, often favouring the IL (Duursma et al. Citation2007). In addition, children’s linguistic development benefits from positive beliefs. This holds for both parental (Makarova, Terekhova, and Mousavi Citation2019) as children’s own attitudes (Schwartz Citation2008, Citation2012; Zhang and Slaughter-Defoe Citation2009). Lastly, parental management efforts such as enrolling children in heritage language classes (Mattheoudakis, Chatzidaki, and Maligkoudi Citation2017) can also positively affect children’s proficiency.

Language use

Analogous to children’s proficiency, their language use is suggested to be another outcome associated with FLP. Children’s language use is linked with parental attitudes and linguistic choices, which shape parents’ practices (overview by De Houwer Citation1999). Practices in the form of exposure in particular, either via parental input or peers’ and siblings’ language use, can influence focal children’s language use. Lastly, management, such as parental discourse strategies, affects not only children’s language use, but also their active bilingualism, and/or tendency to codeswitch (Döpke Citation1988, Citation1992; Lanza Citation1992, Citation1997, Citation2001), where explicit strategies are more successful regarding children’s use of the minority language. It is important to note that language proficiency and use are interrelated outcomes that can affect one another, as evidenced in Pearson’s (Citation2007) input-proficiency-use cycle.

Language maintenance or shift and degree of bilingualism

In addition to being separate outcomes, language proficiency and use are valuable indicators to measure the direction and degree of language maintenance or shift, and the degree of bilingualism (i.e. active or passive; balanced or unbalanced), which are therefore also expected to be influenced by FLP. Since language maintenance requires intergenerational transmission of a language, it is a process in which families and their policies play a key role (Fishman Citation1991, Citation2001; Schwartz Citation2008; Spolsky Citation2004, Citation2012). When a family is unable or unwilling to transmit the heritage language (HL) to the next generation(s), a language shift starts to occur in favour of the institutional language (IL). This language shift can be measured by comparing the use of and/or proficiency in the IL versus the HL across generations (de Bot Citation2001). Family members’ degree of bilingualism can be approached in the same way.

Socio-emotional outcomes

Several studies connect socio-emotional outcomes to FLP. Firstly, the influence of linguistic outcomes cannot be overlooked when addressing well-being, these outcomes are therefore seen as part of FLP. Secondly, we argue socio-emotional outcomes might indicate a (mis)match, for instance between FLP components (beliefs, practices, and management); between expectations and reality; between individual family members’ language use, beliefs, or proficiency; etc. We propose a distinction between linguistic and general socio-emotional well-being. Linguistic well-being, on the one hand, refers to positive or negative emotions related to language acquisition, proficiency, use, etc (e.g. parental frustration due to a child’s low HL proficiency or reluctant HL use). Socio-emotional well-being, on the other hand, involves family relations, identity, general feelings of well-being, etc.

All three FLP components play a role in affecting linguistic and general well-being. Conflicting ideologies (King, Fogle, and Logan-Terry Citation2008; Shohamy Citation2006; Spolsky Citation2004) or children and parents not sharing a language (Portes and Hao Citation1998; Soehl Citation2016; Tseng and Fuligni Citation2000; Wong Fillmore Citation2000), for one, might negatively impact communication, identity, family cohesion and emotional bonding. Furthermore, HL management at home that feels too effortful, leads to the expression of shame, disappointment, frustration, stress and tension (De Houwer Citation2017; Okita Citation2002; Schwartz Citation2008). Positive socio-emotional outcomes are also observed. A stronger emotional connection to the heritage language and culture (Kopeliovich Citation2010; Okita Citation2002), more psychosocial and emotional well-being (Liu et al. Citation2009) and more family cohesion (Tannenbaum and Berkovich Citation2005; Tannenbaum and Howie Citation2002), for instance, are potentially connected to pro-heritage language homes and/or higher HL proficiency. As with other outcomes, however, defining directionality is challenging. Family cohesion, for instance, can generate greater management efforts to maintain the HL, but concurrently, HL maintenance could lead to closer family relationships (Tannenbaum and Howie Citation2002).

