A phenomenological study on pregnant and young mothers’ experiences on second-chance education in Zimbabwe

Abstract

While legal reforms are welcome to eliminate inequalities in schools, the study argues that there is little progress towards the reintegration of young mothers back into the education system. This paper interrogates the barriers to continued access to education for pregnant and young mothers in Zimbabwe’s secondary schools against this backdrop. We collected data through in-depth and key informant interviews with 16 young mothers, 10 parents of young mothers, and 5 key informants (school authorities). A thematic approach guided the data analysis. The findings showed that, despite the Education Act (main education policy) giving young mothers the chance to continue their education, the ‘blaming and shaming’ strategy had an adverse effect on their efforts in the form of social exclusion, stigma, and discrimination. Through their experiential journey as young mothers, they were admonished by friends at school, labeled as ‘bad apples’, shunned by other learners, subjected to abuse by parents, a lack of parental support, and a shift in responsibilities. The concept of second education requires practical support that extends beyond legal reforms in the education sector, focusing on deeper work on harmful social and gender norms. The paper concludes that while legal reforms serve as a solid foundation, the success of second-chance education, which aims to address gender inequalities, requires society to eradicate deeply ingrained gender stereotypes that impede girls’ access to education in developing countries.

Keywords:

• Second-chance education
• young mothers
• secondary schools
• Zimbabwe

REVIEWING EDITOR:

• George Mudimu, Development Sciences, Marondera University of Agricultural Sciences and Technology, Marondera, Zimbabwe

SUBJECTS:

• Education Studies
• Secondary Education
• Educational Research
• Classroom Practice

Background

Second-chance education refers to the practice of giving learners who have previously dropped out of the education system the opportunity to return (Lukáč & Lukáčová, 2024). This practice is supported by education programmes and policies implemented by public or private institutions with the aim of providing equal access and opportunities for socio-economically disadvantaged groups (Pasternáková et al., 2023). The literature (Cotza, 2023; Lukáč & Lukáčová, 2024; Pasternáková et al., 2023) demonstrates that there is a worldwide demand for the development of educational policies that promote second-chance education. This was due to the realisation that teenage pregnancy is one cause of gender inequalities in educational access, achievement, and attainment, especially in low-income and rural African communities (Chinkondenji, 2022; Desai et al., 2024; Ratusniak & Silva, 2024). Recognising teenage pregnancy as a social risk and a widespread issue in the fulfilment of a girl child’s rights drives the move towards the implementation of second-chance education policies. Despite significant efforts to ensure universal access to education, poor nations like Zimbabwe still face certain deficiencies in the complete implementation of second-chance education for pregnant and mothering adolescents.

According to UNICEF (2020), tens of millions of girls are failing to get a basic education in developing countries, especially in rural areas. The World Health Organisation (WHO) statistics showed that about sixteen million adolescents aged 15–19 give birth each year, and most of these births occur in developing countries (WHO, 2017). Adolescent girls between the ages of 13 and 19 years’ experience teenage pregnancy, a time when their reproductive organs and systems are still developing (WHO, 2017). Several social, economic, and psychological issues, such as school dropout, stigmatisation, and societal prejudice, are associated with teenage pregnancy. In Zimbabwe, second-chance education efforts aimed at addressing gender equity in education have not been fully explored to draw key lessons from the success or failure of the programme. This is due to cultural perceptions about the status and position of boys and girls based on gender differences.

Studies (Adhena & Fikre, 2023; Desai et al., 2024; Moyo, 2023; Ratusniak & Silva, 2024) have demonstrated that teenage pregnancy is one major hurdle to achieving the global agenda of ensuring inclusive, equitable quality education and the promotion of lifelong learning opportunities for all by 2030 (SDG goal 4). SDG goal 4.1 is to guarantee that by 2030, every girl and boy will receive a comprehensive, fair, and high-quality primary and secondary education that results in meaningful and successful learning outcomes. The majority of pregnant and young mothers in Zimbabwe do not take advantage of the re-entry policy’s opportunity to return to the classroom (Chiyota & Marishane, 2020). Many around the world view teenage motherhood as a significant social issue that profoundly impacts education (Baafi, 2020; Morgan et al., 2023; Walgwe et al., 2016). However, the re-entry policy offers young mothers a second chance to finish their education and reap its advantages. Despite the presence of legal reforms to allow pregnant or teenage girls to continue with their education across the African continent, recent studies in Sub-Saharan Africa show that reintegration into school remains a challenge (Chiyota & Marishane, 2020; Thwala et al., 2022; Zuilkowski et al., 2019). It is against this background that the study attempts to understand the experience of pregnant and young mothers in the context of second-chance education policy.

Recently, a number of African nations have evaluated, examined, and modified their education policies and procedures to allow pregnant schoolgirls to resume their studies after giving birth (Baafi, 2020; Chiyota & Marishane, 2020; Thwala et al., 2022; Zuilkowski et al., 2019). There is a prevailing tendency in most nations to adopt measures that facilitate the pursuit of education for young moms. According to Mazowa (2022), young women in Zambia have the option of continuing their education immediately after giving birth. In Ghana, female students possess the authority to engage in discussions with their school administration over the duration of their maternity leave. They can also coordinate additional academic sessions to ensure that they do not fall behind in their studies during the agreed-upon period of absence from school (Baa-Poku, 2019; Morgan et al., 2023). The Kenyan government implemented a policy that permits the readmission of girls to schools following childbirth (Nyariro, 2021; Walgwe et al., 2016). The 1996 policy in South Africa provides logistical and financial assistance to pregnant and mothering teenagers, enabling them to continue their education. Namibia permits a pregnant student to continue her education until she is nearing childbirth. Once the baby is born, a responsible adult takes care of the child. The girl also has the right to return to the same school within twelve months from the date she left. Regrettably, the second-chance education programme elicited a variety of responses from society, with certain parents disregarding it due to moral arguments (Moyo, 2020). Research indicates that adolescent females who become pregnant are more likely to discontinue their education (Chipfakacha, 2019).