Cognitive outcomes

Lastly, numerous studies report advantages of multilingualism in young children on inhibitory control, working memory and selective attention (i.a. Bialystok, Craik, and Luk Citation2012; Bialystok et al. Citation2010; Carlson and Meltzoff Citation2008; Struys et al. Citation2015). Most studies, however, do not explicitly link cognitive results with FLP. Approaching the examined influencing factors (often age of acquisition, exposure, and proficiency) via the FLP framework, we could classify some of them as practices or management. Increased language input, for instance, is said to give children more opportunities to develop the cognitive processing skills needed for vocabulary learning (Cheung et al. Citation2018; Marchman, Fernald, and Hurtado Citation2010). In addition, exposure to the minority and/or majority language at home (Carlson and Meltzoff Citation2008; Gathercole et al. Citation2010) or the frequency of codeswitching (Soveri, Rodriguez-Fornells, and Laine Citation2011) might influence children’s cognitive control. Beliefs might play a role in steering language practices and management, but don’t seem to be directly connected to cognitive outcomes.

Present study

Since both FLP and its main outcome, child language development, are already well-researched and detailed, we decided not to focus on the conceptualisation of, but rather on the connection between both concepts, going beyond outcomes in the linguistic domain. Considering the possible implications language practices, beliefs, and management have on multilingual families with young children, a thorough overview comparing existing literature on the subject was deemed necessary. As methodological comparisons enable us to generalise claims on the potential impact, we systematically reviewed the current literature, selecting, analysing, and classifying available studies on FLP as a potential predictor variable in an attempt to answer the following research questions:

  1. Which outcomes are found to be connected with family language policy (FLP)?

  2. Which components of FLP specifically are found to be connected with these outcomes?

  3. Which research methods are used in the selected studies?

With the first question we aim to investigate the ways in which FLP might affect multilingual families and their children. However, as the definition of a successful policy largely depends on the goals an individual family has set, this review does not refer to policies as successful or unsuccessful. The second research question helps us to pinpoint the specific component(s) of FLP linked to these outcomes. By addressing these first two questions, we might be able to support families in making educated decisions concerning their language policy, depending on their goals. In order to shed a better light on the included studies and to make recommendations for future studies, the methodology used to explore a link between FLP and possible outcomes should be examined. Exploring our third research question, we aim to achieve a better understanding of the currently available expertise and lacunae in terms of language sociological settings, study designs and age categories.

Methodology

In conducting this study, we employed PRISMA (Preferred Reporting Items for Systematic Reviews and Meta-Analyses), the standardised protocol for conducting systematic reviews and delivering transparent reporting (Liberati et al. Citation2009). Following the PRISMA guidelines, checklist and flow diagram, a systematic search strategy with pre-selected search terms and eligibility criteria was applied. The databases Web of Science, Scopus, and Education Resources Information Center (ERIC) were systematically, and in this order, searched for peer-reviewed articles on the connection between bi-or multilingual families’ language policy (components) and possible outcomes on an individual and family level. The cut-off date for the search was July 2019, whereas no ‘start date’ limiter was imposed. Due to the origination and use of the term ‘family language policy’ in the early 2000s, however, we anticipated obtaining mostly search results from the past two decades.

Search terms

Procedure

The queries, based largely on the components in Spolsky’s framework, in were entered in the three databases, searching anywhere in the article, refining the search via quotation marks. This search method culminated in approximately 720 unique hits (calculated via extrapolation) to which we applied a title- and abstract-based initial screening. First, the titles of the unique hits were read, immediately excluding articles of which the title clearly was unrelated to the topic of FLP. When the title was not a conclusive reason for exclusion, the abstract was read in order to decide whether the study met our inclusion criteria (note: in this stage we included all minors, 0–18 years). When this was unambiguously not the case, the study was dropped. In case the abstract did not provide sufficient information for exclusion, the study was retained. As for language, articles written in another language than English were only included if at least one of the authors had sufficient receptive knowledge of that language. Apart from the articles written in English (187), this led to the inclusion of one article in Dutch, one in French and one in German. One article written in Galician was excluded for that reason ().