Despite the slow pace, Zimbabwe is making significant progress in achieving gender equality (Ncube & Mudau, 2017). These advancements encompass gender-related constitutional provisions, recent modifications to the Education Act (Chapter 25:04), and the Constitution. Zimbabwe’s revised Education Act guarantees education to all females, regardless of their pregnancy or motherhood status. Watch (HRW, 2018), teenage girls who had early or unintended pregnancies encountered numerous social and financial obstacles that prevented them from pursuing formal education. The universal recognition of education as an essential entitlement underscores the principle that every child has the right to receive an education. e 26, Section 1 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights (UDHR) and Article 10, Section (f) of the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women (CEDAW), along with various other international and regional Conventions and Declarations, outline the legal entitlement of allowing pregnant girls to continue attending school after becoming pregnant. Enabling pregnant girls and young moms to attend school is a commendable measure that will enhance educational opportunities and ensure the fulfilment of their right to education. Zimbabwe has made significant progress in the education of girls as a result of ratifying these international protocols. This progress includes the provision of funding through the Basic Education Assistance Module (BEAM) to support learners who are unable to pay school fees, the implementation of Harmonised Cash Transfers (HCT) to assist vulnerable families with their basic needs, the replacement of the old Marriage Act with a new one that prohibits the marriage of children under the age of 18, the provision of educational support and skill development for girls living with HIV/AIDS, and the implementation of the National Girls Education Plan- UNICEF (2020) reports that every year, thousands of girls from Africa. Lack of access to modern contraception and family planning, sexual abuse and exploitation, and a lack of knowledge about sexuality and reproduction are among the major causes of teenage pregnancy in Africa. Research indicates that in sub-Saharan Africa, nearly 38% of girls marry before turning 18 and 12% before turning 15 (UNICEF, 2020; Nsalamba & Simpande, 2019). As a result, many countries have agreed that pregnant girls and young mothers should return to school, and some countries have made it a policy framework (Nsalamba & Simpande, 2019).

Additional research indicates that adolescent pregnancy can provoke a diverse array of emotions in certain young mothers (Nimulola, 2014). These factors encompass adverse perspectives on the education of girls (Nsalamba & Simpande, 2019), a sense of disappointment for adolescent pregnancies and their families (Svindseth & Crawford, 2019), and a cultural prohibition against pregnancies outside of wedlock (Wekesa, 2014). These unfavourable sentiments are also present in educational institutions, as teachers hold the belief that admitting pregnant females to school can have a detrimental moral impact on other students by exerting influence on them (Maluli & Bali, 2014). Furthermore, they argue that this approach would encourage more women to conceive, as it would ensure their re-enrollment following childbirth (Farida, 2014). According to research, parents view a pregnant child as a source of shame within their family, and they believe that resuming the girl’s education would only exacerbate this shame (Nsalamba & Simpande, 2019; Moyo, 2020). Several parents perceive their investment in their daughters’ education as futile when they become pregnant. Consequently, they oppose the notion of a female child resuming her education (Nsalamba & Simpande, 2019; Mukoyi, 2015). Research has additionally shown that mothers who have children suffer numerous difficulties in school, including social stigma (Svindseth & Crawford, 2019; Thwala et al., 2022), public mockery (Mukoyi, 2015), anxiety (Moyo, 2020), harassment (Wanyama & Simatwa), and a sense of despair. Several studies (Laiser & Muyinga, 2017; Tarus, 2020; Laiser & Muyinga, 2017) have shown that parents occasionally do not provide support for re-entry due to economic difficulties within the home. To address these difficulties, it is advisable for states to implement measures that encourage consistent school attendance and reduce the occurrence of students leaving school prematurely (Nimulola, 2014). Supportive legislative frameworks, a model for long-term funding of education, and the removal of biases and prejudices rooted in gendered cultural norms are all possible steps to promote second-chance education.

Research methodology

Approach and design

We adopted a qualitative approach to understand the unique experiences of teenage mothers, their guardians, and key authorities’ perspectives on second-chance education. The primary goal was to understand the situation of second-chance education for pregnant and teenage mothers in rural areas. We deemed the phenomenological research design appropriate because it focused on lived experience. The study was based on the philosophy of existential phenomenology, which enables one to comprehend an individual’s experiences through the consciousness of individuals who have undergone them. Existential phenomenology aims to cultivate a comprehensive and embodied comprehension of human existence (Pandin & Yanto, 2023; Tornøe et al., 2015). This technique enables researchers to utilise reflective-descriptive analysis to examine the various components and elements of a scenario in terms of its spatial characteristics, as well as the episodes and sequences in a temporal context. Furthermore, it allows for an examination of the qualities and dimensions of the phenomenon under study (Pandin & Yanto, 2023). This includes a study that examines the interaction of settings, contexts, and surroundings, taking into account the necessary conditions and subsequent outcomes over time. Additionally, it explores the various views or ways that one can use in understanding these phenomena (Rawlins, 2024). The phenomenological design enabled the study to focus on teenage mothers, their parents, and guardians’ actual experiences in the implementation of the second-chance education program.

Study site

We conducted the research in the Hwange and Binga districts. These districts have data on high school students who have discontinued their studies. While there is no statistical data on school dropout prevalence, several studies (Chipfakacha, 2019; Muzingili & Muchinako, 2016; Nyamanhare et al., 2022) have shown the difficulties associated with girls dropping out of school in Binga. Therefore, we selected Binga as an appropriate location to study the challenges associated with second-chance schooling. We gathered information from both residential and educational settings.

Recruitment of participants

Various aspects, including the accessibility and readiness of primary participants, impacted the sampling strategy. The study targeted pregnant and young mothers, parents, and school authorities in Binga Rural District. We selected only adolescents who became pregnant or delivered a child while attending school. This is due to the possibility that certain adolescents may become pregnant or assume the role of a mother after discontinuing their education for various reasons. The study included participants who met the following criteria: pregnant and adolescent mothers (aged 13–19), parents, and guardians of pregnant and adolescent mothers. Using convenient sampling, the study selected 16 young mothers and 10 parents of young mothers. Convenient sampling was used based on the availability and willingness of researcher’s participants. Convenience sampling is a non-probability sampling technique that involves selecting units for the sample based on their accessibility to the researchers, such as their proximity, availability, or willingness to participate (Han et al., 2021). The following Table 1 shows the demographic profile of mothering and pregnant teenagers:

Table 1. Demographic characteristics of mothering and pregnant teenagers.

No#	Participant ID	Gender	Age	Marital status	Educational Level	Employment status
1	Tapiwa	Female	47	Married	Primary	Unemployed
2	Luunga	Male	56	Married	Secondary	Unemployed
3	Gumede	Male	44	Married	Secondary	Unemployed
4	Moyo	Male	38	Single	Tertiary	Employed
5	Muyuni	Female	45	Single	No formal education	Unemployed
6	Sibanda	Female	39	Married	Primary	Unemployed
7	Chihera	Female	54	Married	Primary	Unemployed
8	MaDube	Female	47	Single	Secondary	Unemployed
9	Chirinda	Female	42	Single	Secondary	Unemployed
10	Agatha	Female	49	Married	Primary	Unemployed

The subsequent Table 2 displays the demographic attributes of 10 chosen parents or guardians, after the presentation of the demographic features of teenage mothers and pregnant teenagers.

Table 2. Demographic characteristics of parents/guardians.

No#	Participant ID	Gender	Age	Marital status	Educational Level	Employment status
1	Tapiwa	Female	47	Married	Primary	Unemployed
2	Luunga	Male	56	Married	Secondary	Unemployed
3	Gumede	Male	44	Married	Secondary	Unemployed
4	Moyo	Male	38	Single	Tertiary	Employed
5	Muyuni	Female	45	Single	No formal education	Unemployed
6	Sibanda	Female	39	Married	Primary	Unemployed
7	Chihera	Female	54	Married	Primary	Unemployed
8	MaDube	Female	47	Single	Secondary	Unemployed
9	Chirinda	Female	42	Single	Secondary	Unemployed
10	Agatha	Female	49	Married	Primary	Unemployed

The study also recruited five (5) key informants using purposive sampling. Key informants were recruited to provide their expert knowledge on second-chance education particularly their experience in the implementation of the programme. Data collection methods and research instruments.

Data collection methods and research tools

The study adopted qualitative data collection methods in the form of semi-structured interviews and key informant interviews.

Semi-structured interviews

Semi-structured interviews were used to gain a deeper insight into the participants’ thoughts, feelings, and emotions about the second-chance education programme. We conducted 16 interviews with young mothers and pregnant teenagers, and another 10 with parents or guardians. We conducted home visits to interview young moms, pregnant teenagers, and parents, using the Tongan language. The duration of interviews varied between 20 and 34 minutes on average. The study designed and used a semi-structured interview guide with open-ended questions for both teenage mothers and parents. Data collected from pregnant and young mothers focused on their experiences in schools and at home. For parents, the questions focused on their attitudes and perceptions towards second-chance education for pregnant and young mothers. Young mothers and pregnant teenagers were asked about their emotional state upon becoming pregnant. What was the response of your parents or guardians? Are you open to the idea of returning to school? What is your comment on the second-chance education initiative specifically designed for young moms or pregnant teenagers? We asked parents or guardians about their response to their child’s pregnancy while attending school. Do you remain interested in resuming your child’s education at a physical school? What is your opinion regarding the second-chance education programme?

Key informant interviews

The researchers additionally conducted five (5) key informant interviews to obtain expert perspectives from teachers. We used a key informant guide containing open-ended questions to gather data from representatives of the Ministry of Primary and Secondary Education. We selected school teachers for this study. The focus of key informant interviews was to collect data on school authorities’ experiences in implementing second-chance education policy. The key informants have expertise in working with females in several educational initiatives.

Data analysis

The study employed thematic content analysis, a qualitative approach, as a tool for identifying, interpreting, and reporting patterns (themes) in the data. The researchers employed a five-phase process for thematic analysis, as provided by Creswell and Poth (2018). The steps are as outlined below:

1. Managing and organising the data: During this stage, the researchers initially categorised the audio files based on a sample category. Subsequently, the researchers listened to all the recorded audio files in order to transcribe the interviews. Finally, the researchers labelled and named the audio files with their corresponding transcripts for convenient access and identification.

2. Reading and memoing emergent ideas: During this stage, the researchers engaged in the iterative process of reading transcribed field interviews. The initial phases of identifying emerging ideas commenced and persisted throughout the interviews, with recurring themes becoming evident as the procedures of gathering and analysing data became interconnected. The researchers’’ interview notes were limited, as just three interviewees declined to provide voice recordings. The main objective at this step was to thoroughly familiarise oneself with the interview content, notwithstanding the emergence of ideas and the highlighting of critical text.