Figure 1. Search query.

Figure 1. Search query.

Figure 2. PRSIMA flow diagram.

Figure 2. PRSIMA flow diagram.

All of the 190 retained articles were skimmed to determine inclusion. In this stage articles not reporting original data (4) were removed first. Subsequently, articles were scanned for a link between FLP and outcomes. Due to the focus of our review, only articles mentioning a potential connection (either merely descriptive or via statistical analyses) qualified for our systematic review, as such both FLP and outcomes needed to be described explicitly. Studies mentioning the effects of multilingualism (e.g. cognitive effects, language proficiency) without giving attention to FLP (components) were removed, as were records mentioning effects related to an undescribed factor or general approach (e.g. general educational openness or strictness). In this stage, 118 studies were excluded, leaving 68 studies.

Of those sixty-eight, twenty-six records were rejected based on the age category of all focal children in the study, which was at this point limited to twelve years old (0-12 years).

Only studies describing a link between FLP (components) and outcomes in multilingual families in which all focal children were younger than thirteen years were included, resulting in the selection of a total of forty-two articles.

Inclusion criteria

The following inclusion criteria were applied: (a) peer-reviewed studies published in English or a language mastered by one of the authors, (b) conducted and published (or in press) before July 2019, (c) research population is limited to bi- or multilingual families in which the focal child is 0–12 years old, (d) the study describes a connection between FLP (components) and outcomes within the family domain or on the level of the individual family members. We are aware that our methodology and inclusion criteria do leave out certain influential FLP research, as we specifically focus on studies indicating a connection between FLP and outcomes.

Given the assumption that the FLP established and implemented during early childhood is the foundation of children’s linguistic, cognitive and socio-emotional development, we decided to concentrate on studies involving young children. Nonetheless, the age limit was adapted during the course of the selection process. We started the initial screening with studies focusing on minors (0-18 years), in order to maximise the amount of valuable search results. As for the final selection we initially intended to use age seven ((elementary) school attendance) as a cut-off. Due to the limited variation in outcomes for that age category, however, the cut-off was raised to age thirteen (secondary school attendance). No distinction was made between included languages (e.g. status, language family, number of speakers, etc.), but studies focusing only on language varieties (i.e. dialects) were excluded in the earliest possible stage.

Results

Based on the final selection of forty-two articles, we attempt to answer the three research questions formulated earlier. presents an overview of the selected studies and comprises of information on (a) applied research methods, (b) age of the focal child(ren), (c) languages and country, (d) observed outcomes (L stands for linguistic outcomes, S-E for socio-emotional outcomes and C for cognitive outcomes), and (e) connected family language policy components (B stands for beliefs, P for practices and M for management). The languages in italics present minority and/or heritage languages (HL), the others (always last) are majority and/or institutional languages (IL). The different outcomes, connected FLP components and used methods per age group are further expanded in .

Table 1. Overview of selected studies, describing method, age of focal child(ren), languages, country, outcome variables and related FLP component(s).

Table 2. Overview of selected studies with outcomes in the linguistic sphere

Table 3. Overview of selected studies with outcomes in the socio-emotional sphere.

Table 4. Overview of selected studies with outcomes in the cognitive sphere.

Table 5. Extensive overview of methods used per age group.

Which outcomes are found to be connected with FLP?

All studies, but one (Verhagen, Mulder, and Leseman Citation2017), report outcomes in the linguistic field. Socio-emotional (9) and cognitive (13) outcomes are referenced less frequently.