3. Describing and classifying codes into themes: At this step, the researchers participated in the iterative process of reviewing transcribed field interviews. The process of finding emergent ideas began during the interviews and continued consistently. As data was gathered and analysed, repeating themes started to become apparent, showing the interconnectedness of the data collection and analysis techniques. The researchers’ interview notes were incomplete due to the refusal of three participants to give voice recordings. The primary goal at this stage was to extensively acquaint oneself with the interview topic, regardless of any new thoughts or important text that may have arisen.

4. Developing and accessing interpretations: The researchers evaluated the correlation between themes and also observed the variations in perspectives among many individuals across all sample groups. At this juncture, the researchers aimed to ascertain the degree to which participant narratives aligned with or diverged from the existing literature on pertinent subjects. The researchers analysed the implications of participant experiences based on the theoretical framework.

5. Representing the data: In the concluding stage, the researchers formulated and incorporated their own perspectives and deductions derived from the data. The findings are reported in this paper.

Data quality

To ensure their trustworthiness, the researchers were careful to avoid being obtrusive, especially when utilising data collection methods like voice recorders. The researchers were therefore cautious about observing nonverbal cues of discomfort towards voice recording, even in situations where verbal and written consent had been obtained. Upon encountering participants’ silence or hesitation to respond to questions they perceived as ‘challenging’, the researchers swiftly concluded the question and continued to inquire about other matters. To enhance reliability, the researchers preserved all interview audio recordings for subsequent analysis.

Data was obtained from young moms and parents in the Tonga language and subsequently translated into English by a second researchers who was proficient in the language. In order to preserve the original meaning, we additionally involved a specialist in Tonga-English translation and compared their translation with that of the second researchers. We followed the guidance of Van Nes et al. (2010), which propose that the researchers assume the role of a translation mediator, working alongside a professional translator. This involves providing the translator with clear explanations of the intended meaning and its contextual background in the source language. Hence, the researchers and professional translators collaborated extensively until a unanimous agreement was achieved regarding the context of each exact quotation.

Ethical considerations

On 13 March 2023, the researchers of the letter requesting community access clearance was the Binga District Administration Office and the Binga District Education Office. The Binga District Administration Office obtained ethical approval on 21 March 2023, with reference number 87/2023, to access participants in the community. The Binga District Education Office gave approval for entry to schools on 30 March 2023, with Reference Number BDE112/2023. The study was also approved by Medical Research Council of Zimbabwe on 3 February 2023, with approval reference Number MRCZ/A/2738. Care was taken to ensure that the data was sufficiently aggregated to prevent any individual from being recognised. No names or identities were used in the presentation of the findings. Information from the study was not shared with other people except among researchers. The researchers ensured that there was informed consent from the participants by providing the study objectives and purpose. Seeking consent and fulfilling confidentiality is in line with the Helsinki Declaration (updated 2022) on medical research involving human subjects (World Medical Association, 2022). Before beginning data collection sessions, we obtained verbal and written consent from the study participants after presenting them with a community engagement letter. This is also in line with the with the cardinal social work research ethics that call on researchers to promote people’s autonomy, privacy, confidentiality, and avoidance of dishonesty, fraud, and deception (Reamer, 2018).

Presentation of the findings

This section presents the findings of the study.

Experiences of pregnant and mother teenage mothers integrated into school

The study findings revealed that pregnant and young mothers experienced unwelcome situations both at home and school. The findings unveiled various socio-cultural elements that influenced second-chance education, including coerced matrimony, parental and peer disownment, mistreatment, and stigmatisation. The following were key sub-themes that emerged from thematic analysis:

Blaming and shaming based on moral judgement

Parents and guardians characterised the excruciating home and school environment for pregnant and young mothers with their blaming and shaming attitudes. The findings revealed that parents and guardians blamed them for falling pregnant. Teenage mothers felt that they were the reference point for any bad character, both at school and at home. One young mother narrated that:

It is not easy to be at home or school. It seems you need to live a holy life. This is because if you make any mistake, you will always be reminded of the pregnancy as a wrongdoing. When you ask something, they think I’m troubling them.

In a similar incident, another girl confided that:

Some teachers could even shame in front of other learners. I lost confidence and felt that staying at home was better.

Several adolescent mothers perceived that although certain relatives had affection for them, not all members of their family harboured the same sentiment. One girl child expressed her experience by noting that:

Everywhere you go, people see you as different from them. I know I have relatives and friends who are close to me and who support and encourage me. But the attitudes of teachers at school were bad. Failure to do certain tasks at school was always related to the pregnancy.

Although the foregoing samples show that not all family members chastised the adolescent mothers, our observation revealed that some relatives were dissatisfied. We discovered that several school teachers did not welcome the teenage mothers. Interviews with both parents and instructors revealed a perception of pregnant and young moms as negative influences that could potentially harm other children. Although parents recognised the significance of returning to school, most of them believed that it established an incorrect standard for other children. Teachers agreed, believing the law to be advantageous. However, they saw that certain other students in the school may participate in aberrant behaviours with the expectation of receiving leniency in their schooling. Both parents and instructors believed that if the regulation was not well explained, it could encourage immoral behaviour among students in school. One of the parents observed that:

We all desire our children to succeed in school, and that’s the reason we sent them to schools. However, re-admitting someone pregnant or breastfeeding in school will give a very bad picture to our society. Other children will follow, expecting to be pardoned.

One of the parents added that:

This is against our cultural values. What are we teaching our children if a pregnant person mixes with those who are not? It’s unacceptable. I’m a woman, and I want girls to succeed, but admitting someone is pregnant or mothering is not good at all. We need to maintain the integrity of education, including discipline in children.