Linguistic outcomes

Thirty-one selected studies point to results we classified as children’s language proficiency, either in the heritage language, the institutional language, or both. Language use as a linguistic outcome is described in eleven studies, one of which (Dekeyser and Agirdag Citation2018) is restricted to children’s emotional language use. Two studies address children’s rate of codeswitching (CS) connected to FLP, i.e. parent using specific discourse strategies in order to establish and maintain a monolingual context in parent–child interactions. Children’s degree of bi- or multilingualism, is described in eight studies, six of which observed active bilingualism, whereas two describe how FLP impacts the balance of proficiency in different languages. As stated in the theoretical framework, the degree of bilingualism interlinks with language proficiency and language use, as does heritage language maintenance or shift, described in five studies. Lastly, two studies are categorised as other, one of which (Van Mensel Citation2018) describes the familylect or multilingual family repertoire. We classify this family repertoire, which Hiratsuka and Pennycook (Citation2019, 5) define as ‘a set of shared multilingual practices within the family that play a significant role in creating and maintaining family life’ both as a linguistic result and a predictor of socio-emotional outcomes.

Socio-emotional outcomes

Nine studies observed outcomes in the socio-emotional sphere. Linguistic well-being was assessed in three studies and seems strongly linked to parental expectations. In all three studies parents reported regret for not providing their child with sufficient opportunities to acquire the HL or frustration due to their child’s low HL proficiency and use. Furthermore, they reported children’s own frustration towards low HL proficiency and their resistance to speak the heritage language. Seven studies report on general well-being (e.g. family cohesion and stronger family ties, children’s multilingual identity and identification with the heritage culture, children’s psychosocial adjustment and interactions at school) or a lack thereof (e.g. parents feeling excluded or rejected when their child does not use the HL in conversations; tensions or unbonding between parents and children due to conflicting (ideas about) language use). Ultimately, children’s emotional language use and their attitudes towards or motivation for heritage language learning relate positively to the heritage language use and management efforts at home. We argue these last two outcomes pertain to both the linguistic and the socio-emotional sphere.

Cognitive outcomes

A rather broad definition of the cognitive domain was applied. Literacy abilities and conceptual vocabulary, for instance, were approached as a combination of linguistic (comprehension) and cognitive (decoding abilities) outcomes, except for when the study specifically described only one aspect as related to FLP. Due to this broad definition, thirteen studies demonstrate cognitive results. Ten of which report literacy skills (e.g. writing and reading skills, speed and accuracy) as a result of home (literacy) practices and management. Verhagen, Mulder, and Leseman (Citation2017) links inhibitory and self-control to exposure to multiple home languages. Lastly, conceptual vocabulary, linguistic creativity, mathematics skills, school readiness, and academic grade point average are also found to be connected with FLP.

Which FLP components are found to be connected with observed outcomes?

As not all FLP studies employ Spolsky’s language policy framework (in the same way), we classified the components based on our interpretation of the framework in order to be able to compare the selected studies. expand on the connected components per study. Distinguishing between practices and management can be challenging, as language policies not only involve explicit, but also implicit actions (Caldas Citation2012; Curdt-Christiansen Citation2009; Fogle Citation2013). Furthermore, we argue that management initially aims to steer practices, but over time, as family members habituate themselves with certain efforts, these efforts might become part of the family’s practices. Parents might, for instance, try to maximise their child’s exposure to a specific language, which could manifest in greater parental use of that language. When labelling the language policy components in the selected studies, language use (i.e. languages spoken by family members in family interactions), without further explanation, was classified by us as part of language practices. Explicit strategies or efforts trying to influence language use (e.g. discourse strategies, reading out loud, HL classes …), were recorded as management, regardless of the classification used in the study. In most cases, a combination of practices and management was observed. When describing the separate FLP components, practices seem to exert the most influence (as suggested by forty-one studies), either exclusively (16) or combined with management (12), beliefs (6) or both (7).

Practices and management

Our review supports the well-accepted premise in both scientific and popular contexts that exposure, in the form of practices (such as language use) or management, is of crucial influence for children’s language proficiency. Furthermore, this review illustrates the important role language use in the family plays in predicting children’s language use, rate of codeswitching, degree of bilingualism, language shift or maintenance, children’s and parents’ linguistic and general well-being, and certain child cognitive aspects. Especially in the case of the vulnerable heritage language, sufficient input and management efforts are needed in order for children to acquire, use and eventually master this language. Increased exposure to the minority language, even in the form of a trip to the heritage country, can add to children’s HL proficiency, use, and maintenance. More importantly, increased minority language input does not hinder majority language acquisition and proficiency.

We differentiate between familial (unspecified language use at home), child, parental and siblings’ language use. Parental (and familial) language use often is key in supporting the HL, whereas siblings frequently introduce or establish the IL. In case of minority language use amongst siblings, however, siblings are also influential in children’s HL use. Additionally, children’s own language use can predict their proficiency, where greater majority language use, for instance, negatively affects the minority language competence.

As for (explicit) management efforts, the influence on child outcomes is also described clearly in some studies. Parental HL promotion, HL classes, parental discourse strategies (especially explicit strategies), a trip abroad or sojourning, and reading activities all affect children’s (HL) language proficiency, use, language maintenance, literacy skills, rate of codeswitching, and well-being. Certain efforts, such as parental discourse strategies that affect children’s willingness to continue a monolingual interaction context, however, might be influenced by children’s language proficiency, illustrating the circularity between FLP and language development and use.

Beliefs

Beliefs are rarely described as a direct influencing FLP component, but are connected with observed outcomes nonetheless. We distinguish two ways in which beliefs can impact family and child outcomes rather indirectly. Firstly, beliefs are often the driving force shaping family practices and management. Several studies, for instance, propose that positive parental HL attitudes lead to a richer HL environment at home or greater HL supporting efforts, which in turn lead to children’s higher HL proficiency and use. Negative attitudes, on the contrary, create less learning opportunities. Some studies, however, claim that children’s, rather than parental, beliefs are crucial. Only when children display positive attitudes toward the heritage language and HL acquisition, a higher proficiency and frequency in HL language use, and, ultimately language maintenance, is perceived.

Secondly, beliefs are strongly associated with FLP’s socio-emotional impact, which becomes especially clear in case of a mismatch between parental attitudes or expectations and children’s attitudes, language use or proficiency. Conflicting language ideologies lead to tensions, which, as mentioned earlier, can, in turn, shape family language practices. Curdt-Christiansen (Citation2016) describes three types of conflict: ‘conflicting beliefs of different family members, contradictions between beliefs and practices, and contradictions between practices and expectations’. (706) These conflict types lead to (parental) frustration and regret, child’s lower self-worth and motivation, and negatively influence family relations.

Which research methods were used?

In order to get a clearer understanding of the currently available expertise on the connection between FLP and possible outcomes, the methodology used in the selected studies was examined. Only this way the lacunae in terms of, study design, age category, and language sociological settings can be addressed. gives an extensive overview of the specific methods that were used divided per age group. Regarding the age groups, we distinguish between ages 0–3 (infant or toddler possibly in day-care), 4–6 (in kindergarten or preschool), 7–12 (in elementary school), and studies overlapping these groups (i.e. 0–6 and 4–12 years).