One of the teachers noted that:

A pregnant child becomes an example in everything done at school. We need to enforce the law as authorities, but this issue needs further clarity and a proper way of implementation. It is not easy even for other learners.

The following statements also serve as examples of parents’ negative attitudes:

We love our children and we work hard to make them successful in life. But, let us agree that secondary or primary schools cannot be the centre of maternity discussions. The government needs to find alternative education for these girls to ensure they do not teach others the wrong morals.

The data revealed that both parents and instructors hold unfavourable opinions towards pregnant and young moms. They believed that admitting them to school could have a negative impact on other women’s moral reputations. Parents have suggested that pregnant or young mothers enroll in alternative educational institutions, such as vocational centres, instead of traditional academic institutions, to avoid the spread of bad values and behaviours.

Loss of friends at school

The findings also revealed that their former schoolmates shunned young and teenage mothers who were pregnant. Due to the negativity associated with teenage pregnancies, some learners felt they should not be associated with their old friends. They observed that they would face the same judgment when paired with friends who are pregnant or mothers. One of the girls noted that:

As pregnant teenage mothers at school, we feel embarrassed and isolated as our friends shun and avoid interacting with us.

To show the extreme nature of the situation, another girl added that:

I tried to wear a jersey to cover my pregnancy so that teachers and other students could not see that I was pregnant. Some learners, especially boys, scold pregnant or young mothers. We become their daily topics, and we always feel embarrassed.

While being conscious of the re-entry policy, some teenage girls felt that a lot needed to be done to ensure pregnant or young mothers get accepted into schools. One girl expressed that:

I was surprised with the attitudes of my friends-I mean, old friends in this case, because they didn’t want to be close to me. While some could not say it overtly, I could feel that I wasn’t wanted among them anymore.

In addition to the above, another girl noted that:

I have a friend who told me that she was told by her parents not to associate with me anymore as they felt I would be a source of bad influence. You feel isolated and lose confidence. I know these behaviours emanate from home or even school.

From the aforementioned, it is clear that young mothers or those who were pregnant felt alone because their friends avoided them. The observation was that other learners feared being negatively judged if they were associated with their pregnant or young mothers.

A few of the female students perceived that the school officials extended a warm reception to their presence in the educational institution. It was disclosed that their presence provided them with encouragement to further their study. It was observed that once completing the school, the re-entry programme enabled them to rejuvenate their professional trajectories. A few of the females disclosed the following:

I am delighted to have returned to school. Initially, I believed that my professional journey had come to an end. However, I have since resumed my education, similar to other adolescent females.

Society is gradually realising the importance of educating girls. I possess companions at my educational institution and my state of affairs is unremarkable. I am committed to persistently exerting effort and ensuring my parents’ contentment is restored.

According to the study, certain parents and their children perceived the admission as a chance to enhance their professional prospects. The second-chance education programme provided parents with an opportunity to ensure the fulfilment of their daughter’s right to education.

Lack of parental support on the child’s upkeep

The lack of parental support was one of the major reasons why teenage mothers or pregnant teenagers failed to continue with school. The majority of girls expressed that their parents were no longer interested in looking after them after getting pregnant. Research revealed that responsible fathers or relatives of responsible fathers should assume responsibility. Pregnant and young mothers acknowledged that their responsibilities had changed as parenting their children brought new burdens. Similarly, one of the key informants noted that:

Young mothers do not finish and complete their academic education due to the demanding basic needs of the family at home. The child will be demanding soap, clothes, and nutritious food, and she will not be able to balance the two (education and the basic needs of the child).

In concurrence, one of the girls expressed that:

My parents told me that they would not support me or the child. Even if I went or demanded something from the father of the child, I would get nothing as he comes from a poor family. His relatives are also poor. I can only get support here, but my parents leave me to look after the baby. They even refused to allow me to find someone to stay with the child if I went back to school.

After experiencing an overwhelming situation, one of the girls noted that:

As a pregnant girl, I thought of committing suicide after being segregated and isolated by family members, by taking poison. Family members chased me out of the house. I ended up staying with my sister at her marital home.

The study revealed that females perceived a lack of sufficient support from their parents and relatives to return to school. Poverty in the father’s family compounded the problem. The act of mothering entailed additional obligations that had an impact on young mothers’ ability to return to school.

While children faced challenging circumstances, the re-entry policy or scheme provided a favourable reception for certain parents, expectant adolescent girls, and young mothers. Some individuals emphasised the significance of granting forgiveness to children when they commit errors. They recognised the importance of directing their attention toward their future, as they have the capacity to serve as exemplars. The subsequent statements were expressions of parental endorsement for the significance of second-chance education policy:

The new curriculum’s principles underpin the commendable concept of incorporating pregnant teenage mothers into schools. The objective is not to put a girl kid at a disadvantage, but rather to ensure the fulfilment of the right to education as outlined in the Constitution of Zimbabwe.

It is beneficial for girls to have an advantage in bridging the educational gap between boys and girls.

Let us provide them with a chance. Let us extend the same treatment to them that we do to our boys. All of them are equivalent.

According to some parents, the re-entry policy is crucial in addressing the issue of favouritism towards male children, commonly known as the son syndrome. Several parents believed that this gave girls a chance to improve their rights.

The feeling of family humiliation

Findings revealed that parents felt humiliated by their pregnant girls. It was revealed that some parents ignored the education of their pregnant or mothering children due to the disappointment they caused their families. One of the parents expressed the following observation:

Both my husband and I were ashamed. It is not easy to accept when we sacrifice for our girl child and she brings such results. We decided she should pay the consequences of not listening to us, and we are not going to send her to school but her husband.

One of the pregnant teenagers highlighted that:

It is embarrassing to get this. Is there no way my parents can pay school fees again? I disappointed everyone in the family.

To show the efforts being made by school authorities to integrate mothering girls, one of the teachers noted that:

We organise meetings with parents to forgive their girls and give them a second-chance education. Some understand, but others feel they were humiliated and no longer trust their children. The success of this programme will require efforts that include counselling for affected families so that they accept that second-chance education is important for the future of girls.

According to the findings, parents’ anger and disappointment prevented them from focusing on the education of pregnant and young mothers. Parents felt that it was difficult to continue building trust in girls because of what they did to the family.

Emotional and physical abuse

Several girls recounted experiencing emotional abuse in the form of taunts and yelling, as well as physical abuse in the form of beatings from their parents. The abuse persisted even after their pregnancy became known. Findings revealed that abuse mostly occurred when pregnant or young mothers tried to seek help from their parents. Parents responded with emotional, and sometimes physical, retaliation. The following were some of the words expressed by teenage or young mothers:

Every time I ask for help or something, my mother insults me. I’m reminded of everything, and she uses harsh words. She feels irritated and always shouts at me. It is painful.

My mother is abusive. She even slaps me. It’s just that I don’t have anywhere to go; otherwise, I could be out of this home. She doesn’t even listen to my pleas. She responds with beatings.

I’m always insulted and reminded that I humiliated the family. I’m reminded that I’m not worth being their child. Though my father doesn’t talk much, my mother uses harsh words towards me.

The previous statements revealed that pregnant or young mothers were vulnerable to both physical and emotional abuse.

The prospects of school re-entry

This section provides themes regarding the potential for teenage mothers and pregnant teenagers to return to school.

Forced marriage

We found that 10 of the 16 adolescent mothers we interviewed faced coercion into marriage instead of continuing their education. We learned that parents chose to stay with the responsible father instead of re-admitting them to school. Girls expressed that their parents valued their cultural beliefs over their right to education. One teenage mother made the following observation:

When my mother and father heard that I was pregnant, they were angry, and the first thing I was told was to leave their home and get married. They explained that it was against their culture to look after someone’s child or pregnancies.

Another pregnant teenager expressed that:

My parents’ culture was important. They informed me that you had completed your educational journey. The best option, they told me, was to find the man responsible for the pregnancy. Angrily, they were clear that my education was over and the next thing was to get married or stay with my boyfriend.

Some girls felt that getting into marriage was the better solution than continuing with their education. Their families’ poverty made it difficult for them to continue their education. One teenager expressed this sentiment:

To be honest, I would like to continue with my education and achieve what women have accomplished in life. However, I agree with my parents that I should be married due to the situation at home. I have many young brothers and sisters, so it will be better for them to focus on their education. If my partner wants to be back at school, he will allow me to stay with him.

The study revealed that some pregnant and young mothers faced pressure to marry. Due to the hegemonic influence of cultural values, parents felt that getting married was the best solution to entering school. While some parents acknowledged the importance of girl child education, they felt that it was against culture to stay with pregnant and young mothers at home.

Perceived increase in education and parenting costs

According to the study, both young mothers and parents emphasised the financial aspect of returning to school. The study revealed that a considerable number of parents living in rural areas faced challenges in educating their children. Researchers discovered a correlation between teenage motherhood and increased expenses for both education and parenting. One of the affected parents made the following comment:

It is not easy to cover parenting and education costs at the same time. We are not employed, and we struggled to send her to school. It is better for a responsible father to take care of the parenting needs of a child. Now the challenge is that the responsible father is not known.

One of the young mothers concurred by noting that:

The baby needs support for food, clothing, and health. It is not feasible to meet both demands. The problem is that responsible fathers also come from poor families.

One of the school authorities repeated:

Parents have negative attitudes towards sending teenage mothers who are pregnant to school as they don’t complete school, and it is said that it’s a waste of time and that it requires financial resources to take such children to school.

Furthermore, the discovery linked adolescent motherhood to escalated household expenses, placing a heavy financial burden on the affected families. The fact that the purported dads came from impoverished households exacerbated the situation.

The potential of low educational attainment

The school authorities believed that pregnant and young mothers were prone to underperforming in their education due to a variety of challenges. Research has demonstrated the difficulty of balancing education and motherhood. We presented the argument based on the assumption that some girls did not receive sufficient parental and paternal support. Several girls who made an effort to return to school encountered an unsuitable educational setting. Moreover, the research revealed that specific school activities prohibited certain pregnant females from participating. One of the teachers noted that:

A pregnant girl does not participate in laborious practical lessons such as agriculture, woodwork, and building. They end up getting low marks in such subjects, leading to their failure.

Another teacher observed that:

Pregnant girls will sometimes be sleeping in the classroom as it will be their first time to experience such, and they will not be able to manage the situation.

It was further averred that:

Sometimes parents support their girls back to school. However, pregnant girls refuse to go to school to attend lessons, and they develop negative attitudes towards education.

The study revealed that pregnant and young mothers were likely to perform poorly in their school examinations. School authorities noted the need for significant support for these girls during their school years.

Although there is a sense of inadequate educational achievement, school authorities have provided feedback indicating that the re-entry programme has successfully reintegrated numerous young moms back into school. They believed that this was a beneficial development, particularly for rural regions where gender prejudices are prevalent. The school authority emphasized that enabling girls’ education through re-entry was critical to fulfilling the government’s responsibility to ensure universal access to basic education for all children. The following is a collection of comments from the school authorities:

I perceive that this programme lacks popularity in rural regions, while it is gradually receiving endorsement from certain parents and advocates for child protection. A gradual process of incorporating numerous girls into educational institutions is taking place.