Out of the final forty-two studies, thirteen are case studies, whereas twenty-seven count with thirty or more focal children. The majority of the selected studies are quantitative or mixed method. The quantitative research methods used most often (usually combined) are linguistic assessments or tasks (23) and parental questionnaires (23). Some studies also included cognitive control tasks or standardised test scores and one study included parental linguistic assessment. Even though all studies examined outcomes on child level, only six studies surveyed children themselves (of which four surveyed only children and two surveyed both parents and children). Regarding qualitative methods, home or school recordings and observations (16) were employed most frequently, followed by parental interviews (9), parental diary entries (4), and interviews addressing both parent and child (4). No studies reported interviewing only children. Divided per age group, we notice, rather unsurprisingly, that (parent) child questionnaires are limited to the older group, and parental diary entries are only used in studies with children under 7. Linguistic assessments were used in all age groups, but the type of assessment (e.g. vocabulary checklists such as CDI, Peabody Picture Vocabulary Test (PPVT), literacy tasks …) logically corresponds with the specific ages for which it was used.

Most selected studies were conducted in Western countries. Fourteen studies were organised in the US, five in Belgium, four in Canada, the UK, and Israel, three in Germany. Whereas Australia, Singapore, and Ireland accounted for two studies each. The remaining studies were conducted in Estonia, Greece, Japan, the Netherlands, Spain and France.

While most studies examined a specific community or language combination (e.g. Spanish speaking families in the US, Chinese immigrants in Canada …), only fifteen studies comprised of more than two different languages or language combinations. One of these studies, however, observed one specific language combination (Russian & English), mentioning additional heritage languages, and three studies looked at the Chinese community differentiating between languages. Regarding the individual languages, the top three consists of English (29 studies, often as the institutional or majority language), Chinese languages (13 studies focusing on the Chinese community, 9 distinguishing between languages: Mandarin, Cantonese and Taiwanese), and Spanish (7 studies). For the other languages, we refer to .

Discussion and conclusion

Our systematic review illustrates several examples of linguistic (41), socio-emotional (9) and cognitive (13) outcomes related to family language practices, beliefs and management. The vast majority of studies describing linguistic outcomes is not surprising, as the original focus of FLP studies was to explain children’s language development connected to language policy. The occurrence of other outcomes illustrates the expansion of the field. King and Logan-Terry (Citation2008) and Yamamoto (Citation1995) suggest that singling out one responsible factor for observed outcomes might be impossible. We agree that determining the accountable variable is rather difficult due to the amount of internal and external influencing factors; the reciprocity between certain outcomes and FLP; the difficulty in classification (e.g. some outcomes could be(come) part of FLP, management efforts might in time become practices …); and the connection between different outcomes. However, our systematic review shows consistent and strong evidence across the studies that FLP does play a crucial role in explaining observed outcomes. Our overview helps confirm, discover and narrow down patterns or connections that could be investigated further. Howbeit, this review does not claim to assess directionality of the described connections. One of our findings is the varying influence of the different components, with practices being reported in forty-one studies, management in twenty studies and beliefs in only eleven studies. Even though fewer studies account beliefs as an influencing component, the role of beliefs should not be discarded, as they shape practices and management, (indirectly) affecting i.a. language use and proficiency (see also King, Fogle, and Logan-Terry Citation2008). Incidentally, most selected studies, refer to parental attitudes. However, children’s own beliefs should also be given attention, as two selected studies claim children’s attitudes strongly influence language maintenance, a finding that is supported by, amongst others, Zhang and Slaughter-Defoe (Citation2009).

Exposure is crucial to linguistic and cognitive outcomes

Our review shows that practices and management efforts connected to language exposure are crucial to linguistic and cognitive outcomes. With this finding, we corroborate the research on the importance of language exposure on several linguistic outcomes such as language proficiency, use, maintenance or shift, the degree of bilingualism and the rate of codeswitching (e.g. Hakuta and D’Andrea Citation1992; Hoff et al. Citation2012; Paradis Citation2011; Portes and Rumbaut Citation2001). Exposure in the selected studies is defined by language use at home (i.e. practices and management) or (extracurricular) language classes and reading activities (i.e. management). Furthermore, several selected studies also address the influence of specific management efforts such as parental discourse strategies and consistent language use on children’s HL development and use. These studies support Lanza’s (Citation1992) suggestion that explicit strategies are more successful regarding children’s use of the minority language than implicit or codeswitching strategies. Remarkably, even though circularity (i.e. language use can be regarded either as a predictor variable (in the form of practices or management) or an outcome variable) should be considered, language use as an outcome in the selected studies almost exclusively refers to the language use of the (focal) children, whereas language use as an influencing variable refers to the language use of all family members. The same goes for the rate of codeswitching.