The positive result is that the programme is well-received by adolescent females. While some individuals may feel humiliated, increased understanding empowers the girls and allows them to return to school. Although judgmental attitudes persist, the programme is being widely accepted. This would also enhance the government of Zimbabwe’s commitment to ensuring equitable access to education for all children.

Despite acknowledging the challenges, the school administrators revealed that the second-chance education programme significantly contributed to ensuring fair educational opportunities for every child.

Discussion of the findings

Despite the potential benefits of second-chance schooling, the research uncovered that pregnant and young mothers faced extremely difficult home and school settings. Researchers discovered that at home, children did not experience feelings of love from their parents and relatives. Becoming pregnant and delivering a baby entailed a significant change in duties and obligations. A notable aspect of this situation was that teenage mothers perceived a lack of support from their parents, who criticised them for their misconduct and lack of moral values. In addition to the inhospitable atmosphere, the research uncovered those expectant and adolescent mothers encountered social disapproval, prejudice, and seclusion inside the educational setting. The aforementioned research conducted in Africa on school second-chance education supports the findings of earlier studies. These studies revealed that parents held unfavourable ideas and attitudes towards the issue of teenage motherhood (Laiser & Muyinga, 2017; Nsalamba & Simpande, 2019). The Zimbabwean law amendment was critical in establishing the basis for re-entry. However, it revealed that pregnant and young mothers encountered unwelcoming attitudes both at home and in school. This study highlights the lack of inclusion of sociocultural perspectives, particularly those influenced by male dominance, in the legal framework concerning access to education. Consistent with previous research (Maluli & Bali, 2014; Mweemba et al., 2019), children perceived that leaving school in the face of an unfriendly social and cultural setting could provide them with psychological equilibrium.

Although certain parents expressed support for the notion of providing pregnant and teenage moms with an opportunity to re-enter school and get an education, it was disconcerting to discover that the parents, who play a crucial role in education, had unfavourable sentiments towards this concept. According to the results, parents expressed concern that providing pregnant and teenage moms with the opportunity to return to school could convey a negative message to other children. Parents regarded teenage pregnancies and motherhood as indicative of disgrace and humiliation for their family, as well as the propagation of immorality. These findings are also relevant to other investigations (Wanyama & Simatwa, 2011). These debates frequently centre on discussions regarding the ‘morality’ of extramarital pregnancy, which stem from personal viewpoints, experiences, and diverse interpretations of religious doctrines concerning sexual relations outside of marriage (Salvi, 2019; Wekesa, 2010). Human Rights Watch (HRW), 2018 reports that many African nations view the education of girls as a luxury, subject to revocation as a form of punishment if they become pregnant. It is reported that in many African nations, the education of girls is regarded as a luxury that can be revoked as a kind of punishment if they become pregnant (Human Rights Watch (HRW), 2018). Without parental assistance, the reintegration of pregnant girls or young moms into school can remain an unattainable goal. While acknowledging the potential for legal reform in Zimbabwe, it is important to recognize that the effectiveness of second-chance education, which aims to address gender inequalities, extends beyond the education system. It necessitates the eradication of entrenched gender stereotypes in society that hinder girls’ access to education in developing nations. According to the report, a growing number of parents and school teachers are recognising the importance of second-chance education in promoting gender equality, career advancement, and inclusive socio-economic progress. Prior research (Hudgins et al., 2014) indicates that certain parents are endorsing second-chance education as a means of revitalising their children’s careers.

In addition to social and cultural obstacles, the research uncovered those parents also viewed the matter of second-chance education as an escalating financial burden. From an economic standpoint, it was discovered that pregnancies and raising children incurred additional expenses beyond educational attainment. Many parents expressed that the fact that some daughters had gotten pregnant by men from low-income families made this situation worse. Consequently, the accountable males were unable to financially support pregnant or young moms. The literature acknowledges the correlation between education and economic aspects (e.g. Sperling et al., 2016; Ratusniak & Silva, 2024). In several nations, parents perceive marriage as a financially advantageous alternative to education, offering economic stability for their pregnant daughters (Girls Not Brides, 2019). According to Girls Not Brides (2019), parents, and occasionally even the girls themselves, may not view girls’ education as a worthwhile investment, making factors such as school accessibility and quality meaningless. This is especially evident in the rural regions of Zimbabwe, where households face significant challenges in obtaining essential human necessities. Zimbabwe responded to the request to change the Education Act, but families’ additional financial strain hindered the program’s execution. Research has additionally confirmed that economic difficulties have an impact on how parents perceive the re-entry of pregnant girls or young moms (Laiser & Muyinga, 2017). Impoverished parents perceive marriage as a more favourable choice and are unwilling to provide assistance for reenrollment in school (Salvi, 2019). Furthermore, parents view the pregnant girl child/young mother as an additional financial responsibility for the family, as they require additional care (Mushibwe, 2018). Ultimately, parents must consider the responsibility of either sending their children to school or having them contribute to home labour on a full-time basis while taking care of their children. This holds true in rural regions characterised by scarce resources and a high demand for family labour (Laiser & Muyinga, 2017).

Implication

The study findings have implications for the legal system that supports second-chance education for teenage mothers and pregnant teenagers. Although the legal structure lays the groundwork for implementing the program, these data indicate that there are still deficiencies in secondary education implementation, even among school administrators. The finding unequivocally showed that there was no coordinated effort to increase awareness and remove attitudinal barriers. The perceived rise in education costs is a result of a lack of a comprehensive approach to delivering second-chance education across multiple sectors. We should integrate the plan into existing social protection schemes that support vulnerable girls. This further underscores the importance of a sustainable educational finance model that takes into consideration the additional requirements of pregnant and parenting teenagers, in addition to covering the direct costs of school. Therefore, these findings have significant implications for the need to restructure and reform second-chance education in order to adequately address the specific needs of adolescent girls who are mothers or pregnant.