Our review also supports the claim that parental practices and management efforts are especially important for the minority language. Increased HL exposure positively affects children’s proficiency in that language, without impeding their proficiency in the majority language. The continued finding that minority language exposure is not detrimental to majority language acquisition is valuable information to counter contradicting beliefs held by some parents and ECEC professionals. Furthermore, the efficient efforts observed in our review (i.e. consistency, creating the need for children to learn and use the HL and increasing HL input) are in line with research on language acquisition. However, explicit strategies (e.g. request for translation, pretending not to understand, etc.) seem to work for younger bilinguals, but could potentially threaten the social aspect of family interactions, as illustrated in Kheirkhah and Cekaite (Citation2015) where the child’s (7 years old) resistance and refusal to react to the strategies was recurrent.

Moreover, various studies in this systematic review support the assumption that exposure and management efforts also influence children in the cognitive domain (cf. Carlson and Meltzoff Citation2008; Cheung et al. Citation2018; Gathercole et al. Citation2010; Marchman, Fernald, and Hurtado Citation2010; Soveri, Rodriguez-Fornells, and Laine Citation2011). It should be noted, however, that our rather broad definition of cognitive outcomes (including for instance cognitive and self-control, literacy skills, conceptual vocabulary, school readiness …) resulted in a larger selection of studies demonstrating a link between the cognitive domain and practices and/or management.

The influence on socio-emotional outcomes is mediated

FLP’s effect on the socio-emotional domain seems more indirect, often occurring via linguistic outcomes, such as language use, proficiency and maintenance. Several scholars, for instance, attribute ‘negative self-image, loss of cultural identity or embarrassment about heritage language and culture, racism, […], and the destruction of family relationships’ (Cummins Citation2001; Kouritzin Citation1999; Parks Citation2013 in Makarova, Terekhova, and Mousavi Citation2019, 475) to heritage language loss. Preservation of the heritage language, on the other hand, can be regarded as a ‘positive symbol of cultural pride’(Schwartz Citation2010, 175), a connection with the cultural values, and a key element for family cohesion (cf. Okita Citation2002; Schwartz and Verschik Citation2013a; Tannenbaum Citation2005; Tannenbaum and Howie Citation2002; Wong Fillmore Citation2000). Some of these connections resonate in our review, as intergenerational tensions or stronger family ties were reported in connection to children and parents’ (in)congruent language use and/or proficiency. Furthermore, the selected studies also tie FLP to children’s identity formation, psychosocial adjustment and interactions at school, emotional language use, their motivation for heritage language learning, and parents’ and children’s linguistic well-being (here: their regret and frustration). Negative socio-emotional outcomes (e.g. frustration, conflict, resistance …) seem to result from a mismatch, either between family members’ attitudes or language use, between parental expectations and children’s language use, or between parental management efforts and their children’s language use or proficiency. Positive outcomes, on the contrary, point to a congruence.

Used methodology

Examining the methodology used in the selected studies can help us frame the observed outcomes and connected components. Remarkably, only eleven out of forty-two studies count with a longitudinal research design (varying from six months to five years), which, given the complex, dynamic and time-bound nature of the topic, is rather little. Secondly, most studies are limited to one specific (migrant) community or language and might therefore not be representative of the general migrant population in that country, let alone multilingual families worldwide. This claim adds to scholars’ pleas and increasing efforts to include less conventional languages and family types (King Citation2016; Macalister and Mirvahedi Citation2017; Schwartz and Verschik Citation2013b). Moreover, most studies include English as one of the examined languages. The status of English as a global (majority) language, however, makes generalisation difficult.

Furthermore, most studies on socio-emotional results are qualitative in nature, uncovering the greater opportunities case studies and interviews offer when investigating this domain. It might, however, be interesting to attempt generalising socio-emotional outcomes via carefully thought-out quantitative measures. Another remarkable finding is that interviews or questionnaires are often limited to parents. Children’s reports are usually dismissed as unreliable because they count with children’s perceptions rather than the actual situation. Children’s perceptions, however, are of utmost importance, because they steer children’s behaviour, subsequently influencing the FLP.

The low number of studies focusing on babies and young toddlers is also concerning, as we know relatively little about linguistic, socio-emotional and cognitive effects in the early childhood, compared to the school age. Yet research suggests the early onset age of outcomes in all three domains (e.g. language acquisition, bonding and cognitive control).

However challenging, we recommend examining families with very young children, as the early childhood lays the foundation of several outcomes.

Recommendations

Even though there is consistent and strong evidence across the studies that FLP plays a crucial role in explaining outcomes, it remains difficult to name FLP as the predictor variable. Therefore, more longitudinal research focusing specifically on the connection between FLP and outcomes is needed. Studies combining a longitudinal and quantitative approach might be valuable in order to compare different FLPs and their respective (long-term) outcomes in a larger section of multilingual families, so that we could further refine tailored advice. In addition, it might be interesting to include children’s viewpoint. Furthermore, we urge scholars to include families from various language communities and family types and to focus on languages besides English. This systematic review does not pay specific attention to the differences in transcription and used databases, how systematic they are and how they are managed in order to collate results. Future (review) studies, however, could contemplate including this issue, as these methodological issues might have had an impact on the outcomes reported.

We also recommend future studies to further explore socio-emotional outcomes and their source, preferably in a large body of families with young children. Considering how family relations and well-being in a language contact situation might, in turn, influence FLP and language use and proficiency, an extension of research on socio-emotional results seems essential and could help discover ways to counteract negative outcomes in multilingual families. Lastly, we encourage studies on multilingual children’s cognitive abilities to investigate the link with FLP (components). As cognition studies are largely language-independent and thus have the potential to examine multilingualism more objectively and surpass the deficit thinking that is sometimes still associated with multilingual education.

Disclosure statement

No potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).

Additional information

Funding

This work was supported by the FWO (Research Foundation – Flanders) under Grant S006518N, project ‘Promoting Early Multilingualism in Childhood and Childcare (Pro-M)’.

Notes on contributors

Ily Hollebeke

Ily Hollebeke is a junior researcher at the Vrije Universiteit Brussel and a member of the Centre for Linguistics. Her current research focuses on early multilingualism, multilingual families with young children, family language policies and implications. She was also involved in research on cognitive control in interpreting students and professional interpreters. LinkedIn: https://www.linkedin.com/in/ily-hollebeke-178b15149/.

Esli Struys

Esli Struys is a professor of applied linguistics at the Vrije Universiteit Brussel and the director of the Centre for Linguistics. He teaches courses in the BA and MA programmes of (applied) linguistics on multilingualism (from cognitive and educational perspectives), psycho- and neurolinguistics, and interpreting studies. His research foci include the cognitive processes involved in second language acquisition, bilingualism, and interpreting; and multilingual education in family and school settings. Twitter: https://twitter.com/EsliStruys; Facebook: https://www.facebook.com/esli.struys; LinkedIn: https://www.linkedin.com/in/esli-struys-9631282b/.

Orhan Agirdag

Orhan Agirdag (Ağırdağ) is an associate professor of education at KU Leuven, the University of Amsterdam and a member of the Young Academy of Belgium. Formerly, he was a Fulbright fellow at the UCLA. His research lab focuses on teacher education, early childhood education and multilingualism. Twitter: https://twitter.com/OrhanAgirdag.

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