Limitation of the study findings

The lack of statistical comparisons to determine the prevalence of young mothers not being able to attend school, the small sample size of young mothers, and the absence of opinions from other important stakeholders, such as traditional leaders, significantly influenced the study’s findings.

Notwithstanding these constraints, the study discovered that although Zimbabwean legislation allows for the reintegration of young mothers (girls) into schools, the presence of an unsupportive community and school environment perpetuates and replicates inequities within the education system.

Conclusion and proposed framework for promoting re-integration of girls into schools

Although the Zimbabwean government responded to the demand for education access for pregnant girls who were previously excluded, as stated in the amendment to Section 4, Subsection 2b of the Education Act (Chapter 25:04), in 2020, the study’s results indicate that providing second-chance education for pregnant and teenage mothers still faces significant difficulties. As stated in the report, the primary concern revolves around parents or guardians’ eagerness to establish a conducive school and home environment to ensure the success of this initiative. While several parents acknowledge readmission as a solution to the progress of girls’ rights, other Zimbabwean parents perceive adolescent pregnancies and motherhood as a significant matter of ethics, disgrace, and humiliation. Pregnant and young moms encounter stigma, discrimination, insufficient support, and social isolation within the framework of these cultural hegemonic views. The study revealed that most parents prioritise the preservation of their social and cultural values over ensuring their daughters’ right to education.

This study revealed that successful implementation of school second-chance education necessitates more than just relying on legislative frameworks. A monolithic approach is not sufficient. According to feedback from young mothers, parents, and educators, cultural perceptions, a lack of a comprehensive approach in the legal system, and economic factors all have an impact on the success of second-chance education. In order to realise the idea of secondary education, it is necessary to provide practical assistance that goes beyond legal reforms in the education sector and extends to addressing detrimental social and gender norms. We propose that programmes and education systems should consider offering temporary alternate non-formal pathways to education for young mothers while simultaneously addressing long-term norms, attitudes, and support systems. This necessitates a comprehensive examination of broader social, cultural, and economic viewpoints. The following table, Table 3, presents the suggested framework for improving adolescent and young mothers’ enrollment and acceptability in Zimbabwe:

Table 3. Proposed model for improving second-chance education policy in Zimbabwe.

Focus	Key activities	Target	Expected outcome
Socio-cultural	Strengthen linkages between schools and homes to support re-entry Engagement in sensitization programme for parents and teachers to enhance awareness of schoolgirl mothers’ re-entry rights and to eliminate negative cultural attitudes	Parents Teachers Community leaders	Elimination of socio-cultural barriers
Legal	Design multi-sectoral education protocol for pregnant and young mothers The government should impose stiffer penalties on customary practices like patriarchal gender preference and early marriages that undermine re-entry Design and implement monitoring and evaluation framework for a second-chance education programme	All government ministries	Existence of robust and multi-sectoral policy framework
Economic	Include pregnant teenage mothers in social protection programme e.g. Harmonised Cash Transfers, Basic Education Assistance Module (BEAM) Support income generation projects for families with pregnant and teenage mothers	Teenage mothers Guardians Government Ministries	Economically empowered families to fund educational costs
Political	Support for extra educational budgets for pregnant and mother teenage mothers Intensify parliamentary debates on school ren-entry programme	Constituency representatives (members of parliament/councilors)	Increased political will to support second-chance education policy
Professional	Intensify professional and academic studies on a second-chance education programme	Educationist Allied professionals	Increased psychosocial scientific evidence

Source: Developed by Authors.

Focus for future study

Although the findings are significant, future research should prioritise doing a study with a substantial sample size, specifically examining the characteristics that can accurately predict the successful implementation of a second-chance education. Longitudinal analysis, rather than cross-sectional research, may be necessary to accurately observe patterns in school re-entry for young moms and pregnant teenagers. In addition, future research can also evaluate the effectiveness, efficiency, relevance, and sustainability of second-chance educational programme.

Acknowledgments

Staunch appreciation goes to the study participants for their time and commitment during the data collection process. We also extend our gratitude to the Ministry Primary and Education provincial offices for allowing us to interview school authorities.

Disclosure statement

There were no conflicts of interest expressed by the authors. It was solely supported by the researchers and well-wishers. Well-wishers who supported the researchers with transport, accommodation and ethical clearance facilitation.

Data availability statement

The transcribed data is available upon the request from corresponding author. The condition of clearance letter from Ministry of Primary and Secondary Education was that the data cannot shared on public domain unless is processed. Upon the request, the corresponding author can provide the data.

Additional information

Notes on contributors

Taruvinga Muzingili

Taruvinga Muzingili is a the lead researchers responsible for topic designing, methodological outline, data presentation, interpretation and analysis of data. As a lead researcher, he was responsible for writing the study methodology and data presentation section. He was also contact person for all stakeholders involved in the study. He was responsible for overall quality of the document including approval of literature review.

Willard Muntanga

Willard Muntanga he was a leader in the designing of data collection tools, collection of data in the field and transcribing of data (including translation from Tonga to English Language). He was also assisted the lead researchers in coming up with key themes of the findings in data presentation section.

Vongai E. Zvada

Vongai E. Zvada he was worked with lead researchers in designing the methodology of the study including the identification of appropriate data collection procedures. She was also part of data collection in the field and worked with the lead researchers in writing key sections of the paper such as background information and discussion of the findings. She contributed substantial in aligning key information in the study to ensure the paper is approved by all researchers.